93-548: Willis Allison Carto (July 17, 1926 – October 26, 2015) was an American far-right political activist. He described himself as a Jeffersonian and a populist , but was primarily known for his promotion of antisemitic conspiracy theories and Holocaust denial . Carto was known for the Liberty Lobby and successor racial extremist organizations which he helped create. Carto ran a group supporting segregationist George Wallace 's 1968 presidential campaign and reorganized
186-428: A Washington Post feature on conservative magazines, T.A. Frank noted: "From the perspective of a reader, these tensions make National Review as lively as it has been in a long time." As Trump announced his run for reelection in 2022 and throughout 2023, National Review editorialized regularly against him and his candidacy . A popular web version of the magazine, National Review Online ("N.R.O."), includes
279-403: A Communist spy in the 1930s and then turned intensely anti-Communist, became a senior editor. In the magazine's founding statement Buckley wrote: The launching of a conservative weekly journal of opinion in a country widely assumed to be a bastion of conservatism at first glance looks like a work of supererogation, rather like publishing a royalist weekly within the walls of Buckingham Palace. It
372-1029: A candidate for the 1996 elections . Carto's Liberty Lobby acquired the Sun Radio Network in December 1989, and attempted to use talk radio as a vehicle for espousing his views. It was eventually a financial failure. Liberty Lobby and American Free Press also sponsored the Radio Free America talk show. Carto also formed the Foundation to Defend the First Amendment, one of several nonprofits Carto used to spread money to like-minded individuals and groups. Carto's Liberty Lobby also published The Barnes Review from 1994. In 2004, Carto joined in signing David Duke 's New Orleans Protocol on behalf of American Free Press . The New Orleans Protocol sought to "mainstream our cause" by reducing internecine warfare. Carto
465-600: A conservative movement, which was increasingly embodied in Ronald Reagan . Reagan, a longtime subscriber to National Review , became politically prominent during Goldwater's campaign. National Review supported his challenge to President Gerald Ford in 1976 and his successful 1980 campaign. During the 1980s, National Review called for tax cuts, supply-side economics , the Strategic Defense Initiative , and support for President Reagan's foreign policy against
558-412: A demonic force that was on the verge of total control, requiring their urgent efforts to stop it. Therefore, they rejected pluralistic politics, with its compromise and consensus-building. Hofstadter thought that these characteristics were always present in a large minority of the population. Frequent waves of status displacement would continually bring it to the surface. D. J. Mulloy, however, noted that
651-598: A digital version of the magazine, with articles updated daily by National Review writers, and conservative blogs. The online version is called N.R.O. to distinguish it from the printed magazine. It also features free articles, though these deviate in content from its print magazine. The site's editor is Phillip Klein , who replaced Charles C. W. Cooke . Each day, the site posts new content consisting of conservative, libertarian, and neoconservative opinion articles, including some syndicated columns, and news features. It also features two blogs : Markos Moulitsas , who runs
744-742: A hierarchical structure which is paired with conspiratorial rhetoric alongside traditionalist and reactionary aspirations. The term was first used by social scientists in the 1950s regarding small groups such as the John Birch Society in the United States, and since then it has been applied to similar groups worldwide. The term "radical" was applied to the groups because they sought to make fundamental (hence " radical ") changes within institutions and remove persons and institutions that threatened their values or economic interests from political life. Among academics and social scientists there
837-456: A left-wing attack that was highly critical of American capitalists. By 1932 he had millions of regular listeners. He supported Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1932 and promoted the early New Deal . He broke with Roosevelt in 1935 on foreign policy. Coughlin then denounced the New Deal , which he claimed had accomplished little but instead had strengthened the position of the bankers. In 1934 he set up
930-460: A liberal commentator. Buckley's brother-in-law, L. Brent Bozell Jr. left and started the short-lived traditionalist Catholic magazine, Triumph in 1966. Buckley and Meyer promoted the idea of enlarging the boundaries of conservatism through fusionism , whereby different schools of conservatives, including libertarians , would work together to combat what were seen as their common opponents. Buckley and his editors used his magazine to define
1023-502: A local chapter and collected initiation fees, while the national office sold expensive white robes with masks. The organizers collected the money and moved on, leaving locals with weak leadership. Once the state leaders were exposed as frauds in the mid-1920s, the KKK collapsed rapidly. Organizers promised membership would be secret, and appealed to Anti-Catholicism as well as hostility to Jews and African Americans. Protestant fundamentalists were
