133-466: John Bruton Fine Gael Bertie Ahern Fianna Fáil The 1997 Irish general election to the 28th Dáil was held on Friday, 6 June, following the dissolution of the 27th Dáil on 15 May by President Mary Robinson , on the request of Taoiseach John Bruton . The general election took place in 41 Dáil constituencies throughout Ireland for 166 seats in Dáil Éireann , the house of representatives of
266-510: A barrister from King's Inns , but never went on to practice law. Bruton was narrowly elected to Dáil Éireann in the 1969 general election , as a Fine Gael TD for Meath . At the age of 22, he was one of the youngest ever members of the Dáil at that time. He more than doubled his vote in the 1973 general election , which brought Fine Gael to power as part of the National Coalition with
399-733: A booming economy , improving social services and reforms such as the introduction of divorce. Despite this united front, each party fought its own campaign. Labour emphasised the number of campaign pledges it had managed to implement not only as part of the Rainbow government but also during its coalition with Fianna Fáil. Fianna Fáil under Bertie Ahern had been restructuring itself after its turbulent period under Charles Haughey and Albert Reynolds . The party's central office gained control of candidate selection and modernised its campaigning strategy, especially concerning vote management and controlling transfers under Ireland's PR electoral system. In addition,
532-486: A Councillor looking for money". But, in his own evidence to the tribunal in 2007, Dunlop himself said that he had not mentioned any figure of 250,000 to Bruton in his 1993 conversation with him. Bruton presided over the first official visit by a member of the British Royal Family since 1912, by Charles, Prince of Wales . His welcome speech was criticised in some newspapers as being too effusive but his assessment
665-741: A botched post office robbery in County Limerick , and another bomb explosion in Manchester . However, Bruton received widespread praise in the Republic for condemning the Royal Ulster Constabulary for yielding to loyalist threats at Drumcree by allowing members of the Orange Order to parade through a nationalist district. He stated that the RUC had been neither impartial nor consistent in applying
798-478: A bull's notion about social welfare". The Progressive Democrat's manifesto also called for the laying off of 25,000 public sector workers over five years, a proposal that was heavily criticised by the left-wing parties. In response, Fianna Fáil's leadership demanded a sit-down meeting with the Progressive Democrat leadership, and after the two parties publicly announced together that no layoffs would be made in
931-500: A cabinet reshuffle in February 1986, Bruton was appointed again as Minister for Finance. Although he was minister for finance, Bruton never presented his budget. The Labour Party withdrew from the government due to a disagreement over his budget proposals leading to the collapse of the government and another election. Following the 1987 general election Fine Gael suffered a heavy defeat. Garret FitzGerald resigned as leader immediately, and
1064-576: A challenge to his leadership in early 1994. However, a couple of by-election victories, and a good performance in the 1994 European elections , coupled with a disastrous showing by the Labour Party, shored up his position. In late 1994, the government of Fianna Fáil's Albert Reynolds collapsed. Bruton was able to persuade Labour to end its coalition with Fianna Fáil and enter a new coalition government with Fine Gael and Democratic Left. Bruton faced charges of hypocrisy for agreeing to enter government with
1197-528: A coalition which would include the libertarian Progressive Democrats , as well as Bruton's unwillingness to take Democratic Left into a prospective coalition. The Labour Party broke off talks with Fine Gael and opted to enter a new coalition with Fianna Fáil. It was a humiliating blow to Bruton, as the Labour Party was always seen as a natural ally of Fine Gael rather than Fianna Fáil. Fine Gael, and Bruton personally, continued to perform poorly in opinion polls throughout 1993 and early 1994, Bruton narrowly survived
1330-465: A compromise candidate. Lemass himself encouraged his Minister for Finance Jack Lynch , to contest the party leadership, and encouraged Colley, Haughey and Blaney to withdraw in favour of Lynch, arguing that they would not win a contest against him. However, Colley refused the Taoiseach's request and insisted on remaining in the race, but he was defeated by Lynch. Upon Lynch's election as Taoiseach, Haughey
1463-453: A constituency the concept of successor is an approximation for presentation only. The Dáil election was followed by the election to the 21st Seanad . John Bruton John Gerard Bruton (18 May 1947 – 6 February 2024) was an Irish Fine Gael politician who served as Taoiseach from 1994 to 1997 and Leader of Fine Gael from 1990 to 2001. He held cabinet positions between 1981 and 1987, including twice as minister for finance . He
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#17330929664351596-548: A decade; from the high point of the November 1982 general election when it achieved 70 seats in Dáil Éireann (only five seats short of Fianna Fáil's total). The party had lost a considerable number of seats over the following ten years. Following the inexperienced Dukes' disastrous period of leadership, Bruton's election was seen as offering Fine Gael a chance to rebuild under a far more politically experienced leader. However, Bruton's perceived right-wing persona and his rural background
1729-489: A dissolution of the Dáil, which was granted by the president. The minority Fianna Fáil government which followed only lasted until November 1982, when Fine Gael once again returned to power in a coalition government with the Labour Party, but when the new government was formed, Bruton was moved from Finance to become Minister for Industry and Energy . After a reconfiguration of government departments in 1983, Bruton became Minister for Industry, Trade, Commerce and Tourism . In
1862-462: A fairly minor portfolio at the time, but Haughey used the same imagination and skill he displayed in other positions to formulate innovative and far-reaching policies. Two years later in 1977, Fianna Fáil returned to power with a massive parliamentary majority in Dáil Éireann , having had a very populist campaign (spearhead by Colley and O'Malley) to abolish rates, vehicle tax and other extraordinary concessions, which were short-lived. Haughey returned to
1995-411: A former Flemish National Socialist and businessman, who allegedly used his contacts to buy the arms. After trial all the accused were acquitted but many refused to recognise the verdict of the courts. Although cleared of wrongdoing, it looked as if Haughey's political career was finished. Blaney and Boland eventually resigned from Fianna Fáil but Haughey remained. He spent his years on the backbenches –
2128-513: A general election in Ireland is five years, and thus the governing Rainbow Coalition of Fine Gael, the Labour Party and Democratic Left knew an election would have to be called in mid to late 1997. Fine Gael had wanted to wait until the autumn to call the election, but Labour were keen to fight their campaign in the summer. Anticipating the election, on 14 April 1997 during their annual party conference, Labour leader Dick Spring declared "I will not, in
