105-451: Charles Haughey Fianna Fáil Garret FitzGerald Fine Gael The 1981 Irish general election to the 22nd Dáil was held on Thursday, 11 June, following the dissolution of the 21st Dáil on 21 May by President Patrick Hillery on the request of Taoiseach Charles Haughey . The general election took place in 41 Dáil constituencies throughout Ireland for 166 seats in Dáil Éireann ,
210-568: A Teachta Dála (TD) from 1957 to 1992. Haughey was first elected to Dáil Éireann as a Fianna Fáil TD in 1957 and was re-elected at every election until 1992, representing successively the Dublin North-East , Dublin Artane and Dublin North-Central constituencies. Haughey was the dominant Irish politician of his generation, as well as the most controversial. Upon entering government in
315-640: A 27-year extra-marital affair further tarnished his reputation and legacy. He died of prostate cancer in 2006, aged 80. He was born in Castlebar , County Mayo in 1925, the third of seven children, of Seán Haughey and Sarah McWilliams, both natives of Swatragh , County Londonderry . Haughey's father was in the Irish Republican Army during the Irish War of Independence , then in the National Army of
420-465: A compromise candidate. Lemass himself encouraged his Minister for Finance Jack Lynch , to contest the party leadership, and encouraged Colley, Haughey and Blaney to withdraw in favour of Lynch, arguing that they would not win a contest against him. However, Colley refused the Taoiseach's request and insisted on remaining in the race, but he was defeated by Lynch. Upon Lynch's election as Taoiseach, Haughey
525-483: A democratic politician who had in the past associated with paramilitaries , some have remarked that the meaning ' leader ' in 1937 made the title similar to the titles of fascist dictators of the time, such as Führer (for Adolf Hitler ), Duce (for Benito Mussolini ) and Caudillo (for Francisco Franco ). Tánaiste , in turn, refers to the system of tanistry , the Gaelic system of succession whereby
630-462: A fairly minor portfolio at the time, but Haughey used the same imagination and skill he displayed in other positions to formulate innovative and far-reaching policies. Two years later in 1977, Fianna Fáil returned to power with a massive parliamentary majority in Dáil Éireann , having had a very populist campaign (spearhead by Colley and O'Malley) to abolish rates, vehicle tax and other extraordinary concessions, which were short-lived. Haughey returned to
735-411: A former Flemish National Socialist and businessman, who allegedly used his contacts to buy the arms. After trial all the accused were acquitted but many refused to recognise the verdict of the courts. Although cleared of wrongdoing, it looked as if Haughey's political career was finished. Blaney and Boland eventually resigned from Fianna Fáil but Haughey remained. He spent his years on the backbenches –
840-489: A leader would appoint an heir apparent while still living. In Scottish Gaelic , tòiseach translates as ' clan chief' and both words originally had similar meanings in the Gaelic languages of Scotland and Ireland. The related Welsh language word tywysog (current meaning: 'prince') has a similar origin and meaning. It is hypothesised that both derive ultimately from the proto-Celtic * towissākos 'chieftain, leader'. The plural of taoiseach
945-614: A majority in the Dáil, went to Áras an Uachtaráin , to advise President Hillery to dissolve the Dáil and call a general election. However, the night the government collapsed the Fianna Fáil Front Bench issued a statement encouraging the President not to grant the dissolution and to allow Fianna Fáil to form a government. Phone calls were also made to the President by Brian Lenihan . Haughey, on attempting to contact his former colleague,
1050-461: A minority coalition government of Fine Gael and the Labour Party . The general election of 1981 was the first one of five during the 1980s. The election also saw three new leaders of the three main parties fight their first general election. Charles Haughey had become Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil at the end of 1979, Garret FitzGerald was the new leader of Fine Gael and Frank Cluskey
1155-567: A new political party and on 21 December 1985, Desmond O'Malley announced the formation of the Progressive Democrats . Several Fianna Fáil TDs joined including Mary Harney and Bobby Molloy . Taoiseach The Taoiseach ( / ˈ t iː ʃ ə x / ) is the head of government or prime minister of Ireland . The office is appointed by the President of Ireland upon the nomination of Dáil Éireann (the lower house of
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#17330928272111260-487: A planned rotation as part of the coalition agreement between Fianna Fáil , Fine Gael , and the Green Party . Varadkar held the post from December 2022 and Micheál Martin , TD held the post from June 2020 until December 2022 as part of that agreement. Varadkar tendered his resignation as Taoiseach to the President on 8 April 2024; he was succeeded by Simon Harris the next day after his Dáil election and appointment, becoming
1365-452: A political point to oppose for opposition's sake. On the day of the vote, O'Malley spoke in the Dáil chamber and stated: But I do not believe that the interests of this State or our Constitution and of this Republic would be served by putting politics before conscience in regard to this ... I stand by the Republic and accordingly, I will not oppose this Bill. He abstained rather than vote with
1470-485: A request that de Valera was required to grant by convention. Boland resigned in sympathy, while Mícheál Ó Móráin was sacked one day earlier in a preemptive strike to ensure a subservient Minister for Justice was in place when the crisis broke. Lynch chose government chief whip Desmond O'Malley for the role. Haughey and Blaney were subsequently tried in court along with an army Officer, Captain James Kelly , and Albert Luykx ,
