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51-446: In the Quechua language , the prefix yana- means ”help,” while its suffix -ntin means “inclusive in nature, with implications of totality, spatial inclusion of one thing in another, or identification of two elements as members of the same category". Put together, yanantin has been translated as “the complement of difference.” However, according to some Andeans: Some scholars break down

102-772: A Quechua language. Although Quechua began expanding many centuries before the Incas , that previous expansion also meant that it was the primary language family within the Inca Empire. The Spanish also tolerated its use until the Peruvian struggle for independence in the 1780s. As a result, various Quechua languages are still widely spoken today, being co-official in many regions and the most spoken language lineage in Peru , after Spanish. The Quechua linguistic homeland may have been Central Peru. It has been speculated that it may have been used in

153-449: A child, you have your parents, but when you become older you no longer have your parents to see you, to recognize you. As an adult, your yanantin , your partner, is the person who is there to see what you don’t see in yourself, just as you are there to see in that person what he doesn’t see in himself. That is why it is easier to take care of another person than of yourself—because you are not supposed to take care of yourself! For that, there

204-1043: A fourth, a northern or Peruvian branch. The latter causes complications in the classification, however, as various dialects (e.g. Cajamarca–Cañaris , Pacaraos , and Yauyos ) have features of both Quechua I and Quechua II, and so are difficult to assign to either. Torero classifies them as the following: Willem Adelaar adheres to the Quechua I / Quechua II (central/peripheral) bifurcation. But, partially following later modifications by Torero, he reassigns part of Quechua II-A to Quechua I: Ancash (Huaylas–Conchucos) Alto Pativilca–Alto Marañón–Alto Huallaga Yaru Wanka (Jauja–Huanca) Yauyos–Chincha (Huangáscar–Topará) Pacaraos Lambayeque (Cañaris) Cajamarca Lincha Laraos Kichwa ("Ecuadorian" or Highlands and Oriente) Chachapoyas (Amazonas) Lamas (San Martín) Ayacucho Cusco Puno (Collao) Northern Bolivian (Apolo) Southern Bolivia Santiago del Estero Landerman (1991) does not believe

255-409: A morpheme whose primary purpose is to indicate the source of information. In Quechuan languages, evidentiality is a three-term system: there are three evidential morphemes that mark varying levels of source information. The markers can apply to first, second, and third persons. The chart below depicts an example of these morphemes from Wanka Quechua : The parentheses around the vowels indicate that

306-503: A partner, you are only half of a being. Alone, you are precious, you are unique, but you are only part. You are not whole yet. This is because when you are by yourself, you are either accumulating so much that it is overwhelming or you are draining yourself so much that you become weak. Because of that, you will feel fear or confused or lost. … you may know yourself, but you can never see yourself. For that you need another person. You need other eyes, another perspective to see that. When you are

357-535: A reference point, the overall degree of diversity across the family is a little less than that of the Romance or Germanic families, and more of the order of Slavic or Arabic . The greatest diversity is within Central Quechua, or Quechua I, which is believed to lie close to the homeland of the ancestral Proto-Quechua language. Alfredo Torero devised the traditional classification, the three divisions above, plus

408-464: A ritual, two handfuls are offered to each person, who receives them in two cupped hands. Platt (1986) wrote, “In all such cases, the pairing and the repetitions are explained as being yanantin ." In Yanantin and Masinitin in the Andean World , Hillary Webb notes that the relationship between entities or energies is the essential component within indigenous Andean worldview, involving, “the relationship,

459-402: A set of topic particles , and suffixes indicating who benefits from an action and the speaker's attitude toward it, but some varieties may lack some of the characteristics. Ñuqayku (exclusive) In Quechua, there are seven pronouns . First-person plural pronouns (equivalent to "we") may be inclusive or exclusive ; which mean, respectively, that the addressee ("you") is and is not part of

510-574: A significant influence on other native languages of the Americas, such as Mapuche . It is difficult to measure the number of Quechua speakers. The number of speakers given varies widely according to the sources. The total in Ethnologue 16 is 10 million, primarily based on figures published 1987–2002, but with a few dating from the 1960s. The figure for Imbabura Highland Quechua in Ethnologue , for example,