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#17328772565941116-445: A lower commitment to democracy, instead having loyalty to groups, institutions and systems. However, some scholars reject Lipset and Raab's analysis. James Aho, for example, says that the way individuals join right-wing groups is no different from how they join other types of groups. They are influenced by recruiters and join because they believe the goals promoted by the group are of value to them and find personal value in belonging to
1209-589: A more militant approach to countering these perceived threats. A book written by Klaus Wah in the year 2000, The Radical Right , contrasts the radical right of the 1950s, which obtained influence during the Reagan administration, to the radical right of today, which has increasingly turned to violent acts beginning with the Oklahoma City bombing in 1995. Wahl's book documents this evolution: "Ideologies of [today's] radical right emphasize social and economic threats in
1302-669: A reaction among Americans, who were alarmed by the levels of crime and welfare dependency among the new arrivals, and the danger of political power in the hands of the Pope. This led to the organized Nativists and xenophobes . Nativists in New York formed the American Republican Party . It merged into the Know Nothings in the 1850s. The Know-Nothing activists and Irish Catholics fought a series of election-day confrontations especially in
1395-493: A ruthless prosecution of the ideological war along lines very similar to those it finds in the Communist enemy". He also quotes Barry Goldwater : "I would suggest that we analyze and copy the strategy of the enemy; theirs has worked and ours has not". American historian Rick Perlstein argues that radical right issues, including populism , nativism , and authoritarianism—embodied by conspiracy-minded right-wing movements, such as
1488-608: A significant proportion of other white Americans. Throughout modern history , conspiracism has been a major feature of the radical right and subject to numerous books and articles, the most famous of which is Richard Hofstadter's essay The Paranoid Style in American Politics (1964). Imaginary threats have variously been identified as originating from American Catholics , non-whites , women , homosexuals , secular humanists , Mormons , Jews , Muslims , Hindus , Buddhists , American communists , Freemasons , bankers , and
1581-421: A single phenomenon. Daniel Bell argues that the ideology of the radical right is "its readiness to jettison constitutional processes and to suspend liberties, to condone Communist methods in the fighting of Communism". Historian Richard Hofstadter agrees that communist-style methods are often emulated: "The John Birch Society emulates Communist cells and quasi-secret operation through 'front' groups, and preaches
1674-475: Is European in origin, has been adopted by some American social scientists. Since the European right-wing groups in existence immediately following the war had roots in fascism they were normally called "neo-fascist". However, as new right-wing groups emerged with no connection to historical fascism, the use of the term "right-wing extremism" came to be more widely used. Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard Weinberg argued that
1767-545: Is Yes – the White community is so entitled because, for the time being, it is the advanced race." By the 1970s National Review advocated colorblind policies and the end of affirmative action . In the late 1960s, the magazine denounced segregationist George Wallace , who ran in Democratic primaries in 1964 and 1972 and made an independent run for president in 1968. During the 1950s, Buckley had worked to remove anti-Semitism from
1860-569: Is an overarching belief in the existence of New World Order intent on instituting a one-world, communist government. Climate change being viewed as a hoax is also sometimes associated with the radical right. Since 2017, the QAnon conspiracy theory has been widely promulgated among fringe groups on the far-right. During the COVID-19 pandemic , far-right leaders and influencers have promoted anti-vaccination rhetoric and conspiracy theories surrounding
1953-512: Is commonly, but not exclusively used to describe anticommunist organizations such as the Christian Crusade and the John Birch Society ... [T]he term far right ... is the label most broadly used by scholars ... to describe militant white supremacists ." The study of the radical right began in the 1950s as social scientists attempted to explain McCarthyism , which was seen as a lapse from
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#17328772565942046-433: Is disagreement in the past over how right-wing political movement should be described, and no consensus over what the proper terminology should be exists, although the terminology which was developed in the 1950s, based on the use of the words "radical" or "extremist", is the most commonly used one. Other scholars simply prefer to call them "The Right" or " conservatives ", which is what they call themselves. The terminology
2139-462: Is not always the case. The main core belief is inequality, which often takes the form of opposition to immigration or racism. They do not see this new Right as having any connection with the historic Right, which had been concerned with protecting the status quo . They also see the cooperation of the American and European forms, and their mutual influence on each other, as evidence of their existence as