1575-458: A result of sympathy to the Anti H-Block candidates and the attractive tax proposals of Fine Gael. It was the worst performance for Fianna Fáil in twenty years. Meanwhile, Labour Party leader Frank Cluskey lost his seat, necessitating a leadership change with Michael O'Leary succeeding Cluskey. A Fine Gael–Labour Party coalition government came to power. Fine Gael and the Labour Party formed
1680-536: A salary cut of 20% was based on the higher figure before the refused amount was deducted. The Taoiseach is also allowed an additional €118,981 in annual expenses. There is no official residence of the Taoiseach. In 2008, it was reported speculatively that the former Steward's Lodge at Farmleigh adjoining the Phoenix Park would become the official residence of the Taoiseach. However, no official statements were made nor any action taken. The house, which forms part of
1785-417: A second time. Haughey's second term was dominated by even more economic mismanagement, based on Haughey's policy of using government policy and money, in an effort to induce a sufficiently large share of the electorate to vote him his elusive 'overall majority' in the Dáil. With Haughey and his supporters taking a dangerously populist line in every area of policy, and refusing to address serious shortcomings in
1890-501: A successor. The Taoiseach nominates the remaining members of the Government , who are then, with the consent of the Dáil, appointed by the President. The Taoiseach may advise the President to dismiss cabinet ministers from office; which the President does not have discretion on. The Taoiseach is responsible for appointing eleven members of the sixty members of the Seanad . The Department of
1995-484: A third time when a report linked Haughey with the phone tapping of political journalists . In spite of huge pressure, Haughey refused to resign and survived yet another vote of no-confidence in early 1983, albeit with a smaller majority. Haughey's success was partly due to the death of the Fianna Fáil TD Clement Coughlan , a supporter of O'Malley. Haughey's supporters managed to have the meeting moved to
2100-399: A £1,000,000 debt. No reason was given for this. The Economist obituary on Haughey (24 June 2006) asserted that he had warned the bank "I can be a very troublesome adversary". FitzGerald's government lasted until January 1982, when it collapsed due to a controversial budget which proposed the application of Value Added Tax to children's shoes, previously exempt. FitzGerald, no longer having
2205-647: Is taoisigh ( Northern and Western Irish: [ˈt̪ˠiːʃiː] , Southern: [ˈt̪ˠiːʃɪɟ] ). Although the Irish form An Taoiseach is sometimes used in English instead of 'the Taoiseach', the English version of the Constitution states that they "shall be called … the Taoiseach". In 1937 when the draft Constitution of Ireland was being debated in the Dáil , Frank MacDermot , an opposition politician, moved an amendment to substitute "Prime Minister" for
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#17330928272112310-417: Is not used for the prime ministers of other countries, who are instead referred to in Irish by the generic term príomh-aire . The phrase an Taoiseach is sometimes used in an otherwise English-language context, and means the same as "the Taoiseach". The incumbent Taoiseach is Simon Harris , TD , leader of Fine Gael , who took office on 9 April 2024 following the resignation of Leo Varadkar and under
2415-455: Is not, unfortunately, a very cheerful one. The figures which are just now becoming available to us show one thing very clearly. As a community we are living away beyond our means . I don't mean that everyone in the community is living too well, clearly many are not and have barely enough to get by, but taking us all together we have been living at a rate which is simply not justified by the amount of goods and services we are producing. To make up
2520-500: Is the correct title. The words Taoiseach and Tánaiste (deputy prime minister) are both from the Irish language and of ancient origin. Though the Taoiseach is described in the Constitution of Ireland as "the head of the Government or Prime Minister", its literal translation is ' chieftain ' or ' leader ' . Although Éamon de Valera , who introduced the title in 1937, was
2625-446: The 1966 presidential election . His interventions proved highly controversial. Fine Gael chose a comparatively young TD and barrister , Tom O'Higgins (nephew of Kevin O'Higgins ), to run against de Valera. By then, de Valera was 84 years old and almost totally blind. Haughey knew this might compare unfavourably to O'Higgins, whose campaign drew comparisons with the equally youthful US President John F. Kennedy , and launched what
2730-415: The 1979 energy crisis . Haughey effectively acted as his own Minister for Finance, ignoring the views of his Minister. One of his first functions as Taoiseach was a televised address to the nation – only the third such address in the Republic's history – in which he outlined the bleak economic picture: I wish to talk to you this evening about the state of the nation's affairs and the picture I have to paint
2835-483: The Attorney General Patrick Connolly was the subject of controversy when a man in his house was arrested for murder. At a press conference on the affair, Haughey was paraphrased as having described the affair as "grotesque, unbelievable, bizarre and unprecedented", from which journalist and former politician Conor Cruise O'Brien coined the term GUBU . Haughey's leadership came under scrutiny for