561-506: A standard orthography intended to be viable for all the different regional forms of Quechua that fall under the umbrella term Southern Quechua. It is a compromise of conservative features in the pronunciations of the various regions that speak forms of Southern Quechua. It has been accepted by many institutions in Peru and Bolivia and is also used on Misplaced Pages Quechua pages, and by Microsoft in its translations of software into Quechua. Here are some examples of regional spellings different from

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612-531: A true genetic classification is possible and divides Quechua II so that the family has four geographical–typological branches: Northern, North Peruvian, Central, and Southern. He includes Chachapoyas and Lamas in North Peruvian Quechua so Ecuadorian is synonymous with Northern Quechua. Quechua I (Central Quechua, Waywash ) is spoken in Peru's central highlands, from the Ancash Region to Huancayo . It

663-459: Is 300,000, an estimate from 1977. The missionary organization FEDEPI, on the other hand, estimated one million Imbabura dialect speakers (published 2006). Census figures are also problematic, due to under-reporting. The 2001 Ecuador census reports only 500,000 Quechua speakers, compared to the estimate in most linguistic sources of more than 2 million. The censuses of Peru (2007) and Bolivia (2001) are thought to be more reliable. Additionally, there

714-669: Is a progressive, used for an ongoing action (e.g., mikhuy 'to eat'; mikhuchkay 'to be eating'). Particles are indeclinable: they do not accept suffixes. They are relatively rare, but the most common are arí 'yes' and mana 'no', although mana can take some suffixes, such as -n / -m ( manan / manam ), -raq ( manaraq 'not yet') and -chu ( manachu? 'or not?'), to intensify the meaning. Other particles are yaw 'hey, hi', and certain loan words from Spanish, such as piru (from Spanish pero 'but') and sinuqa (from sino 'rather'). The Quechuan languages have three different morphemes that mark evidentiality . Evidentiality refers to

765-637: Is a secondary division in Quechua II between the grammatically simplified northern varieties of Ecuador, Quechua II-B, known there as Kichwa , and the generally more conservative varieties of the southern highlands, Quechua II-C, which include the old Inca capital of Cusco . The closeness is at least in part because of the influence of Cusco Quechua on the Ecuadorean varieties in the Inca Empire. Because Northern nobles were required to educate their children in Cusco, this

816-530: Is an indigenous language family that originated in central Peru and thereafter spread to other countries of the Andes . Derived from a common ancestral " Proto-Quechua " language, it is today the most widely spoken pre-Columbian language family of the Americas, with the number of speakers estimated at 8–10 million speakers in 2004, and just under 7 million from the most recent census data available up to 2011. Approximately 13.9% (3.7 million) of Peruvians speak

867-455: Is an unknown number of speakers in emigrant communities. There are significant differences among the varieties of Quechua spoken in the central Peruvian highlands and the peripheral varieties of Ecuador, as well as those of southern Peru and Bolivia. They can be labeled Quechua I (or Quechua B, central) and Quechua II (or Quechua A, peripheral). Within the two groups, there are few sharp boundaries, making them dialect continua . However, there

918-524: Is divergent, and appears to derive from a mix of dialects, including South Bolivian. The Argentinian dialects of Catamarca and La Rioja are extinct. The most salient distinction between Ayacucho Quechua and the others is that it lacks the aspirated (tʃʰ, pʰ, tʰ, kʰ, qʰ) and ejective (tʃʼ, pʼ, tʼ, kʼ, qʼ) series of stop consonants . The other varieties of Bolivia and Southern Peru taken together have been called Cusco–Collao Quechua (or "Qusqu–Qullaw"); they are not monolithic. For instance, Bolivian Quechua

969-619: Is morphologically distinct from Cusco and Ayacucho Quechua, while North Bolivian is phonologically quite conservative compared to both South Bolivian and Cusco so there is no bifurcation between Ayacucho and Cusco–Collao. Santiagueño also lacks the aspirated and ejective series, but it was a distinct development in Argentina. It also maintains remnants of the Quechua s–š distinction, which has otherwise been lost from Southern Quechua, which suggests other varieties of Quechua in its background. The Peruvian linguist Rodolfo Cerrón Palomino has devised

1020-540: Is paired or unpaired is an important distinction within the Andean cosmovision. Regina Harrison noted, “Quechua speakers persistently distinguish objects which are not well matched or ‘equal’. According to Platt, yanantin is the act of rendering equal two things that were once unequal—what he calls “the correction of inequalities." Likewise, some indigenous Andeans believe the following. … [U]npartnered people are missing an important part of them. They say that when you don’t have