2261-525: A leadership contest ensued between Alan Dukes , Peter Barry and Bruton himself. The exact result of the vote was not published. This was a blow to Bruton as the victor, Dukes, had been a TD for 12 years fewer than him. Bruton was on Fine Gael's right-wing, whereas Dukes was in FitzGerald's social democratic and liberal mould. Dukes was perceived to be a lacklustre leader, however, who alienated his party's TDs and Senators and made little progress in recovering
2394-567: A majority in the Dáil, went to Áras an Uachtaráin , to advise President Hillery to dissolve the Dáil and call a general election. However, the night the government collapsed the Fianna Fáil Front Bench issued a statement encouraging the President not to grant the dissolution and to allow Fianna Fáil to form a government. Phone calls were also made to the President by Brian Lenihan . Haughey, on attempting to contact his former colleague,
2527-401: A political point to oppose for opposition's sake. On the day of the vote, O'Malley spoke in the Dáil chamber and stated: But I do not believe that the interests of this State or our Constitution and of this Republic would be served by putting politics before conscience in regard to this ... I stand by the Republic and accordingly, I will not oppose this Bill. He abstained rather than vote with
2660-683: A position as an Adjunct Faculty Member in the School of Law and Government at Dublin City University . In November 2008, he received the Order of the Polar Star award from the Government of Sweden . His brother, Richard Bruton , is also a Fine Gael politician, and has served in a number of ministerial roles, most recently as Minister for Communications, Climate Action and Environment . On 29 October 2009, it
2793-468: A presence in the Dáil. The Socialist Party , a Trotskyist party which consisted of former members of the Labour Party expelled in 1989, won its first seat in Dublin West . Following the election, none of the major parties had a clear majority. Negotiations resulted in a Fianna Fáil–Progressive Democrats coalition taking office. Four Independent Teachta Dála (TDs) also supported the government ensuring
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#17330929664352926-485: A request that de Valera was required to grant by convention. Boland resigned in sympathy, while Mícheál Ó Móráin was sacked one day earlier in a preemptive strike to ensure a subservient Minister for Justice was in place when the crisis broke. Lynch chose government chief whip Desmond O'Malley for the role. Haughey and Blaney were subsequently tried in court along with an army Officer, Captain James Kelly , and Albert Luykx ,
3059-417: A second time. Haughey's second term was dominated by even more economic mismanagement, based on Haughey's policy of using government policy and money, in an effort to induce a sufficiently large share of the electorate to vote him his elusive 'overall majority' in the Dáil. With Haughey and his supporters taking a dangerously populist line in every area of policy, and refusing to address serious shortcomings in
3192-484: A third time when a report linked Haughey with the phone tapping of political journalists . In spite of huge pressure, Haughey refused to resign and survived yet another vote of no-confidence in early 1983, albeit with a smaller majority. Haughey's success was partly due to the death of the Fianna Fáil TD Clement Coughlan , a supporter of O'Malley. Haughey's supporters managed to have the meeting moved to
3325-532: A working majority. Bertie Ahern became the Taoiseach while Mary Harney of the Progressive Democrats became Tánaiste . The following changes took place as a result of the election: Outgoing TDs are listed in the constituency they contested in the election. For some, such as Kildare North , this differs from the constituency they represented in the outgoing Dáil. Where more than one change took place in
3458-399: A £1,000,000 debt. No reason was given for this. The Economist obituary on Haughey (24 June 2006) asserted that he had warned the bank "I can be a very troublesome adversary". FitzGerald's government lasted until January 1982, when it collapsed due to a controversial budget which proposed the application of Value Added Tax to children's shoes, previously exempt. FitzGerald, no longer having
3591-518: Is credited by some economists with starting the positive transformation of the economy in the late 1980s. However, his career was also marked by several major scandals. Haughey was implicated in the Arms Crisis of 1970, which nearly destroyed his career. His political reputation revived, his tenure as Taoiseach was then damaged by the sensational GUBU Affair in 1982; his party leadership was challenged four times, each time unsuccessfully, earning Haughey
3724-455: Is not, unfortunately, a very cheerful one. The figures which are just now becoming available to us show one thing very clearly. As a community we are living away beyond our means . I don't mean that everyone in the community is living too well, clearly many are not and have barely enough to get by, but taking us all together we have been living at a rate which is simply not justified by the amount of goods and services we are producing. To make up
3857-446: The 1966 presidential election . His interventions proved highly controversial. Fine Gael chose a comparatively young TD and barrister , Tom O'Higgins (nephew of Kevin O'Higgins ), to run against de Valera. By then, de Valera was 84 years old and almost totally blind. Haughey knew this might compare unfavourably to O'Higgins, whose campaign drew comparisons with the equally youthful US President John F. Kennedy , and launched what
3990-415: The 1979 energy crisis . Haughey effectively acted as his own Minister for Finance, ignoring the views of his Minister. One of his first functions as Taoiseach was a televised address to the nation – only the third such address in the Republic's history – in which he outlined the bleak economic picture: I wish to talk to you this evening about the state of the nation's affairs and the picture I have to paint
4123-483: The Attorney General Patrick Connolly was the subject of controversy when a man in his house was arrested for murder. At a press conference on the affair, Haughey was paraphrased as having described the affair as "grotesque, unbelievable, bizarre and unprecedented", from which journalist and former politician Conor Cruise O'Brien coined the term GUBU . Haughey's leadership came under scrutiny for
1997 Irish general election - Misplaced Pages Continue
4256-654: The Department of Finance on the day the budget was delivered in the Dail. Additionally, many years later Frank Dunlop made allegations before the planning tribunal that he had informed Bruton about demands for a £250,000 bribe made to him by a Fine Gael Dublin City Councillor , Tom Hand, to rezone the Quarryvale development. Dunlop testified that when he informed Bruton of the bribery attempts, Bruton replied, "There are no angels in
4389-776: The European Convention , which helped draft the proposed European Constitution . He was one of two National Parliament Representatives to sit on the 12-member Praesidium, which helped steer the European Convention. He was a member of the Comité d'Honneur of the Institute of International and European Affairs , along with Peter Sutherland and Bertie Ahern . He served as a vice-president of the European People's Party (EPP). He accepted an offer to become European Union Ambassador to