2940-582: The Irish Free State . Seán Haughey left the army in 1928 and the family moved to County Meath ; he subsequently developed multiple sclerosis and the family moved again to Donnycarney , a northern working-class suburb of Dublin, where Charles Haughey spent his youth. Haughey was educated by the Irish Christian Brothers at St Joseph's secondary school in Fairview , where one of his classmates
3045-692: The Offences Against the State Act , an act originally intended for use against the IRA. 78 were arrested the following day, and 80 a day later as the dispute escalated. The general public was supportive of the farmers, who were not in a position to hold a strike to air their grievances, and who were clearly only posing a problem to the Minister, rather than the state. The farmers then began a national solidarity campaign, and even farmers who supported Fianna Fáil turned against
3150-455: The Oireachtas , Ireland's national legislature) and the office-holder must retain the support of a majority in the Dáil to remain in office. The Irish word taoiseach means "chief" or "leader", and was adopted in the 1937 Constitution of Ireland as the title of the "head of the Government or Prime Minister". It is the official title of the head of government in both English and Irish, and
3255-627: The Stardust Disaster , where a fire destroyed a nightclub in Haughey's constituency and claimed the lives of 48 young people; these caused Haughey to delay the Ard Fheis and the election. The poll was eventually held in June , much later than Haughey wanted. In the hope of winning an overall Dáil majority, Haughey's campaign took a populist line with regard to taxation, spending and Northern Ireland. The campaign
1981 Irish general election - Misplaced Pages Continue
3360-463: The cabinet , after an absence of seven years, as Minister for Health and Social Welfare . In this position he continued the progressive policies he had shown earlier by, among others, beginning the first government anti-smoking campaigns and legalising contraception, previously banned. In McGee v. The Attorney General (1973), the Supreme Court of Ireland had held that the use of contraception
3465-417: The 17th Government of Ireland, a minority coalition government, with Garret FitzGerald becoming Taoiseach. The following changes took place at this election: Where more than one change took place in a constituency the concept of successor is an approximation for presentation only. Where a number of related constituency changes took place in an area, such as Cork, the outgoing constituency for retiring TDs and
3570-774: The Adoption Act; the Succession Act, which protected the inheritance rights of wives and children; the Criminal Justice Act, which severely restricted the application of capital punishment; and the Extradition Act, which virtually prevented extradition for IRA offences. Haughey also introduced the Special Military Courts which helped to defeat the Irish Republican Army 's Border Campaign . In 1964, Lemass appointed Haughey as Minister for Agriculture . Criticism
3675-568: The British Union Jack on College Green , outside Trinity College Dublin , in response to a perceived disrespect afforded the Irish tricolour among the flags hung by the college in celebration of the Allied victory which ended World War II . Haughey qualified as a chartered accountant and also attended King's Inns . He was subsequently called to the Irish Bar . Shortly afterwards, he set up
3780-727: The Dáil. By night he basked in the admiration of a fashionable audience in the Russell Hotel. There, or in Dublin's more expensive restaurants, the company included artists, musicians and entertainers, professionals, builders and business people. His companions, Lenihan and O'Malley, took mischievous delight in entertaining the Russell with tales of the Old Guard. O'Malley in turn entertained the company in Limerick's Brazen Head or Cruise's Hotel with accounts of
3885-527: The Executive Council. In contrast, the Taoiseach created in 1937 possesses a much more powerful role. The holder of the position can both advise the President to dismiss ministers and dissolve Parliament on his own authority—advice that the President is almost always required to follow by convention. His role is greatly enhanced because, under the Constitution, he is both de jure and de facto chief executive. In most other parliamentary democracies,
3990-582: The Farmleigh estate acquired by the State in 1999 for €29.2 million, was renovated at a cost of nearly €600,000 in 2005 by the Office of Public Works . Former Taoiseach Bertie Ahern did not use it as a residence, but his successor Brian Cowen used it occasionally, as did later Taoisigh Enda Kenny and Leo Varadkar, who each paid €50 per night for the use of the house to avoid benefit-in-kind tax being levied on them for use of
4095-606: The Haddington Road Agreement in 2013. A proposed increase of €38,000 in 2007 was deferred when Brian Cowen became Taoiseach and in October 2008, the government announced a 10% salary cut for all ministers, including the Taoiseach. However this was a voluntary cut and the salaries remained nominally the same with both ministers and Taoiseach essentially refusing 10% of their salary. This caused controversy in December 2009 when
4200-486: The Minister for Justice , serving under his constituency colleague Oscar Traynor , appointed by the first government of his father-in-law Seán Lemass . It is unclear whether the choice was made by Lemass directly as Taoiseach , or by the cabinet against his wishes. Lemass had advised Haughey; As Taoiseach it is my duty to offer you the post of parliamentary secretary, and as your father-in-law I am advising you not to take it. Haughey ignored Lemass's advice and accepted