1071-414: Is remembered). The infinitive forms have the suffix -y (e.g. ., much'a 'kiss'; much'a-y 'to kiss'). These are the endings for the indicative : -swan -waq-chik The suffixes shown in the table above usually indicate the subject ; the person of the object is also indicated by a suffix ( -a- for first person and -su- for second person), which precedes the suffixes in the table. In such cases,

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1122-451: Is striking that the adverb qhipa means both "behind" and "future" and ñawpa means "ahead, in front" and "past". Local and temporal concepts of adverbs in Quechua (as well as in Aymara ) are associated to each other reversely, compared to European languages. For the speakers of Quechua, we are moving backwards into the future (we cannot see it: it is unknown), facing the past (we can see it: it

1173-417: Is the most diverse branch of Quechua, to the extent that its divisions are commonly considered different languages. Quechua II (Peripheral Quechua, Wamp'una "Traveler") This is a sampling of words in several Quechuan languages: Southern Quechua Southern Quechua ( Quechua : Urin qichwa , Spanish : quechua sureño ), or simply Quechua ( Qichwa or Qhichwa ), is the most widely spoken of

1224-523: Is the other person. It has thus been implied that a perfect yanantin relationship is achieved when two energies are brought into harmony. Among the Macha, Platt explained, “The elements to be paired must first be ‘pared’ to achieve the ‘perfect fit.’ Here the crucial notion is that of the sharing of boundaries in order to create a harmonious co-existence." The Quechua word masintin is often used in tandem with yanantin , as in yanantin-masintin . This indicates

1275-427: Is used. Instead of "ĉ" (appearing in the Quechua varieties of Junín, Cajamarca, and Lambayeque), "ch" is used. The following letters are used in loanwords from Spanish and other languages (not from Aymara): b, d, e, f, g, o. The letters e and o are not used for native Quechua words because the corresponding sounds are simply allophones of i and u that appear predictably next to q, qh, and q'. This rule applies to

1326-750: The Chavín and Wari civilizations. Quechua had already expanded across wide ranges of the central Andes long before the expansion of the Inca Empire . The Inca were one among many peoples in present-day Peru who already spoke a form of Quechua, which in the Cuzco region particularly has been heavily influenced by Aymara , hence some of the characteristics that still distinguish the Cuzco form of Quechua today. Diverse Quechua regional dialects and languages had already developed in different areas, influenced by local languages, before

1377-585: The University of San Marcos , completed and defended the first thesis in the language group in 2019; it concerned the works of poet Andrés Alencastre Gutiérrez and it was also the first non-Spanish native language thesis done at that university. Currently, there are different initiatives that promote Quechua in the Andes and across the world: many universities offer Quechua classes, a community-based organization such as Elva Ambía 's Quechua Collective of New York promote

1428-431: The "we". Quechua also adds the suffix -kuna to the second and third person singular pronouns qam and pay to create the plural forms, qam-kuna and pay-kuna . Adjectives in Quechua are always placed before nouns. They lack gender and number and are not declined to agree with substantives . Noun roots accept suffixes that indicate person (defining of possession, not identity), number , and case . In general,

1479-570: The Americas. As a result of Inca expansion into Central Chile , there were bilingual Quechua- Mapudungu Mapuche in Central Chile at the time of the Spanish arrival . It has been argued that Mapuche, Quechua, and Spanish coexisted in Central Chile , with significant bilingualism, during the 17th century. Alongside Mapudungun, Quechua is the indigenous language that has influenced Chilean Spanish

1530-595: The Inca Empire expanded and further promoted Quechua as the official language of the Empire. After the Spanish conquest of Peru in the 16th century, Quechua continued to be used widely by the indigenous peoples as the "common language." It was officially recognized by the Spanish administration, and many Spaniards learned it in order to communicate with local peoples. The clergy of the Catholic Church adopted Quechua to use as

1581-467: The Latin American nations achieved independence in the 19th century, the prestige of Quechua had decreased sharply. Gradually its use declined so that it was spoken mostly by indigenous people in the more isolated and conservative rural areas. Nevertheless, in the 21st century, Quechua language speakers number roughly 7 million people across South America, more than any other indigenous language family in