4522-618: The Local Defence Force during " The Emergency " in 1941 and considered a permanent career in the Army . He continued to serve in the reserve FCÁ force, until entering Dáil Éireann in 1957. On VE-day Haughey and other UCD students burnt the British Union Jack on College Green , outside Trinity College Dublin , in response to a perceived disrespect afforded the Irish tricolour among
4655-521: The Minister for Transport, Energy and Communication , Michael Lowry , resigned from the cabinet after allegations that he had not paid income tax on payments from the supermarket tycoon, Ben Dunne , for work he had done for him as a businessman prior to becoming a Minister. Phil Hogan , Minister of State at the Department of Finance , resigned on 9 February 1995 as a result of leaks of budget information from
4788-692: The Offences Against the State Act , an act originally intended for use against the IRA. 78 were arrested the following day, and 80 a day later as the dispute escalated. The general public was supportive of the farmers, who were not in a position to hold a strike to air their grievances, and who were clearly only posing a problem to the Minister, rather than the state. The farmers then began a national solidarity campaign, and even farmers who supported Fianna Fáil turned against
4921-639: The Oireachtas , under a revision in the Electoral (Amendment) Act 1995 . The two largest parties, Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil , increased both their vote totals and representation, while both the junior parties in the Dáil, the Labour Party and the Progressive Democrats , had disastrous campaigns that saw their representation in the Dáil slashed by 50% or greater. However, some of the other minor parties in
5054-675: The Parnells GAA Club in Donnycarney; he won a Dublin Senior Football Championship medal in 1945. Haughey studied commerce at University College Dublin (UCD), where he took a first-class Honours degree in 1946. It was at UCD that Haughey became increasingly interested in politics and was elected Auditor of the Commerce & Economics Society . He also met there one of his future political rivals, Garret FitzGerald . He joined
5187-567: The Stability and Growth Pact , which establishes macroeconomic parameters for countries participating in the single European currency, the euro . Bruton was the fifth Irish leader to address a joint session of the United States Congress on 11 September 1996, as the 30th head of state or government of an EU country to do so since 1945. Bruton's government suffered from some allegations of corruption, and political embarrassment. In 1996,
5320-627: The Stardust Disaster , where a fire destroyed a nightclub in Haughey's constituency and claimed the lives of 48 young people; these caused Haughey to delay the Ard Fheis and the election. The poll was eventually held in June , much later than Haughey wanted. In the hope of winning an overall Dáil majority, Haughey's campaign took a populist line with regard to taxation, spending and Northern Ireland. The campaign
5453-463: The cabinet , after an absence of seven years, as Minister for Health and Social Welfare . In this position he continued the progressive policies he had shown earlier by, among others, beginning the first government anti-smoking campaigns and legalising contraception, previously banned. In McGee v. The Attorney General (1973), the Supreme Court of Ireland had held that the use of contraception
1997 Irish general election - Misplaced Pages Continue
5586-622: The 100th anniversary of the signing of the Government of Ireland Act 1914 , Bruton said the 1916 Easter Rising was a mistake and an unjust war. Bruton supported the "No" campaign during the 2018 Irish referendum on abortion . Bruton died aged 76 on 6 February 2024 at the Mater Private Hospital in Dublin, having had cancer for some time. A state funeral was held on 10 February at St Peter's and St Paul's Church in Dunboyne. Bruton led
5719-463: The 27th Dáil. The Green Party won a second seat, with John Gormley elected in Dublin South-East . He was elected by just over 30 votes after a recount lasting four days saw Progressive Democrat Michael McDowell defeated. The loss of McDowell was particularly stinging to the Progressive Democrats as McDowell was their "chief ideologue". Sinn Féin won its first Dáil seat since 1957 , with
5852-837: The Adoption Act; the Succession Act, which protected the inheritance rights of wives and children; the Criminal Justice Act, which severely restricted the application of capital punishment; and the Extradition Act, which virtually prevented extradition for IRA offences. Haughey also introduced the Special Military Courts which helped to defeat the Irish Republican Army 's Border Campaign . In 1964, Lemass appointed Haughey as Minister for Agriculture . Criticism
5985-524: The Democratic Left, as Fine Gael campaigned in the 1992 general election on a promise not to enter government with the party. Nevertheless, on 15 December, aged 47, Bruton became the then youngest ever Taoiseach. This was the first time in the history of the state that a new government was installed without a general election being held. Bruton's politics were markedly different from most Irish leaders. Whereas most leaders had come from or identified with
6118-628: The Dáil saw improvements: for the first time in 75 years a Sinn Féin TD took their seat in the Dáil after Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin was elected, while the Green party added a second TD and the Socialist Party gained their first ever national representative in Joe Higgins . Following the election, the 28th Dáil met at Leinster House on 26 June to nominate the Taoiseach for appointment by the president and to approve
6251-678: The Dáil. By night he basked in the admiration of a fashionable audience in the Russell Hotel. There, or in Dublin's more expensive restaurants, the company included artists, musicians and entertainers, professionals, builders and business people. His companions, Lenihan and O'Malley, took mischievous delight in entertaining the Russell with tales of the Old Guard. O'Malley in turn entertained the company in Limerick's Brazen Head or Cruise's Hotel with accounts of
6384-656: The Labour Party vote. Not only did it lose seats it had picked up in the 1992 general election , when its vote was at an all-time high – such as in Clare and Laois–Offaly – but it also lost reasonably safe seats, such as in Dublin North , Dublin Central and Cork South-Central . Dick Spring would retire as leader of the Labour Party later that year, after further disappointment in the presidential election . Democratic Left also suffered, losing its two gains made in by-elections during
6517-506: The Labour Party. Bruton was appointed Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Industry and Commerce and the Minister for Education, in the National Coalition in 1973. He remained in office until 1977. In 1978, Bruton married Finola Gill; and they had four children. Following Fine Gael's defeat at the 1977 general election , the new leader, Garret FitzGerald , appointed Bruton to the front bench as Spokesperson on Agriculture. He
6650-486: The Minister for Justice , serving under his constituency colleague Oscar Traynor , appointed by the first government of his father-in-law Seán Lemass . It is unclear whether the choice was made by Lemass directly as Taoiseach , or by the cabinet against his wishes. Lemass had advised Haughey; As Taoiseach it is my duty to offer you the post of parliamentary secretary, and as your father-in-law I am advising you not to take it. Haughey ignored Lemass's advice and accepted