4305-586: The O'Higgins campaign. De Valera got a high media profile from a different source, the fiftieth-anniversary commemoration of the Easter Rising , of which he was the most senior survivor. While O'Higgins's campaign was ignored by RTÉ, de Valera appeared in RTÉ coverage of the Rising events regularly. To add further to de Valera's campaign, Haughey as Agriculture Minister arranged for milk price increases to be given to farmers on
1981 Irish general election - Misplaced Pages Continue
4410-404: The President, and on failing to be put through to him, was reported to have threatened the president's aide de camp by telling him that he would be Taoiseach one day and when that happened, "I intend to roast your fucking arse if you don't put me through immediately". Hillery considered such pressure to be gross misconduct, and granted the dissolution. A biography of Hillery blames Haughey for
4515-483: The Prime Minister. The President of the Executive Council, Éamon de Valera, gave the term's meaning as "chieftain" or "Captain". He said he was "not disposed" to support the proposed amendment and felt the word "Taoiseach" did not need to be changed. The proposed amendment was defeated on a vote and "Taoiseach" was included as the title ultimately adopted by plebiscite of the people . The modern position of Taoiseach
4620-528: The Special Branch made Leader of the Opposition Liam Cosgrave aware of the plot. Cosgrave told Lynch he knew of the plot and would announce it in the Dáil the next day if he didn't act. Lynch subsequently requested Haughey and Blaney to resign from the cabinet. Both men refused, saying they did nothing illegal. Lynch then asked President de Valera to dismiss Haughey and Blaney from the government,
4725-550: The Taoiseach is the government department which supports and advises the Taoiseach in carrying out their various duties. The Taoiseach is assisted by one or more Ministers of State at the Department of the Taoiseach , one of whom is the Government Chief Whip . Since 2013, the Taoiseach's annual salary is €185,350. It was cut from €214,187 to €200,000 when Enda Kenny took office, before being cut further to €185,350 under
4830-428: The Taoiseach has been the leader of the largest party in the coalition. One exception to this was John A. Costello , who was not the leader of his party, but an agreed choice to head the government, because the other parties refused to accept then Fine Gael leader Richard Mulcahy as Taoiseach. In 2011 Taoiseach Brian Cowen, resigned as party leader and was succeeded by Micheál Martin , but continued as Taoiseach until
4935-419: The Taoiseach loses the support of a majority in Dáil Éireann, they are not automatically removed from office. Instead, they are compelled either to resign or to persuade the President to dissolve the Dáil and call new elections. If the President "in his absolute discretion" refuses to grant a dissolution, this effectively forces the Taoiseach to resign. To date, no President has ever refused a dissolution, although
5040-520: The Workers' Party TD's and Tony Gregory withdrew their support for the government over a Fianna Fáil policy document called "The Way Forward", which would lead to massive spending cuts. Fianna Fáil lost the November 1982 election and FitzGerald once again returned as Taoiseach at the head of a Fine Gael-Labour coalition with a comfortable Dáil majority. Haughey found himself back in opposition. In August 1982,
5145-792: The accountancy firm of Haughey, Boland & Company with Harry Boland, son of Fianna Fáil Minister Gerald Boland . On 18 September 1951, he married Maureen Lemass , the daughter of the Fianna Fáil Minister and future Taoiseach Seán Lemass , having been close to her since their days at UCD, where they first met. They had four children together: Eimear, Conor, Ciarán and Seán . After selling his house in Raheny in 1969, Haughey bought Abbeville and its estate of approximately 250 acres (100 ha), located at Kinsealy , north County Dublin . This historic house, once owned by Anglo-Irish politician John Beresford , had been extensively re-designed by
5250-560: The allocation of new seats are approximations for presentation only. Outgoing TDs re-elected in a new constituency, with no related changes, are not recorded as a change The Dáil election was followed by an election to the 15th Seanad . Charles Haughey Charles James Haughey ( / ˈ h ɔː h i / ; HAW -hee 16 September 1925 – 13 June 2006) was an Irish Fianna Fáil politician who led four governments as Taoiseach : December 1979 to June 1981, March to December 1982, March 1987 to June 1989, and June 1989 to February 1992. He
5355-605: The architect James Gandon in the late 18th century and it became the Haughey family home, where he lived for the rest of his life. This marked the beginning of a long period when Haughey's spending was well beyond his apparent income level. For the rest of his life, Haughey would refuse to say where the extra money came from. He started his political career as a local councillor, being a member of Dublin Corporation from 1953 to 1955. Haughey's first attempt at election to Dáil Éireann came in June 1951, when he unsuccessfully contested
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#17330928272115460-522: The border was agreed upon during the meeting with British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher , to enhance security co-operation. This was something highly unsavoury to many in Fianna Fáil . When Lynch returned he was questioned on this by a County Clare backbencher Bill Loughnane , along with Tom McEllistrim at a parliamentary party meeting. Lynch stated that the British did not have permission to overfly
5565-456: The border. Afterwards, Loughnane went public with the details of the meeting and accused Lynch of deliberately misleading the party. An attempt to remove the whip from Loughnane failed. At this stage, Lynch's position had become untenable, with supporters of Haughey and George Colley caucusing opinion within the party. In December 1979, Lynch announced his resignation as Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil . The leadership contest that resulted