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1632-401: The Macha of Bolivia. When drinks are served, the Macha pour a few drops on the ground as an offering, while at the same time speaking the name of the receiving divinity. This is done twice. “This is explained as being yanantin , for the conjugal pair”. When coca leaves (the most sacred plant of the Andes and an integral part of almost all indigenous ceremonies) are offered to a participant in

1683-469: The Quechua varieties spoken in the regions of Ayacucho , Cusco and Puno in Peru, in much of Bolivia and parts of north-west Argentina . The most widely spoken varieties are Cusco, Ayacucho, Puno (Collao), and South Bolivian. In the traditional classification of the Quechua language family by Alfredo Torero , Southern Quechua is equivalent to Torero's 'Quechua II c' (or just 'Q II c'). It thus stands in contrast to its many sister varieties within

1734-455: The alliance, the meeting, and the unity between two beings." Yanantin contrasts with chhulla , which refers to something that is unequal or odd—“one of things which should be twice." According to Vasquez (1998), the Quechua of Cajamarca say that something that is incomplete is referred to as chuya [alternate spelling], meaning “the one who is missing its other." Vasquez explained, ”In order to be whole, one has to pair up." Whether something

1785-557: The country. The major obstacle to the usage and teaching of Quechua languages is the lack of written materials, such as books, newspapers, software, and magazines. The Bible has been translated into Quechua and is distributed by certain missionary groups. Quechua, along with Aymara and minor indigenous languages, remains essentially a spoken language . In recent years, Quechua has been introduced in intercultural bilingual education (IBE) in Peru , Bolivia , and Ecuador . Even in these areas,

1836-460: The dialects is the basic criterion that defines Quechua not as a single language, but as a language family. The complex and progressive nature of how speech varies across the dialect continua makes it nearly impossible to differentiate discrete varieties; Ethnologue lists 45 varieties which are then divided into two groups; Central and Peripheral. Due to the non-intelligibility between the two groups, they are all classified as separate languages. As

1887-808: The governments are reaching only a part of the Quechua-speaking populations. Some indigenous people in each of the countries are having their children study in Spanish for social advancement. Radio Nacional del Perú broadcasts news and agrarian programs in Quechua for periods in the mornings. Quechua and Spanish are now heavily intermixed in much of the Andean region, with many hundreds of Spanish loanwords in Quechua. Similarly, Quechua phrases and words are commonly used by Spanish speakers. In southern rural Bolivia, for instance, many Quechua words such as wawa (infant), misi (cat), waska (strap or thrashing), are as commonly used as their Spanish counterparts, even in entirely Spanish-speaking areas. Quechua has also had

1938-625: The language of evangelization . The oldest written records of the language are by missionary Domingo de Santo Tomás , who arrived in Peru in 1538 and learned the language from 1540. He published his Grammatica o arte de la lengua general de los indios de los reynos del Perú (Grammar or Art of the General Language of the Indians of the Kingdoms of Peru) in 1560. Given its use by the Catholic missionaries,

1989-439: The language, and governments are training interpreters in Quechua to serve in healthcare, justice, and bureaucratic facilities. In 1975, Peru became the first country to recognize Quechua as one of its official languages. Ecuador conferred official status on the language in its 2006 constitution, and in 2009, Bolivia adopted a new constitution that recognized Quechua and several other indigenous languages as official languages of

2040-500: The major regional groupings of mutually intelligible dialects within the Quechua language family , with about 6.9 million speakers. Besides Guaraní it is the only indigenous language of America with more than 5 million speakers. The term Southern Quechua refers to the Quechuan varieties spoken in regions of the Andes south of a line roughly east–west between the cities of Huancayo and Huancavelica in central Peru . It includes

2091-548: The most. Quechua-Aymara and mixed Quechua-Aymara- Mapudungu toponymy can be found as far south as Osorno Province in Chile (latitude 41° S). In 2017 the first thesis defense done in Quechua in Europe was done by Peruvian Carmen Escalante Gutiérrez at Pablo de Olavide University ( Sevilla ). The same year Pablo Landeo wrote the first novel in Quechua without a Spanish translation. A Peruvian student, Roxana Quispe Collantes of