6783-586: The O'Higgins campaign. De Valera got a high media profile from a different source, the fiftieth-anniversary commemoration of the Easter Rising , of which he was the most senior survivor. While O'Higgins's campaign was ignored by RTÉ, de Valera appeared in RTÉ coverage of the Rising events regularly. To add further to de Valera's campaign, Haughey as Agriculture Minister arranged for milk price increases to be given to farmers on
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#17330929664356916-484: The Opposition from 1981 to 1982 and 1982 to 1987, Leader of Fianna Fáil from 1979 to 1992, Minister for Social Welfare and for Health from 1977 to 1979, Minister for Finance from 1966 to 1970, Minister for Agriculture from 1964 to 1966, Minister for Justice from 1961 to 1964 and Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Justice from 1959 to 1961. He served as a Teachta Dála (TD) from 1957 to 1992. Haughey
7049-404: The President, and on failing to be put through to him, was reported to have threatened the president's aide de camp by telling him that he would be Taoiseach one day and when that happened, "I intend to roast your fucking arse if you don't put me through immediately". Hillery considered such pressure to be gross misconduct, and granted the dissolution. A biography of Hillery blames Haughey for
7182-411: The Progressive Democrats had a disastrous election, maintaining its share of the vote, but winning only four seats compared to ten at the previous election, losing seats thought safe such as Cork North-Central and Dún Laoghaire . Although Fine Gael gained seats, it entered opposition due to seat losses of its government coalition colleagues. One of the main features of the election, was the collapse of
7315-528: The Special Branch made Leader of the Opposition Liam Cosgrave aware of the plot. Cosgrave told Lynch he knew of the plot and would announce it in the Dáil the next day if he didn't act. Lynch subsequently requested Haughey and Blaney to resign from the cabinet. Both men refused, saying they did nothing illegal. Lynch then asked President de Valera to dismiss Haughey and Blaney from the government,
7448-627: The United Kingdom. Many of Bruton's opponents considered him to be too willing to accommodate unionist demands and Albert Reynolds nicknamed him "John Unionist". However, he took a strongly critical position on the British Government 's reluctance to engage with Sinn Féin during the IRA 's 1994–1997 ceasefire. Bruton complained to a local radio reporter in Cork that "I am sick of answering questions about
7581-655: The United States , in the summer of 2004, and after resigning from the Dáil on 1 November 2004, he assumed that office. Bruton was praised by Ahern, who said Bruton had played "a pivotal role in developing Ireland's relations with the European Union." Bruton received an Honorary Doctorate from Memorial University of Newfoundland in 2003, and from the University of Missouri in 2009. He regularly lectured at national and international universities. In early 2004, he accepted
7714-420: The Workers' Party TD's and Tony Gregory withdrew their support for the government over a Fianna Fáil policy document called "The Way Forward", which would lead to massive spending cuts. Fianna Fáil lost the November 1982 election and FitzGerald once again returned as Taoiseach at the head of a Fine Gael-Labour coalition with a comfortable Dáil majority. Haughey found himself back in opposition. In August 1982,
7847-401: The aftermath of the next general election, come before you and recommend any form of coalition with either of the parties that make up the centre-right alternative, the Progressive Democrats or Fianna Fail", which ruled out the possibility of Labour being able to play kingmaker between possible coalition blocs. Both Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats were delighted by the decision to hold
7980-463: The appointment of a new government of Ireland . Bertie Ahern was appointed Taoiseach, forming the 25th government of Ireland , a minority coalition government of Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats. The election has been described by Irish Independent journalist Shane Coleman as a prelude to the "golden years" of the Celtic Tiger , and thus one of the most significant general elections in Irish history. The maximum amount of time between
8113-551: The architect James Gandon in the late 18th century and it became the Haughey family home, where he lived for the rest of his life. This marked the beginning of a long period when Haughey's spending was well beyond his apparent income level. For the rest of his life, Haughey would refuse to say where the extra money came from. He started his political career as a local councillor, being a member of Dublin Corporation from 1953 to 1955. Haughey's first attempt at election to Dáil Éireann came in June 1951, when he unsuccessfully contested
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#17330929664358246-420: The best and most reforming Taoiseach in the history of the state. Continued developments in the Northern Ireland peace process and his attitude to Anglo-Irish relations came to define Bruton's tenure as Taoiseach. In February 1995, he launched the Anglo-Irish 'Framework Document' with the British prime minister, John Major . This document outlined new proposed relations between Ireland, Northern Ireland and
8379-400: The bitter internal feuding that had dogged the party for decades was ended by Ahern's more unifying style of leadership. This leadership also allowed Fianna Fáil to run a very energetic campaign that emphasised Ahern's relative youth and enthusiasm, which distanced the party from scandals that had beset the party. Despite entering the election with polls suggesting they would overtake Labour as
8512-419: The border was agreed upon during the meeting with British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher , to enhance security co-operation. This was something highly unsavoury to many in Fianna Fáil . When Lynch returned he was questioned on this by a County Clare backbencher Bill Loughnane , along with Tom McEllistrim at a parliamentary party meeting. Lynch stated that the British did not have permission to overfly
8645-456: The border. Afterwards, Loughnane went public with the details of the meeting and accused Lynch of deliberately misleading the party. An attempt to remove the whip from Loughnane failed. At this stage, Lynch's position had become untenable, with supporters of Haughey and George Colley caucusing opinion within the party. In December 1979, Lynch announced his resignation as Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil . The leadership contest that resulted
8778-419: The campaign. Previous to the May 1997 United Kingdom general election , leader of Fine Gael John Bruton declared that if the IRA had not declared a ceasefire, then a vote for Sinn Féin would be a vote for violence. However, on 26 May, Labour leader and coalition partner Dick Spring stated that a vote for Sinn Féin in Northern Ireland would be a vote for peace. The opposition in the Dáil responded by declaring that