5670-635: The crowd in the Russell. On the wings of such tales Haughey's reputation spread. Haughey's status by 1961 was such that Leader of the Opposition James Dillon complimented him lavishly on the floor of the Dáil, remarking on his opponent's "skill with which he has had recourse to his brief," as well as his "extraordinary erudition" and "his exceptional and outstanding ability." When Traynor retired in 1961, Haughey succeeded him as Minister for Justice . As such, he initiated an extensive scale of legislative reforms. He introduced new legislation including
5775-523: The difference we have been borrowing enormous amounts of money, borrowing at a rate which just cannot continue. A few simple figures will make this very clear ... we will just have to reorganise government spending so that we can only undertake those things we can afford… While Haughey had identified the problem with the economy, his actions made the problem worse. He increased public spending, which soon became out of control, and led to increases in borrowing and taxation at an unacceptable level. By 1981, Haughey
5880-478: The disabled and tax exemptions for artists. They increased Haughey's populist appeal and his support from certain elements in the media and artistic community. As Minister for Finance, Haughey on two occasions arranged foreign currency loans for the government which he then arranged to be left on deposit in foreign countries ( Germany and the United States ), in the local currencies, instead of immediately changing
5985-468: The early 1960s, Haughey became the symbol of a new vanguard of Irish Ministers. As Taoiseach, he is credited by some economists with starting the positive transformation of the economy in the late 1980s. However, his career was also marked by several major scandals. Haughey was implicated in the Arms Crisis of 1970, which nearly destroyed his career. His political reputation revived, his tenure as Taoiseach
6090-592: The eve of polling, as a way of reducing farmer disquiet after they had effectively become an opposition movement to the government. These tactics should have ensured an easy de Valera victory. Instead, O'Higgins came within less than one per cent of winning the vote, with de Valera re-elected by a narrow margin of ten thousand votes out of a total of nearly one million. De Valera came to distrust Haughey; Frank Aiken , Minister for Foreign Affairs under de Valera and his lifelong political confidant, dismissed Haughey's political motives as being entirely selfish, and believed he
6195-532: The following week after the funeral, which gave him more time to manoeuver. Having failed three times to oust Haughey, most of his critics gave up and returned to normal politics. In May 1984, the New Ireland Forum Report was published. Haughey was involved in the drafting of this at the time he was in office and had agreed to potential scenarios for improving the political situation of Northern Ireland. However, on publication, Haughey rejected it and said
6300-422: The formation of a new government following a general election. Before the enactment of the 1937 Constitution , the head of government was the President of the Executive Council . This office was held by W. T. Cosgrave of Cumann na nGaedheal from 1922 to 1932, and by Éamon de Valera of Fianna Fáil from 1932 to 1937. By convention, Taoisigh are numbered to include Cosgrave; therefore, Micheál Martin
6405-666: The general election . While living in Raheny, Haughey was first elected to the Dáil as a Fianna Fáil TD at the 1957 general election for the Dublin North-East constituency; it was his fourth attempt. Haughey was re-elected in every election until 1992, representing Dublin North-East from 1957 to 1977, Dublin Artane from 1977 to 1981, and Dublin North-Central from 1981 until his retirement in 1992 (moving constituencies in line with boundary changes). In 1959, Haughey obtained his first government position, that of Parliamentary Secretary to
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#17330928272116510-448: The giveaway concessions that had re-elected the government under Lynch, led to a succession race to succeed Lynch. As well as this a group of backbenchers began to lobby in support of Haughey. This group, known as the "gang of five", consisted of Jackie Fahey , Tom McEllistrim , Seán Doherty , Mark Killilea Jnr and Albert Reynolds . Haughey was also helped by the TD Síle de Valera , who
6615-473: The government as a collective body, are in reality at the will of the Taoiseach. The Government almost always backs the Taoiseach in major decisions, and in many cases often merely formalises that decision at a subsequent meeting after it has already been announced. Nevertheless, the need for collective decision-making on paper acts as a safeguard against an unwise decision made by the Taoiseach. Generally, where there have been multi-party or coalition governments,
6720-544: The government. Despite this Haughey moved against O'Malley and in February 1985, O'Malley was charged with "conduct unbecoming". At a party meeting, even though O'Malley did not have the party whip, he was expelled from the Fianna Fáil organisation by 73 votes to 9 in a roll-call vote. With George Colley dead, O'Malley expelled and other critics silenced, Haughey was finally in full control of Fianna Fáil. O'Malley decided to form
6825-471: The government. Haughey, who did not rely on rural voters, was under intense pressure from fearful members of his own party to negotiate a deal and reduce the tension. It was Haughey's first alienation of a significant voting block, and probably damaged him electorally in later years as many farmers remembered the events, known in folk memory as the "Farmers' Strike". Haughey was appointed by Fianna Fáil to run President Éamon de Valera 's re-election campaign for