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2142-550: The official Quechua orthography for all varieties. Thus, the spellings ⟨qu⟩ and ⟨qi⟩ are pronounced [qo] and [qe]. The letters appear, however, in proper names or words adopted directly from Spanish: c, v, x, z; j (in Peru; in Bolivia, it is used instead of h). Quechua is an agglutinating language , meaning that words are built up from basic roots followed by several suffixes , each of which carry one meaning. Their large number of suffixes changes both

2193-425: The overall meaning of words and their subtle shades of meaning. All varieties of Quechua are very regular agglutinative languages, as opposed to isolating or fusional ones [Thompson]. Their normal sentence order is SOV ( subject–object–verb ). Notable grammatical features include bipersonal conjugation (verbs agree with both subject and object), evidentiality (indication of the source and veracity of knowledge),

2244-564: The personal suffix precedes that of number. In the Santiago del Estero variety, however, the order is reversed. From variety to variety, suffixes may change. Adverbs can be formed by adding -ta or, in some cases, -lla to an adjective: allin – allinta ("good – well"), utqay – utqaylla ("quick – quickly"). They are also formed by adding suffixes to demonstratives : chay ("that") – chaypi ("there"), kay ("this") – kayman ("hither"). There are several original adverbs. For Europeans, it

2295-465: The plural suffixes from the table ( -chik and -ku ) can be used to express the number of the object rather than the subject. Various suffixes are added to the stem to change the meaning. For example, -chi is a causative suffix and -ku is a reflexive suffix (example: wañuy 'to die'; wañuchiy 'to kill'; wañuchikuy 'to commit suicide'); -naku is used for mutual action (example: marq'ay 'to hug'; marq'anakuy 'to hug each other'), and -chka

2346-561: The process by which the yanantin pair becomes “pared” in Platt’s terms, or harmonized to achieve a perfect fit. Webb’s research participants described masintin as, “the process, the experience of that yanantin relationship.” Quechua languages Quechua ( / ˈ k ɛ tʃ u ə / , Spanish: [ˈketʃwa] ), also called Runa simi ( Quechua: [ˈɾʊna ˈsɪmɪ] , 'people's language') in Southern Quechua ,

2397-485: The range of Quechua continued to expand in some areas. In the late 18th century, colonial officials ended the administrative and religious use of Quechua. They banned it from public use in Peru after the Túpac Amaru II rebellion of indigenous peoples. The Crown banned "loyal" pro-Catholic texts in Quechua, such as Garcilaso de la Vega's Comentarios Reales . Despite a brief revival of the language immediately after

2448-435: The standard orthography: In Bolivia, the same standard is used except for "j", which is used instead of "h" for the sound [h] (like in Spanish ). The following letters are used for the inherited Quechua vocabulary and for loanwords from Aymara : a, ch, chh, ch', h, i, k, kh, k', l, ll, m, n, ñ, p, ph, p', q, qh, q', r, s, t, th, t', u, w, y. Instead of "sh" (appearing in the northern and central Quechua varieties), "s"

2499-569: The wider Quechuan family that are spoken in areas north of the Huancayo–Huancavelica line: Central Quechua (Torero's Q I ) spoken from Huancayo northwards to the Ancash Region ; North Peruvian Quechua around Cajamarca and Incahuasi (Torero's II a); and Kichwa (part of Torero's Quechua II b). Dialects are Ayacucho Quechua , Cusco Quechua , Puno Quechua ( Collao Quechua), North Bolivian Quechua (Apolo Quechua), and South Bolivian Quechua . Santiagueño Quechua in Argentina

2550-490: The word yanantin slightly differently, translating yana- as “black” in the sense of “dark” or “obscure,” and contrast it to “light” (rather than in the sense of “black” as opposed to “white”). Because the relationship of opposites as a harmonious partnership is considered the primary organizing principle of creation, yanantin infuses all aspects of social and spiritual life within the indigenous Andean worldview. Platt (1986) cited two examples of yanantin from his work with

2601-585: Was maintained as the prestige dialect in the north. Speakers from different points within any of the three regions can generally understand one another reasonably well. There are nonetheless significant local-level differences across each. ( Wanka Quechua , in particular, has several very distinctive characteristics that make the variety more challenging to understand, even for other Central Quechua speakers.) Speakers from different major regions, particularly Central or Southern Quechua, are not able to communicate effectively. The lack of mutual intelligibility among

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