2232-491: Is not that of course; if National Review is superfluous, it is so for very different reasons: It stands athwart history, yelling Stop, at a time when no other is inclined to do so, or to have much patience with those who so urge it. As editors and contributors, Buckley sought out intellectuals who were ex-Communists or had once worked on the far left, including Whittaker Chambers, William Schlamm , John Dos Passos , Frank Meyer, and James Burnham. When James Burnham became one of
2325-542: Is used to describe a broad range of movements. The term "radical right" was coined by Seymour Martin Lipset and it was also included in a book titled The New American Right , which was published in 1955. The contributors to that book identified a conservative "responsible Right" as represented by the Republican administration of Dwight D. Eisenhower and a radical right that wished to change political and social life. Further to
2418-514: The Chicago Tribune and St. Louis Globe-Democrat . A few small-circulation conservative magazines, such as Human Events and The Freeman , preceded National Review in developing Cold War conservatism in the 1950s. In 1953, Russell Kirk published The Conservative Mind , which traced an intellectual bloodline from Edmund Burke to the Old Right in the early 1950s. This challenged
2511-554: The 1856 , with multiple injuries and a few deaths. The Know Nothing party split over the issue of slavery and its northern wing merged into the Republican Party in the late 1850s. Starting in the 1870s and continuing through the late 19th century, numerous white supremacist paramilitary groups operated in the South , with the goal of intimidating African-American supporters of the Republican Party . Examples of such groups included
2604-607: The American right was a largely unorganized collection of people who shared intertwining philosophies but had little opportunity for a united public voice. They wanted to marginalize the antiwar , noninterventionistic views of the Old Right . In 1953, moderate Republican Dwight D. Eisenhower was president, and many major magazines such as the Saturday Evening Post , Time , and Reader's Digest were strongly conservative and anticommunist, as were many newspapers including
2697-572: The Black Legion , Charles Coughlin , the Christian Front , and " birther " speculation — have had more influence on mainstream conservatism than William F. Buckley 's libertarian ideas of limited government , free trade and free market economics ; or neoconservative ideas like pro-immigration and empire-building. The American Patriots who spearheaded the American Revolution in
2790-510: The Democratic party ), based on sympathizers as well as active supporters of the " Proud Boys , Oath Keepers , QAnon etc.". He points to survey data of Republicans who answered "yes" to questions such as whether they had a "favorable opinion of the people who invaded the Capitol on Jan. 6 ", thought it likely that Donald Trump would "be reinstated as president before the end of 2021", and whether it
2883-679: The Household Finance Company . In 1955, Carto founded an organization called Liberty Lobby , which remained in operation under his control until 2001, when the organization was forced into bankruptcy as a result of a lawsuit . Liberty Lobby published The Spotlight newspaper between 1975 and 2001. Carto and several Spotlight staff members and writers subsequently founded a new newspaper called American Free Press . The paper includes articles from syndicated columnists who have no direct ties to Carto or his organizations. In 1966, Carto acquired control of The American Mercury via
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2976-970: The Institute for Historical Review , which promotes Holocaust denial . Willis Carto was born in Fort Wayne, Indiana . He served in the United States Army in the Philippines in World War II and earned the Purple Heart when he was shot in the shoulder by an enemy sniper. After leaving the military, he lived with his parents in Mansfield, Ohio . He studied law for a semester at the University of Cincinnati Law School . He later worked for Procter & Gamble and moved west to San Francisco, California where he worked for
3069-656: The Red Shirts and the White League . In the Midwestern United States in 1887, the American Protective Association (APA) was formed by Irish Protestants from Canada who wanted to fight against the political power of Irish Catholic politicians. It was a secret organization with vastly exaggerated membership claims whose members campaigned for Protestant candidates in local elections and it opposed
3162-515: The Soviet Union . The magazine criticized the welfare state and would support the welfare reform proposals of the 1990s. The magazine also regularly criticized President Bill Clinton . It first embraced and then rejected Pat Buchanan in his political campaigns. A lengthy 1996 National Review editorial called for a "movement toward" drug legalization. In 1985, National Review and Buckley were represented by attorney J. Daniel Mahoney during
3255-594: The U.S. government . Alexander Zaitchik , writing for the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC), credited cable news hosts, including Glenn Beck , Lou Dobbs , the John Birch Society , and WorldNetDaily with popularizing conspiracy theories. In the Fall 2010 issue of the SPLC's Intelligence Report , he identified the following as the top 10 conspiracy theories of the radical right: Common to most of these theories