8911-569: The crowd in the Russell. On the wings of such tales Haughey's reputation spread. Haughey's status by 1961 was such that Leader of the Opposition James Dillon complimented him lavishly on the floor of the Dáil, remarking on his opponent's "skill with which he has had recourse to his brief," as well as his "extraordinary erudition" and "his exceptional and outstanding ability." When Traynor retired in 1961, Haughey succeeded him as Minister for Justice . As such, he initiated an extensive scale of legislative reforms. He introduced new legislation including
9044-510: The daughter of the Fianna Fáil Minister and future Taoiseach Seán Lemass , having been close to her since their days at UCD, where they first met. They had four children together: Eimear, Conor, Ciarán and Seán . After selling his house in Raheny in 1969, Haughey bought Abbeville and its estate of approximately 250 acres (100 ha), located at Kinsealy , north County Dublin . This historic house, once owned by Anglo-Irish politician John Beresford , had been extensively re-designed by
9177-523: The difference we have been borrowing enormous amounts of money, borrowing at a rate which just cannot continue. A few simple figures will make this very clear ... we will just have to reorganise government spending so that we can only undertake those things we can afford… While Haughey had identified the problem with the economy, his actions made the problem worse. He increased public spending, which soon became out of control, and led to increases in borrowing and taxation at an unacceptable level. By 1981, Haughey
9310-423: The disabled and tax exemptions for artists. They increased Haughey's populist appeal and his support from certain elements in the media and artistic community. As Minister for Finance, Haughey on two occasions arranged foreign currency loans for the government which he then arranged to be left on deposit in foreign countries ( Germany and the United States ), in the local currencies, instead of immediately changing
9443-404: The election in the summer instead of the autumn; Fianna Fáil in particular feared the release in October or November of the report by the McCracken Tribunal , which was investing allegations that Ben Dunne Jnr. had bribed members of Fianna Fáil and that they had aided him in tax evasion. The 1997 general election saw the public offered a choice of two possible coalitions. The existing government
9576-476: The election. Ahern justified this by saying it would send the wrong message to Unionists in Northern Ireland to add Sinn Féin to a coalition. The murder of journalist Veronica Guerin in June 1996 by drug lords in Dublin ensured that the subject of crime was a pressing one during the election. Although Fine Gael had traditionally been the "party of law and order" in Ireland, Fianna Fáil were able to seize on
9709-592: The eve of polling, as a way of reducing farmer disquiet after they had effectively become an opposition movement to the government. These tactics should have ensured an easy de Valera victory. Instead, O'Higgins came within less than one per cent of winning the vote, with de Valera re-elected by a narrow margin of ten thousand votes out of a total of nearly one million. De Valera came to distrust Haughey; Frank Aiken , Minister for Foreign Affairs under de Valera and his lifelong political confidant, dismissed Haughey's political motives as being entirely selfish, and believed he
9842-591: The family moved again to Donnycarney , a northern working-class suburb of Dublin, where Charles Haughey spent his youth. Haughey was educated by the Irish Christian Brothers at St Joseph's secondary school in Fairview , where one of his classmates was George Colley , subsequently his cabinet colleague and rival in Fianna Fáil . In his youth he was an active amateur sportsman, playing Gaelic football with
9975-524: The flags hung by the college in celebration of the Allied victory which ended World War II . Haughey qualified as a chartered accountant and also attended King's Inns . He was subsequently called to the Irish Bar . Shortly afterwards, he set up the accountancy firm of Haughey, Boland & Company with Harry Boland, son of Fianna Fáil Minister Gerald Boland . On 18 September 1951, he married Maureen Lemass ,
10108-469: The following government: Charles Haughey Charles James Haughey ( / ˈ h ɔː h i / ; HAW -hee 16 September 1925 – 13 June 2006) was an Irish Fianna Fáil politician who led four governments as Taoiseach : December 1979 to June 1981, March to December 1982, March 1987 to June 1989, and June 1989 to February 1992. He was also Minister for the Gaeltacht from 1987 to 1992, Leader of
10241-532: The following week after the funeral, which gave him more time to manoeuver. Having failed three times to oust Haughey, most of his critics gave up and returned to normal politics. In May 1984, the New Ireland Forum Report was published. Haughey was involved in the drafting of this at the time he was in office and had agreed to potential scenarios for improving the political situation of Northern Ireland. However, on publication, Haughey rejected it and said
10374-522: The fucking peace process", for which he later apologised. Bruton also established a working relationship with Gerry Adams of Sinn Féin , however, both were mutually distrustful of each other. The relationship became frayed following the ending of the ceasefire in 1996, resulting in a bomb explosion in London . These relations worsened when the IRA killed Jerry McCabe , a member of the Garda Síochána , in
10507-830: The general election . While living in Raheny, Haughey was first elected to the Dáil as a Fianna Fáil TD at the 1957 general election for the Dublin North-East constituency; it was his fourth attempt. Haughey was re-elected in every election until 1992, representing Dublin North-East from 1957 to 1977, Dublin Artane from 1977 to 1981, and Dublin North-Central from 1981 until his retirement in 1992 (moving constituencies in line with boundary changes). In 1959, Haughey obtained his first government position, that of Parliamentary Secretary to
10640-448: The giveaway concessions that had re-elected the government under Lynch, led to a succession race to succeed Lynch. As well as this a group of backbenchers began to lobby in support of Haughey. This group, known as the "gang of five", consisted of Jackie Fahey , Tom McEllistrim , Seán Doherty , Mark Killilea Jnr and Albert Reynolds . Haughey was also helped by the TD Síle de Valera , who
10773-439: The government was sending out mixed messaging about Sinn Féin and Northern Ireland. In late May/early June, Bernie Ahern began attacking Bruton on the topic of Northern Ireland, criticising Bruton for not being the leading voice of "Nationalist Ireland" and promising that he would take this mantle if elected Taoiseach. Simultaneously, Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams involved himself in the election by criticising Bruton's handling of
10906-493: The government. Despite this Haughey moved against O'Malley and in February 1985, O'Malley was charged with "conduct unbecoming". At a party meeting, even though O'Malley did not have the party whip, he was expelled from the Fianna Fáil organisation by 73 votes to 9 in a roll-call vote. With George Colley dead, O'Malley expelled and other critics silenced, Haughey was finally in full control of Fianna Fáil. O'Malley decided to form
11039-471: The government. Haughey, who did not rely on rural voters, was under intense pressure from fearful members of his own party to negotiate a deal and reduce the tension. It was Haughey's first alienation of a significant voting block, and probably damaged him electorally in later years as many farmers remembered the events, known in folk memory as the "Farmers' Strike". Haughey was appointed by Fianna Fáil to run President Éamon de Valera 's re-election campaign for