6930-402: The head of state is at least the nominal chief executive, while being bound by convention to act on the advice of the cabinet. In Ireland, however, executive power is explicitly vested in the Government, of which the Taoiseach is the leader. Since the Taoiseach is the head of government, and may remove ministers at will, many of the powers specified, in law or the constitution, to be exercised by
7035-478: The house as a grace and favour mansion. " Mór Chluana " ("More of Cloyne ") is a traditional air collected by Patrick Weston Joyce in 1873. "Amhrán Dóchais" ("Song of Hope") is a poem written by Osborn Bergin in 1913. John A. Costello chose the air as his musical salute . The salute is played by army bands on the arrival of the Taoiseach at state ceremonies. Though the salute is often called " Amhrán Dóchais ", Brian Ó Cuív argued " Mór Chluana "
7140-467: The house of representatives of the Oireachtas . The number of seats in the Dáil was increased by 18 from 148 under the Electoral (Amendment) Act 1980 . The 22nd Dáil met at Leinster House on 30 June to nominate the Taoiseach for appointment by the president and to approve the appointment of a new government of Ireland . Garret FitzGerald was appointed Taoiseach, forming the 17th government of Ireland ,
7245-462: The loans to Irish pounds and depositing them in the exchequer. These actions were unconstitutional, because they effectively meant that the Minister for Finance was making a currency speculation against his own currency. When this was challenged by the Comptroller and Auditor General Eugene Francis Suttle , Haughey introduced a law to retrospectively legalise his actions. The debate was very short and
7350-500: The management of this fund. There was a general surprise when, in an incident known as the Arms Crisis , Haughey, along with Blaney, was sacked from Lynch's cabinet amid allegations of the use of the funds to import arms for use by the IRA . The Garda Special Branch informed the Minister for Justice Mícheál Ó Móráin and Taoiseach Jack Lynch that a plot to import arms existed and included government members, however Lynch took no action until
7455-449: The matter, despite having family links with Derry . Indeed, many presumed that he had a strong antipathy to physical force Irish republicanism ; during his period as Minister for Justice, he had followed a tough anti-IRA line, including using internment without trial against the IRA. The hawks in the cabinet were seen as Kevin Boland and Neil Blaney , both sons of founding fathers in
7560-452: The offer. Although officially junior to Traynor, Haughey was the de facto minister, as Traynor, a minister in all Fianna Fáil governments since 1936, was elderly and in poor health, and only nominally running the department. Haughey came to epitomise the new style of politician – the "men in the mohair suits". He regularly socialised with other younger cabinet colleagues, such as Donogh O'Malley and Brian Lenihan . By day he impressed
7665-532: The only possible solution was a United Ireland. This statement was criticised by the other leaders who forged the New-Ireland Forum, John Hume , Garret FitzGerald and Dick Spring . Desmond O'Malley supported the Forum report and criticised Haughey's ambiguous position, accusing him of stifling debate. At a Fianna Fáil Parliamentary Party meeting to discuss the report, the whip was removed from O'Malley, which meant he
7770-415: The option to exercise this prerogative arose in 1944 and 1994, and twice in 1982. The Taoiseach may lose the support of Dáil Éireann by the passage of a vote of no confidence , or implicitly, through the failure of a vote of confidence. Alternatively, the Dáil may refuse supply . In the event of the Taoiseach's resignation, they continue to exercise the duties and functions of office until the appointment of
7875-456: The party had filtered out. The Anti H-Block movement fielded abstentionist candidates in solidarity with the hunger strikers, undermining the Republican credentials of Fianna Fáil. Fianna Fáil's manifesto promised more spending programmes and Fine Gael put forward a series of tax-cutting plans. Independents include Independent Fianna Fáil (13,546 votes, 1 seat). Fianna Fáil lost seats as
7980-575: The party policy regarding Northern Ireland which called for the declaration of the British intent to withdraw from Northern Ireland. Lynch left for a trip to the United States on 7 November. On the same day the government lost two by-elections to Fine Gael in Cork and in Cork North-East . During the trip Lynch claimed in an interview with The Washington Post that a five-kilometer air corridor between
8085-462: The party with strong Old IRA pasts. Blaney was also a TD for Donegal ; a staunchly Republican area which bordered Derry . They were opposed by those described as the "doves" of the cabinet; Tánaiste Erskine Childers , George Colley and Patrick Hillery . A fund of £100,000 was set up to give to the Nationalist people in the form of aid. Haughey, as Finance Minister would have a central role in
8190-413: The performance of the state, a growing minority in his own party were becoming increasingly concerned. The issue of his leadership cropped up again when in October the backbench TD, Charlie McCreevy , put down a motion of no-confidence in Haughey. Desmond O'Malley disagreed with the timing but supported the hasty motion of no confidence all the same. O'Malley resigned from the cabinet prior to the vote as he