3348-517: The liberal Daily Kos web-site, told reporters in August 2007 that he does not read conservative blogs, with the exception of those on N.R.O.: "I do like the blogs at the National Review —I do think their writers are the best in the [conservative] blogosphere," he said. The N.R.I. works in policy development and helping establish new advocates in the conservative movement. National Review Institute
3441-540: The "National Union for Social Justice", as a network of local clubs he would control. The National Union never flourished and it closed in 1936. Instead he endorsed the left-wing presidential campaign of William Lemke , who campaigned on the Union Party ticket, as a new third party. Lemke was also supported by Gerald L. K. Smith , head of the remnants of the Share Our Wealth movement and Dr. Francis Townsend , head of
3534-454: The "genocidal maniacs like Vice President Cheney and commentator Bill O'Reilly " in their support of the Bush administration's attack on Iraq , and warned that "now the crooks are prodding America to attack Iran ". His media outlets supported presidential candidate and congressman Ron Paul . Carto died on October 26, 2015, at the age of 89, reportedly from cardiac arrest . In February 2016, he
3627-485: The 1770s were motivated primarily by an ideology that historians call Republicanism . It stressed the dangers of aristocracy , as represented by the British government, corruption, and the need for every citizen to display civic virtue. When public affairs took a bad turn, Republicans were inclined to identify a conspiracy of evil forces as the cause. Against this background of fear of conspiracies against American liberties
3720-642: The 19th-century People's Party , commonly known as "Populists") was little more than an electoral vehicle for current and former Ku Klux Klan and Christian Identity members. Olympic athlete Bob Richards ( 1984 ), David Duke (a founder of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan and a future Louisiana state representative , 1988 ) and former Green Beret Bo Gritz ( 1992 ) were the Populist Party's only three presidential candidates. It folded before it could nominate
3813-521: The American audience. Later, Carto would define his ideology as Jeffersonian and populist rather than National Socialist, particularly in Carto's 1982 book, Profiles in Populism . That book presented sympathetic profiles of several United States political figures including Thomas Jefferson , Andrew Jackson , and Henry Ford , as well as Catholic priest Father Charles Coughlin , who used radio to support of
Willis Carto - Misplaced Pages Continue
3906-606: The American political tradition. A framework for description was developed primarily in Richard Hofstadter 's "The pseudo-conservative revolt" and Seymour Martin Lipset 's "The sources of the radical right". These essays, along with others by Daniel Bell , Talcott Parsons , Peter Viereck and Herbert Hyman , were included in The New American Right (1955). In 1963, following the rise of the John Birch Society,
3999-430: The American radical right have stressed American exceptionalism. The U.S. studies have paid attention to the consequences of slavery, the profusion of religious denominations and a history of immigration, and saw fascism as uniquely European. Although the term "radical right" was American in origin, the term has been consciously adopted by some European social scientists. Conversely the term "right-wing extremism", which
4092-506: The IHR against Mermelstein. The Von Esches also formally acknowledged that Jews had been gassed at Auschwitz and that millions of Jews had perished in German wartime camps . On September 19, 1991, the plaintiffs withdrew complaints of libel, conspiracy to inflict emotional distress and intentional infliction of emotional distress, following Los Angeles Superior Court Judge Stephen M. Lachs ' dismissal of
4185-738: The Klan in 1924. During the Great Depression in the United States there were several popular new movements. On the left the largest by far was Huey Long 's Share Our Wealth , which attacked capitalism and was expanding from its base in Louisiana when Long was assassinated. On the right the most important was Father Coughlin . Charles Coughlin (Father Coughlin) was a Catholic priest who immigrated from Canada to Detroit and began broadcasting on religious matters in 1926. When his program went national in 1930, he began to comment on political issues, promoting
4278-731: The Legion for the Survival of Freedom organization. It was published until 1980. Carto ran a group called "Youth for George Wallace" to aid the third party presidential campaign of George Wallace in 1968 . When the campaign failed, he converted what remained of the Youth for George Wallace organization into the National Youth Alliance . As National Chairman for the group, Carto recruited William Luther Pierce , who later became known for writing The Turner Diaries . Carto eventually lost control of
4371-548: The National Youth Alliance to Pierce who transformed it into the National Alliance , a white nationalist and white separatist political organization. On September 10, 1971, the conservative magazine National Review published a detailed critique of Carto's activities up to that point. It was titled "Liberty Lobby - Willis Carto and his Fronts". Carto founded the Institute for Historical Review in 1979. He