11172-426: The ground lost by Fine Gael in 1987. His Tallaght Strategy where he stated that he would support Fianna Fáil on economic reforms was also unpopular. The disastrous performance in the 1990 presidential election , in which the party finished in a humiliating and then unprecedented third in a national election, proved to be the final straw for the party and Dukes was forced to resign as leader shortly after. Bruton, who
11305-537: The independence movement Sinn Féin (in its 1917–22 phase), Bruton identified more with the more moderate Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) tradition that Sinn Féin had eclipsed at the 1918 general election . He hung a picture of IPP leader John Redmond , his political hero, on a wall in his office as Taoiseach, in preference to other figures such as Patrick Pearse . Bruton also kept a picture of former Fianna Fáil Taoiseach Seán Lemass , which had been hung there by Reynolds, and which Bruton kept because he viewed Lemass as
11438-461: The law. His outrage and criticism led to a tense atmosphere between London and Dublin . By the time of the 1997 general election , Sinn Féin stated that they would prefer a Fianna Fáil led government and the IRA resumed their ceasefire soon after Fine Gael lost the 1997 general election . He also presided over a successful Irish Presidency of the European Union in 1996, and helped finalise
11571-462: The loans to Irish pounds and depositing them in the exchequer. These actions were unconstitutional, because they effectively meant that the Minister for Finance was making a currency speculation against his own currency. When this was challenged by the Comptroller and Auditor General Eugene Francis Suttle , Haughey introduced a law to retrospectively legalise his actions. The debate was very short and
11704-455: The management of this fund. There was a general surprise when, in an incident known as the Arms Crisis , Haughey, along with Blaney, was sacked from Lynch's cabinet amid allegations of the use of the funds to import arms for use by the IRA . The Garda Special Branch informed the Minister for Justice Mícheál Ó Móráin and Taoiseach Jack Lynch that a plot to import arms existed and included government members, however Lynch took no action until
11837-449: The matter, despite having family links with Derry . Indeed, many presumed that he had a strong antipathy to physical force Irish republicanism ; during his period as Minister for Justice, he had followed a tough anti-IRA line, including using internment without trial against the IRA. The hawks in the cabinet were seen as Kevin Boland and Neil Blaney , both sons of founding fathers in
11970-453: The most senior position in the cabinet. In light of overwhelming economic realities, the government abandoned its election promises to cut taxes. The government collapsed unexpectedly on the night of 27 January 1982, when Bruton's budget was defeated in the Dáil. The previously supportive Independent Socialist TD Jim Kemmy , voted against the budget, which proposed among other things the introduction of VAT on children's shoes. FitzGerald sought
12103-410: The nickname "The Great Houdini ". Revelations about his role in a phone tapping scandal forced him to resign as Taoiseach and retire from politics in 1992. After Haughey's forced retirement, further revelations of political corruption , embezzlement , tax evasion and a 27-year extra-marital affair further tarnished his reputation and legacy. He died of prostate cancer in 2006, aged 80. He
12236-452: The offer. Although officially junior to Traynor, Haughey was the de facto minister, as Traynor, a minister in all Fianna Fáil governments since 1936, was elderly and in poor health, and only nominally running the department. Haughey came to epitomise the new style of politician – the "men in the mohair suits". He regularly socialised with other younger cabinet colleagues, such as Donogh O'Malley and Brian Lenihan . By day he impressed
12369-532: The only possible solution was a United Ireland. This statement was criticised by the other leaders who forged the New-Ireland Forum, John Hume , Garret FitzGerald and Dick Spring . Desmond O'Malley supported the Forum report and criticised Haughey's ambiguous position, accusing him of stifling debate. At a Fianna Fáil Parliamentary Party meeting to discuss the report, the whip was removed from O'Malley, which meant he
12502-447: The parliamentary support he needed to retain office. A Fianna Fáil–Progressive Democrat coalition led by Bertie Ahern entered office, with Bruton reverting to leadership of the opposition. Fine Gael became paralysed in opposition. Bruton was deposed from leadership in 2001, in favour of Michael Noonan , due in part to fears Fine Gael would suffer severe losses in the 2002 election . However, Noonan failed to live up to expectations and
12635-569: The party policy regarding Northern Ireland which called for the declaration of the British intent to withdraw from Northern Ireland. Lynch left for a trip to the United States on 7 November. On the same day the government lost two by-elections to Fine Gael in Cork and in Cork North-East . During the trip Lynch claimed in an interview with The Washington Post that a five-kilometer air corridor between
12768-421: The party suffered an even greater collapse than had been expected under Bruton. Having hoped to make gains on its seat count of 54, it only won 31. This not only tied Fine Gael's second-worst performance in an election but was 39 seats fewer than at its high point twenty years earlier in 1982. Bruton, a passionate supporter of European integration , was chosen as one of the two Irish Parliament Representatives to
12901-567: The party winning a seat in Cavan–Monaghan with the election of Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin . It also narrowly missed a seat in Kerry North . When Ó Caoláin took his seat in the Dáil, it was the first time since 1922 that a member of Sinn Féin had done so, having abandoned its policy of abstention with regard to the Dáil in 1986. Ó Caoláin's entry into the Dáil marked a major turning point in the history of Sinn Féin, which would continue thereafter to hold
13034-462: The party with strong Old IRA pasts. Blaney was also a TD for Donegal ; a staunchly Republican area which bordered Derry . They were opposed by those described as the "doves" of the cabinet; Tánaiste Erskine Childers , George Colley and Patrick Hillery . A fund of £100,000 was set up to give to the Nationalist people in the form of aid. Haughey, as Finance Minister would have a central role in
13167-574: The peace process. On 31 May, an active Provisional IRA landmine was discovered in Belfast, prompting Bruton to state he would "think very hard" before allowing any further contact between members of the government and Sinn Féin. Afterwards, the leader of the Democratic Left, Proinsias De Rossa , asked Ahern to clarify his "electoral support for Sinn Féin". Ahern denied he had ever lent support to Sinn Féin and went further by stating categorially he would rule Sinn Féin out of any possible coalition talks following
13300-463: The performance of the state, a growing minority in his own party were becoming increasingly concerned. The issue of his leadership cropped up again when in October the backbench TD, Charlie McCreevy , put down a motion of no-confidence in Haughey. Desmond O'Malley disagreed with the timing but supported the hasty motion of no confidence all the same. O'Malley resigned from the cabinet prior to the vote as he