8295-445: The proposed "Taoiseach" title in the English text of the Constitution. It was proposed to keep the "Taoiseach" title in the Irish language text. The proponent remarked: It seems to me to be mere make-believe to try to incorporate a word like "Taoiseach" in the English language. It would be pronounced wrongly by 99 percent of the people. I have already ascertained it is a very difficult word to pronounce correctly. That being so, even for
8400-532: The record shows no understanding of the issue by the Opposition Spokesperson for Finance, O'Higgins for Fine Gael and Tully for Labour. The legislation was passed on 26 November 1969. The late 1960s saw the old tensions boil over into an eruption of violence in Northern Ireland . Haughey was generally seen as coming from the pragmatist wing of the party, and was not believed to have strong opinions on
8505-494: The sake of the dignity of the Irish language, it would be more sensible that when speaking English we should be allowed to refer to the gentleman in question as the Prime Minister... It is just one more example of the sort of things that are being done here as if for the purpose of putting off the people in the North . No useful purpose of any kind can be served by compelling us, when speaking English, to refer to An Taoiseach rather than to
8610-467: The sex scandal rumours which almost destroyed the presidency of Hillery in 1979. After the February 1982 election , when Haughey failed to win an overall majority again, questions were raised about his leadership. Some of Haughey's critics in the party suggested that an alternative candidate should stand as the party's nominee for Taoiseach . Desmond O'Malley emerged as the likely alternative candidate and
8715-545: The vote was taken Haughey emerged as the victor by a margin of 44 votes to 38, a very clear division within the party. In a conciliatory gesture, Colley was re-appointed as Tánaiste and had a veto over whom Haughey would appoint as Ministers for Justice and for Defence. This was due to his distrust of Haughey on security issues (because of the Arms Crisis). However, he was removed from the important position of Minister for Finance. Nonetheless, on 11 December 1979, Charles Haughey
8820-437: The wilderness years – building support within the grassroots of the party; during this time, he remained loyal to the party and served the leader, but after the debacle of the "arms crises" neither man trusted the other. In 1975, Fianna Fáil was in opposition and Haughey had achieved enough grassroots support to warrant a recall to Jack Lynch 's opposition front bench. Haughey was appointed Spokesman on Health and Social Welfare,
8925-503: The youngest officeholder in state history. Under the Constitution of Ireland , the Taoiseach is nominated by a simple majority of the voting members of Dáil Éireann . They are then formally appointed to office by the President, who is required to appoint whomever the Dáil designates, without the option of declining to make the appointment. For this reason, the Taoiseach may, informally, be said to have been "elected" by Dáil Éireann. If
9030-638: Was George Colley , subsequently his cabinet colleague and rival in Fianna Fáil . In his youth he was an active amateur sportsman, playing Gaelic football with the Parnells GAA Club in Donnycarney; he won a Dublin Senior Football Championship medal in 1945. Haughey studied commerce at University College Dublin (UCD), where he took a first-class Honours degree in 1946. It was at UCD that Haughey became increasingly interested in politics and
9135-483: Was a two-horse race between Haughey and the Tánaiste , George Colley . Colley had the support of the entire cabinet, except for Michael O'Kennedy , and felt that this popularity would be reflected within the parliamentary party as a whole. Haughey on the other hand was distrusted by a number of his cabinet colleagues, but was much more respected by new backbenchers who were worried about the safety of their Dáil seats. When
9240-552: Was also Minister for the Gaeltacht from 1987 to 1992, Leader of the Opposition from 1981 to 1982 and 1982 to 1987, Leader of Fianna Fáil from 1979 to 1992, Minister for Social Welfare and for Health from 1977 to 1979, Minister for Finance from 1966 to 1970, Minister for Agriculture from 1964 to 1966, Minister for Justice from 1961 to 1964 and Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Justice from 1959 to 1961. He served as
9345-423: Was appointed Minister for Finance by Lynch, in a cabinet reshuffle, which indicated that Haughey's withdrawal was a gain at the expense of Colley. The inexpensive and socially inclusive initiatives that Haughey made caught the public imagination; these included popular decisions to introduce free travel on public transport for pensioners, subsidise electricity for pensioners, the granting of special tax concessions for
9450-517: Was elected Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil , almost a decade after the Arms Crisis set back his political career. In 2010, a founder of the Saatchi & Saatchi advertising firm, said that Haughey had asked for "a new image" similar to the one provided for Margaret Thatcher for the 1979 general election . When Haughey came to power, the country was sinking into a deep economic crisis, following
9555-557: Was elected Auditor of the Commerce & Economics Society . He also met there one of his future political rivals, Garret FitzGerald . He joined the Local Defence Force during " The Emergency " in 1941 and considered a permanent career in the Army . He continued to serve in the reserve FCÁ force, until entering Dáil Éireann in 1957. On VE-day Haughey and other UCD students burnt
9660-571: Was enhanced and hyped up by a live debate on RTÉ between Haughey and the Leader of the Opposition Garret FitzGerald , of Fine Gael, over the major issues. On the day of the vote, Fianna Fáil won 45.5%, failing to secure a majority in the 166-seat Dáil. A Fine Gael – Labour Party coalition came to power, under FitzGerald and Haughey went into opposition. Within days of his becoming Taoiseach, Allied Irish Banks forgave Haughey £400,000 of