4464-599: The Republican Party's political strategy. Critics on the Left denied that McCarthyism could be interpreted as a mass movement and rejected the comparison with 19th-century populism. Others saw status politics, dispossession and other explanations as too vague. Two different approaches were taken by these social scientists. The American historian Richard Hofstadter wrote an analysis in his influential 1964 essay The Paranoid Style in American Politics . Hofstadter sought to identify
4557-526: The Republican nomination for president. After Trump's election to the presidency and through his administration, the National Review editorial board continued to criticize him. However, following Trump's 2016 electoral victory over Hillary Clinton , some National Review and National Review Online contributors took more varied positions on Trump. Hanson, for instance, supports him, while others, such as editor Ramesh Ponnuru and contributor Jonah Goldberg , have remained uniformly critical of Trump. In
4650-456: The United States, which he considered Jewish-controlled. Carto adopted Yockey's book Imperium: The Philosophy of History and Politics as his own guiding ideology, and he obtained a 15-minute interview with Yockey on June 10, 1960, while the latter was held in prison for passport fraud. Yockey committed suicide six days later on June 16. Scholars have asserted that Yockey would have probably been forgotten without Carto's marketing of Imperium to
4743-563: The authors were asked to re-examine their earlier essays and the revised essays were published in the book The Radical Right . Lipset, along with Earl Raab, traced the history of the radical right in The Politics of Unreason (1970). The central arguments of The Radical Right provoked criticism. Some on the Right thought that McCarthyism could be explained as a rational reaction to communism. Others thought McCarthyism should be explained as part of
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#17328772565944836-484: The boundaries of conservatism—and to exclude people or ideas or groups they considered unworthy of the conservative title. Therefore, they attacked the John Birch Society , George Wallace , and anti-Semites. Buckley's goal was to increase the respectability of the conservative movement; in 2004, current editor Rich Lowry , compiled various quotes of articles commenting on Buckley's retirement including from The Dallas Morning News : "Mr. Buckley's first great achievement
4929-514: The characteristics of the groups. Hofstadter defined politically paranoid individuals as feeling persecuted, fearing conspiracy, and acting over-aggressive yet socialized . Hofstadter and other scholars in the 1950s argued that the major left-wing movement of the 1890s, the Populists, showed what Hofstadter said was "paranoid delusions of conspiracy by the Money Power". Historians have also applied
5022-484: The conservative impulse and the reactionary impulse do not... express themselves in ideas but only... in irritable mental gestures which seek to resemble ideas. Buckley said that National Review "is out of place because, in its maturity, literate America rejected conservatism in favor of radical social experimentation... since ideas rule the world, the ideologues, having won over the intellectual class, simply walked in and started to... run just about everything. There never
5115-405: The conservative movement and barred holders of those views from working for National Review . In 1962, Buckley denounced Robert W. Welch Jr. and the John Birch Society as "far removed from common sense" and urged the Republican Party to purge itself of Welch's influence. After Goldwater was defeated by Lyndon Johnson in 1964, Buckley and National Review continued to champion the idea of
5208-579: The country against both foreign and domestic radicals. Fear of immigration led to a riot in New York City in 1806 between nativists and Irishmen, which led to increased calls by Federalists to nativism. In America, public outrage against privilege and aristocracy in the United States was expressed in the Northeast by advocates of anti-Masonry , the belief that Freemasonry comprised powerful evil secret elites which rejected republican values and were blocking
5301-579: The cumulative impact of The Nation and The New Republic , and a few other publications, on several American college generations during the twenties and thirties. On November 19, 1955, Buckley's magazine began to take shape. Buckley assembled an eclectic group of writers: traditionalists, Catholic intellectuals, libertarians, and ex-Communists. The group included Revilo P. Oliver , Russell Kirk , James Burnham , Frank Meyer , and Willmoore Kendall , and Catholics L. Brent Bozell and Garry Wills . The former Time editor Whittaker Chambers , who had been
5394-455: The editorial policy of the magazine and on the thinking of Buckley himself. National Review aimed to make conservative ideas respectable in an age when the dominant view of conservative thought was, as expressed by Columbia professor Lionel Trilling , [L]iberalism is not only the dominant but even the sole intellectual tradition. For it is the plain fact that nowadays there are no conservative or reactionary ideas in general circulation...