13433-522: The post. Herman Van Rompuy , the Belgian Prime Minister , was appointed President of the European Council on 19 November 2009 and took office on 1 December 2009. On 21 May 2010, it was announced that he would be the chairman of the newly formed financial services body, IFSC Ireland. His main role was to promote Ireland as a location of choice for international financial services. Bruton
13566-516: The public sector without the consent of Irish trade unions. Harney also claimed her comments about unwed mothers had been misrepresented by the media. 1997 was a pivotal year politically across the island of Ireland as the Troubles drew to an end and progress towards the forthcoming Good Friday Agreement was being made. Inevitably, the issue of Sinn Féin's participation in the election and each party's policy on Northern Ireland came up repeatedly during
13699-532: The record shows no understanding of the issue by the Opposition Spokesperson for Finance, O'Higgins for Fine Gael and Tully for Labour. The legislation was passed on 26 November 1969. The late 1960s saw the old tensions boil over into an eruption of violence in Northern Ireland . Haughey was generally seen as coming from the pragmatist wing of the party, and was not believed to have strong opinions on
13832-467: The sex scandal rumours which almost destroyed the presidency of Hillery in 1979. After the February 1982 election , when Haughey failed to win an overall majority again, questions were raised about his leadership. Some of Haughey's critics in the party suggested that an alternative candidate should stand as the party's nominee for Taoiseach . Desmond O'Malley emerged as the likely alternative candidate and
13965-620: The subject of crime and declared they would have a "zero tolerance" approach to crime. Fianna Fáil Spokesperson on Crime, John O'Donoghue , was able to dictate the conversation and was also able, previous to the election, to convince the government to support his bill which gave greater powers to the Criminal Assets Bureau . Vote Share of different parties in the election. The outgoing Ceann Comhairle retired at this election. Independents include Independent Fianna Fáil (11,607 votes, 1 seat). Fianna Fáil increased its representation, but
14098-603: The third biggest party, and with Mary Harney as the most popular party leader, the Progressive Democrats struggled. Initially, it ran a presidential-style campaign that emphasized Harney. However, entering a pact with a resurgent Fianna Fáil meant it struggled to assert itself. In response, the PDs hastily published a manifesto — a move that backfired as it controversially called for single parent benefits to be cut in order to encourage single mothers to live with their parents. This drew fire from Pronsias De Rossa, who claimed Harney did "not have
14231-545: The vote was taken Haughey emerged as the victor by a margin of 44 votes to 38, a very clear division within the party. In a conciliatory gesture, Colley was re-appointed as Tánaiste and had a veto over whom Haughey would appoint as Ministers for Justice and for Defence. This was due to his distrust of Haughey on security issues (because of the Arms Crisis). However, he was removed from the important position of Minister for Finance. Nonetheless, on 11 December 1979, Charles Haughey
14364-437: The wilderness years – building support within the grassroots of the party; during this time, he remained loyal to the party and served the leader, but after the debacle of the "arms crises" neither man trusted the other. In 1975, Fianna Fáil was in opposition and Haughey had achieved enough grassroots support to warrant a recall to Jack Lynch 's opposition front bench. Haughey was appointed Spokesman on Health and Social Welfare,
14497-540: The world or in Fine Gael". Bruton vehemently denied this and Fine Gael counsel told the Planning Tribunal in 2003: "I refute entirely Mr Dunlop's contention that he advised me then of the alleged demand made to him by the late Tom Hand". However, following further evidence at the tribunal, Bruton returned to it in October 2007, and conceded that "it gradually came back to me", and that Dunlop, "did say to me something about
14630-472: Was Leader of the Opposition from 1990 to 1994 and 1997 to 2001. He served as a Teachta Dála (TD) for Meath from 1969 to 2004. During his term as Taoiseach, he led a Fine Gael– Labour – Democratic Left coalition, known as the Rainbow Coalition . After stepping down as a TD, he accepted an offer to become European Union Ambassador to the United States , serving from 2004 to 2009. John Gerard Bruton
14763-415: Was a coalition of Fine Gael, the Labour Party and Democratic Left – called the Rainbow Coalition , while the opposition "alternative coalition" consisted of Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats. The outgoing Rainbow parties campaigned to re-elect the coalition and thus emphasized the working relationship that they had developed, running with the slogan 'Partnership That Works'. They claimed credit for
14896-483: Was a two-horse race between Haughey and the Tánaiste , George Colley . Colley had the support of the entire cabinet, except for Michael O'Kennedy , and felt that this popularity would be reflected within the parliamentary party as a whole. Haughey on the other hand was distrusted by a number of his cabinet colleagues, but was much more respected by new backbenchers who were worried about the safety of their Dáil seats. When
15029-536: Was announced that he had written to the Ambassadors to the United States of the 27 members of the European Union expressing his interest in applying for the position of President of the European Council following the implementation of the Lisbon Treaty . Bruton was very much an outside shot for the position as EU leaders firmly indicated they want a chairman-style president rather than a high-profile figurehead to fill
15162-423: Was appointed Minister for Finance by Lynch, in a cabinet reshuffle, which indicated that Haughey's withdrawal was a gain at the expense of Colley. The inexpensive and socially inclusive initiatives that Haughey made caught the public imagination; these included popular decisions to introduce free travel on public transport for pensioners, subsidise electricity for pensioners, the granting of special tax concessions for
15295-653: Was born in Castlebar , County Mayo in 1925, the third of seven children, of Seán Haughey and Sarah McWilliams, both natives of Swatragh , County Londonderry . Haughey's father was in the Irish Republican Army during the Irish War of Independence , then in the National Army of the Irish Free State . Seán Haughey left the army in 1928 and the family moved to County Meath ; he subsequently developed multiple sclerosis and
15428-612: Was born to a wealthy, Catholic farming family in Dunboyne , County Meath, and educated at Clongowes Wood College . Oliver Coogan notes in his Politics and War in Meath 1913–23 that Bruton's grand-uncle was one of the farmers in south Meath who prevented the traditionally Anglo-Irish ascendency hunt from proceeding in the area during the Irish War of Independence . Bruton later went on to study at University College Dublin (UCD), where he received an honours Bachelor of Arts degree and qualified as