9765-486: Was established by the 1937 Constitution of Ireland and is the most powerful role in Irish politics. The office replaced the position of President of the Executive Council of the 1922–1937 Irish Free State . The positions of Taoiseach and President of the Executive Council differed in certain fundamental respects. Under the Constitution of the Irish Free State , the latter was vested with considerably less power and
9870-402: Was going to vote against Haughey. A campaign now started that was extremely vicious on the side of Haughey's supporters, with threats made to the careers of those who dissented from the leadership. After a marathon 15-hour party meeting, Haughey, who insisted on a roll-call as opposed to a secret ballot, won the open ballot by 58 votes to 22. Not long after this, Haughey's government collapsed when
9975-486: Was highly critical of Jack Lynch 's policy regards to Northern Ireland. In a speech at the Liam Lynch commemoration at Fermoy on 9 September, de Valera made a series of thinly veiled attacks on Lynch. Although Lynch quickly tried to impose party discipline, attempting to discipline her for opposing party policy at a parliamentary party meeting held at the 28 September, de Valera correctly pointed out that she had not opposed
10080-574: Was largely just the chairman of the cabinet, the Executive Council . For example, the President of the Executive Council could not dismiss a fellow minister on his own authority. Instead, the Executive Council had to be disbanded and reformed entirely to remove a member. The President of the Executive Council also did not have the right to advise the Governor-General to dissolve Dáil Éireann on his own authority, that power belonging collectively to
10185-652: Was leading the Labour Party . Haughey and Fianna Fáil seemed extremely popular with the electorate in early 1981. He was expected to call the election at the time of the Fianna Fáil ardfheis on 14 February, but the Stardust fire caused the ardfheis to be postponed, and the Republican hunger strike in the Maze Prison began in March. By the dissolution in May, much of the earlier optimism in
10290-464: Was motivated to hold power for its own sake and not duty. In 1966, the Taoiseach Seán Lemass retired. Haughey declared his candidature to succeed Lemass in the consequent leadership election , and George Colley and Neil Blaney did likewise. As this meant that there were three strong candidates who held strong and divisive views on the future of the party, the party elders sought to find
10395-593: Was no longer a Fianna Fáil TD. Ironically, when Haughey returned to power he embraced the Anglo-Irish Agreement that had developed from the New Ireland Forum Report. In early 1985, a bill was introduced by the Fine Gael–Labour government to liberalise the sale of contraceptives in the country. Fianna Fáil in opposition opposed the bill. O'Malley supported it as a matter of principle rather than
10500-491: Was protected by a right of marital privacy. Haughey was responsible for the introduction of the Health (Family Planning) Act 1979 which allowed a pharmacist to sell contraceptives on presentation of a medical prescription. Haughey called this bill " an Irish solution to an Irish problem ". It is often stated that the recipient of the prescription had to be married, but the legislation did not include this requirement. The fallout from
10605-733: Was ready to challenge Haughey for the leadership. However, on the day of the vote, O'Malley withdrew and Haughey went forward as the nominee. He engineered confidence and supply agreements with the Independent Socialist TD, Tony Gregory (in return for £100 million of investment in the Dublin North Inner City; a deal dubbed the Gregory Deal), the Independent Fianna Fáil TD Neil Blaney and three Workers' Party TDs, which saw him return as Taoiseach for
10710-525: Was seen as a political stroke. He insisted that it was beneath the presidency to actively campaign, meaning that de Valera would have a low profile. Therefore, in the interests of fairness, the media was asked to give O'Higgins an equally low profile, ignoring his speeches and publicity campaign. The print media, both nationally and locally, ignored Haughey's suggestion. But the state-run Raidió Teilifís Éireann , facing criticism from Lemass' government for being too radical in other areas, agreed and largely ignored
10815-410: Was still reasonably popular and decided to call a general election. However, the timing of the election was thwarted twice by external events, in particular the hunger strikes of IRA volunteers for political status. The Anti H-Block Committee announced that they would field abstentionist candidates which many predicted correctly would take Republican votes away from Fianna Fáil . This coincided with
10920-427: Was then damaged by the sensational GUBU Affair in 1982; his party leadership was challenged four times, each time unsuccessfully, earning Haughey the nickname "The Great Houdini ". Revelations about his role in a phone tapping scandal forced him to resign as Taoiseach and retire from politics in 1992. After Haughey's forced retirement, further revelations of political corruption , embezzlement , tax evasion and
11025-632: Was voiced from the National Farmers Association (NFA) of the appointment of a non-rural person to the position, and there was increased antagonism from farmers towards the government. Haughey became embroiled in a series of controversies with the NFA and with another organisation, the Irish Creamery Milk Suppliers Association (ICMSA). Twenty-seven ICMSA picketers outside Leinster House , were arrested on 27 April 1966 under
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