5487-440: The elites because immigrants brought socialism and radicalism, while for the masses the threat came from their Catholicism. The main elements are low democratic restraint, having more of a stake in the past than the present and laissez-faire economics. The emphasis is on preserving social rather than economic status. The main population attracted are lower-educated, lower-income and lower-occupational strata. They were seen as having
5580-523: The first Radical Right-style responses came in the 1790s. Some Federalists warned of an organized conspiracy involving Thomas Jefferson and his followers, and recent arrivals from Europe, alleging that they were agents of the French revolutionary agenda of violent radicalism, social equalitarianism and anti-Christian infidelity. The Federalists in 1798 acted by passing the Alien and Sedition Acts , designed to protect
5673-415: The first stage certain groups came under strain because of a loss or threatened loss of power and/or status. In the second stage they theorize about what has led to this threat. In the third stage they identify people and groups whom they consider to be responsible. A successful radical right-wing group would be able to combine the anxieties of both elites and masses. European immigration for example threatened
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#17328772565945766-737: The group into the National Youth Alliance , which promoted Francis Parker Yockey 's ideology. Carto helped found the Populist Party , which served as an electoral vehicle for white supremacist group and Ku Klux Klan members, such as David Duke in the 1988 presidential election and Christian Identity supporter Bo Gritz in 1992 . Carto ran the American Free Press newspaper which publishes antisemitic and racist books and features columns by Joe Sobran , James Traficant , Paul Craig Roberts , and others. The organization promotes 9/11 conspiracy theories . Carto's many other projects included
5859-417: The group. Several scholars, including Sara Diamond and Chip Berlet , reject the theory that membership in the radical right is driven by emotionality and irrationality and see them as similar to other political movements. John George and Laird Wilcox see the psychological claims in Lipset and Raab's approach as "dehumanizing" of members of the radical right. They claim that the same description of members of
5952-609: The hiring of Catholics for government jobs. The movement relied on forged documents and was rejected by mainstream Republicans. Anti-Catholicism was declining in America as the Catholics moved up the social ladder, and the APA quickly faded away in the mid-1890s. The Second Ku Klux Klan , was formed in 1915 but grew very slowly until the early 1920s. Then entrepreneurs took it over as a cash machine whereby well-paid state and local organizers formed
6045-532: The left-wing Townsend Old Age movement. In the election, however, Lemke received fewer than 900,000 votes. National Review Defunct Newspapers Journals TV channels Websites Other Economics Gun rights Identity politics Nativist Religion Watchdog groups Youth/student groups Miscellaneous Other National Review is an American conservative editorial magazine, focusing on news and commentary pieces on political, social, and cultural affairs. The magazine
6138-426: The magazine's $ 16 million libel suit against The Spotlight . Victor Davis Hanson , a regular contributor since 2001, sees a broad spectrum of conservative and anti- liberal contributors: In other words, a wide conservative spectrum— paleo-conservatives , neo-conservatives , tea-party enthusiasts, the deeply religious and the agnostic , both libertarians and social conservatives , free-marketeers and
6231-507: The main recruits, along with poorly educated men. The Klan organizers claimed that Catholics were controlled by the Pope. They supported prohibition and public schools. The Klan was anti-elitist and it also attacked "the intellectuals", seeing itself as the egalitarian defender of the common man. The Klan was denounced by the Republicans, but the Democrats split bitterly on a proposal to denounce
6324-494: The malicious prosecution portion of the case. After losing control of Noontide Press and the IHR in a hostile takeover by former associates, Carto started another publication, The Barnes Review , with the focus also on Holocaust denial. In 1984, Carto was involved in starting a new political party called the Populist Party . It quickly fell out of his hands in a hostile takeover by disgruntled former associates. Critics asserted that this Populist Party (not to be confused with
6417-510: The modern and postmodern world (e.g., globalization, immigration). The radical right also promises protection against such threats by an emphatic ethnic construction of 'we', the people, as a familiar, homogeneous in-group, anti-modern, or reactionary structures of family, society, an authoritarian state, nationalism , the discrimination, or exclusion of immigrants and other minorities ... While favoring traditional social and cultural structures (traditional family and gender roles, religion , etc.)