15561-517: Was elected Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil , almost a decade after the Arms Crisis set back his political career. In 2010, a founder of the Saatchi & Saatchi advertising firm, said that Haughey had asked for "a new image" similar to the one provided for Margaret Thatcher for the 1979 general election . When Haughey came to power, the country was sinking into a deep economic crisis, following
15694-571: Was enhanced and hyped up by a live debate on RTÉ between Haughey and the Leader of the Opposition Garret FitzGerald , of Fine Gael, over the major issues. On the day of the vote, Fianna Fáil won 45.5%, failing to secure a majority in the 166-seat Dáil. A Fine Gael – Labour Party coalition came to power, under FitzGerald and Haughey went into opposition. Within days of his becoming Taoiseach, Allied Irish Banks forgave Haughey £400,000 of
15827-451: Was first elected to Dáil Éireann as a Fianna Fáil TD in 1957 and was re-elected at every election until 1992, representing successively the Dublin North-East , Dublin Artane and Dublin North-Central constituencies. Haughey was the dominant Irish politician of his generation, as well as the most controversial. Upon entering government in the early 1960s, Haughey became the symbol of a new vanguard of Irish Ministers. As Taoiseach, he
15960-402: Was going to vote against Haughey. A campaign now started that was extremely vicious on the side of Haughey's supporters, with threats made to the careers of those who dissented from the leadership. After a marathon 15-hour party meeting, Haughey, who insisted on a roll-call as opposed to a secret ballot, won the open ballot by 58 votes to 22. Not long after this, Haughey's government collapsed when
16093-486: Was highly critical of Jack Lynch 's policy regards to Northern Ireland. In a speech at the Liam Lynch commemoration at Fermoy on 9 September, de Valera made a series of thinly veiled attacks on Lynch. Although Lynch quickly tried to impose party discipline, attempting to discipline her for opposing party policy at a parliamentary party meeting held at the 28 September, de Valera correctly pointed out that she had not opposed
16226-429: Was later promoted as Spokesperson for Finance, making a particularly effective speech in the Dáil in response to the budget of 1980. He played a prominent role in Fine Gael's campaign in the 1981 general election , which resulted in another coalition with the Labour Party , with FitzGerald as Taoiseach . Bruton received a personal vote in Meath of nearly 23%, and at the age of only 34 was appointed Minister for Finance ,
16359-464: Was motivated to hold power for its own sake and not duty. In 1966, the Taoiseach Seán Lemass retired. Haughey declared his candidature to succeed Lemass in the consequent leadership election , and George Colley and Neil Blaney did likewise. As this meant that there were three strong candidates who held strong and divisive views on the future of the party, the party elders sought to find
16492-593: Was no longer a Fianna Fáil TD. Ironically, when Haughey returned to power he embraced the Anglo-Irish Agreement that had developed from the New Ireland Forum Report. In early 1985, a bill was introduced by the Fine Gael–Labour government to liberalise the sale of contraceptives in the country. Fianna Fáil in opposition opposed the bill. O'Malley supported it as a matter of principle rather than
16625-491: Was protected by a right of marital privacy. Haughey was responsible for the introduction of the Health (Family Planning) Act 1979 which allowed a pharmacist to sell contraceptives on presentation of a medical prescription. Haughey called this bill " an Irish solution to an Irish problem ". It is often stated that the recipient of the prescription had to be married, but the legislation did not include this requirement. The fallout from
16758-733: Was ready to challenge Haughey for the leadership. However, on the day of the vote, O'Malley withdrew and Haughey went forward as the nominee. He engineered confidence and supply agreements with the Independent Socialist TD, Tony Gregory (in return for £100 million of investment in the Dublin North Inner City; a deal dubbed the Gregory Deal), the Independent Fianna Fáil TD Neil Blaney and three Workers' Party TDs, which saw him return as Taoiseach for
16891-525: Was seen as a political stroke. He insisted that it was beneath the presidency to actively campaign, meaning that de Valera would have a low profile. Therefore, in the interests of fairness, the media was asked to give O'Higgins an equally low profile, ignoring his speeches and publicity campaign. The print media, both nationally and locally, ignored Haughey's suggestion. But the state-run Raidió Teilifís Éireann , facing criticism from Lemass' government for being too radical in other areas, agreed and largely ignored
17024-410: Was still reasonably popular and decided to call a general election. However, the timing of the election was thwarted twice by external events, in particular the hunger strikes of IRA volunteers for political status. The Anti H-Block Committee announced that they would field abstentionist candidates which many predicted correctly would take Republican votes away from Fianna Fáil . This coincided with
17157-427: Was that the visit was helpful in improving Anglo-Irish relations. Following the murder of crime journalist Veronica Guerin , his government established the Criminal Assets Bureau . At the 1997 general election , Fine Gael won 54 seats, a gain of 9 seats. However, the Labour Party suffered considerable losses, falling from 32 seats to 17, while the Democratic Left also lost two seats. This left Bruton far short of
17290-471: Was the deputy leader of Fine Gael at the time, was unopposed in the ensuing leadership election. Whereas Dukes came from the social democratic wing of Fine Gael, Bruton came from the more conservative wing. However to the surprise of critics and of conservatives, in his first policy initiative, he called for a referendum on a Constitutional amendment permitting the enactment of legislation allowing for divorce in Ireland. Fine Gael had been in decline for nearly
17423-449: Was used against him by critics and particularly by the media. By the 1992 general election , the anti-Fianna Fáil mood in the country produced a major swing to the opposition, but that support went to the Labour Party, not Bruton's Fine Gael, which actually lost a further 10 seats. Even then, it initially appeared that Fine Gael was in a position to form a government. However, negotiations stalled in part from Labour's refusal to be part of
17556-632: Was voiced from the National Farmers Association (NFA) of the appointment of a non-rural person to the position, and there was increased antagonism from farmers towards the government. Haughey became embroiled in a series of controversies with the NFA and with another organisation, the Irish Creamery Milk Suppliers Association (ICMSA). Twenty-seven ICMSA picketers outside Leinster House , were arrested on 27 April 1966 under
17689-488: Was widely discussed as a candidate for the 2011 presidential election and was approached by Fine Gael with the opportunity to become their candidate; on 28 May 2011, however, Bruton issued a statement that he was "flattered" to be asked, but would not be a candidate for the presidency. From November 2011, Bruton acted as an advisor to Fair Observer focusing mainly on the areas of politics, finance and economics as well as on issues pertaining to Europe. In September 2014, on
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