6510-521: The more protectionist —characterizes National Review . The common requisite is that they present their views as a critique of prevailing liberal orthodoxy but do so analytically and with decency and respect. The magazine has been described as "the bible of American conservatism ". In 2015, the magazine published an editorial titled "Against Trump", calling Donald Trump a "philosophically unmoored political opportunist" and announcing its adamant and uniform opposition to his presidential candidacy for
6603-412: The movement toward egalitarianism and reform. The anti-Masons, with a strong evangelical base, organized into a political party, the Anti-Masonic Party that pledged to rid Masons from public office. It was most active in 1828–1836. The Freemason movement was badly damaged and never fully recovered; the Anti-Mason movement merged into the coalition that became the new Whig Party . The anti-Masonry movement
6696-706: The next two years raising the $ 300,000 necessary to start their own weekly magazine, originally to be called National Weekly . (A magazine holding the trademark to the name prompted the change to National Review .) The statement of intentions read: Middle-of-the-Road, qua Middle of the Road, is politically, intellectually, and morally repugnant. We shall recommend policies for the simple reason that we consider them right (rather than "non-controversial"); and we consider them right because they are based on principles we deem right (rather than on popularity polls)... The New Deal revolution, for instance, could hardly have happened save for
6789-450: The notion among intellectuals that no coherent conservative tradition existed in the United States. A young William F. Buckley Jr. was greatly influenced by Kirk's concepts. Buckley had money; his father grew rich from oil fields in Mexico. He first tried to purchase Human Events , but was turned down. He then met Willi Schlamm , the experienced editor of The Freeman ; they would spend
6882-414: The original senior editors, he urged the adoption of a more pragmatic editorial position that would extend the influence of the magazine toward the political center. Smant (1991) finds that Burnham overcame sometimes heated opposition from other members of the editorial board (including Meyer, Schlamm, William Rickenbacker, and the magazine's publisher William A. Rusher ), and had a significant effect on both
6975-512: The pandemic . From the 1990s onward, parties that have been described as radical right became established in the legislatures of various democracies including Canada , Australia , Norway , France , Israel , Russia , Romania , and Chile , and they also entered coalition governments in Switzerland , Finland , Austria , the Netherlands , and Italy . However, there is little consensus about
7068-539: The paranoid category to other political movements, such as the conservative Constitutional Union Party of 1860. Hofstadter's approach was later applied to the rise of new right-wing groups, including the Christian right and the Patriot movement . Political scientist Gary Jacobson gives an estimate of the "size of the extremist vote" as a fraction of Republican Party voters (there being essentially no right-wing extremists in
7161-614: The policies of Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini . Far right in the United States Defunct Newspapers Journals TV channels Websites Other Economics Gun rights Identity politics Nativist Religion Watchdog groups Youth/student groups Miscellaneous Other In the politics of the United States , the radical right is a political preference that leans towards ultraconservatism , white nationalism , white supremacy , or other far-right ideologies in
7254-616: The radical right in the U.S. and right-wing populism in Europe were the same phenomenon that existed throughout the Western world. They identified the core attributes as contained in extremism, behaviour and beliefs. As extremists, they see no moral ambiguity and demonize the enemy, sometimes connecting them to conspiracy theories such as the New World Order. Given this worldview, there is a tendency to use methods outside democratic norms, although this
7347-462: The radical right is also true of many people within the political mainstream. Richard Hofstadter found a common thread in the radical right, from fear of the Illuminati in the late 18th century, to anti-Catholic and anti-Masonic movements in the 19th to McCarthyism and the John Birch Society in the 20th. They were conspiracist , Manichean, absolutist and paranoid. They saw history as a conspiracy by
7440-578: The radical right uses modern technologies and it does not ascribe to a specific economic policy; some parties advocate a liberal, free-market policy, but other parties advocate a welfare state policy. Finally, the radical right can be scaled by using different degrees of militancy and aggressiveness from right-wing populism to racism , terrorism , and totalitarianism ." Ultraright groups, as The Radical Right definition states, are normally called " far-right " groups, but they may also be called "radical right" groups. According to Clive Webb, "Radical right
7533-877: The reasons for this. Some of these parties had historic roots, such as the National Alliance , formed as the Italian Social Movement in 1946, the French National Front , founded in 1972, and the Freedom Party of Austria , an existing party that moved sharply to the right after 1986. Typically new right-wing parties, such as the French Poujadists , the U.S. Reform Party and the Dutch Pim Fortuyn List enjoyed short-lived prominence. The main support for these parties comes from both
7626-462: The right of the radical right, they identified themselves as the "ultraright", adherents of which advocated drastic change, but they only used violence against the state in extreme cases. In the decades since, the ultraright, while adopting the basic ideology of the 1950s radical right, has updated it to encompass what it sees as "threats" posed by the modern world . It has leveraged fear of those threats to draw new adherents, and to encourage support of
7719-541: The self-employed and skilled and unskilled labor, with support coming predominantly from males. However, scholars are divided on whether these parties are radical right, since they differ from the groups described in earlier studies of the radical right. They are more often described as populist. Studies of the radical right in the United States and right-wing populism in Europe have tended to be conducted independently, with very few comparisons made. European analyses have tended to use comparisons with fascism, while studies of
7812-575: The term "extremist" is often applied to groups outside the political mainstream and the term is dropped once these groups obtain respectability, using the Palestinian Liberation Organization as an example. The mainstream frequently ignores the commonality between itself and so-called extremist organizations. Also, the radical right appeals to views that are held by the mainstream: antielitism, individualism, and egalitarianism. Their views on religion, race, Americanism and guns are held by
7905-431: Was "definitely true" that "top Democrats are involved in elite child sex-trafficking rings ." Based on the results, which were stable over 2020–2022, he estimated that "20 to 25 percent of the Republican electorate can be considered extremists". Sociologists Lipset and Raab were focused on who joined these movements and how they evolved. They saw the development of radical right-wing groups as occurring in three stages. In
7998-629: Was also the founder of a publishing company called Noontide Press , which published books on white racialism , including Yockey's Imperium and David Hoggan 's The Myth of the Six Million , one of the first books to deny the Holocaust . Noontide Press later became closely associated with the IHR, and fell out of Carto's hands at the same time as the IHR did. The IHR and Carto were sued in 1981 by public interest attorney William John Cox on behalf of Auschwitz survivor Mel Mermelstein . In that case, which
8091-578: Was an age of conformity quite like this one, or a camaraderie quite like the Liberals.' National Review promoted Barry Goldwater heavily during the early 1960s. Buckley and others involved with the magazine took a major role in the "Draft Goldwater" movement in 1960 and the 1964 presidential campaign. National Review spread his vision of conservatism throughout the country. The early National Review faced occasional defections from both left and right. Garry Wills broke with National Review and became
8184-399: Was buried at Arlington National Cemetery (which the family had the right to request because he had earned a Purple Heart ). Far-right and white nationalist Pastor Thomas A. Robb presided at the funeral. Willis Carto was a devotee of the writings of Francis Parker Yockey , a far-rightist who heralded Adolf Hitler 's Third Reich as the "European Imperium" against both Bolshevism and
8277-595: Was featured as a guest on The Political Cesspool , which represents "a philosophy that is pro-White." He spoke at meetings conducted by "Pastor" Thomas Robb , a Ku Klux Klan leader and Christian Identity advocate, and in 2015 participated in the ground breaking ceremony for the Christian Revival Research and Development Center being built on Robb's compound in Arkansas , along with Edward Fields and Canadian white supremacist Paul Fromm . In 2007, Carto condemned
8370-432: Was founded by William F. Buckley Jr. in 1955. Its editor-in-chief is Rich Lowry , and its editor is Ramesh Ponnuru . Since its founding, the magazine has played a significant role in the development of conservatism in the United States , helping to define its boundaries and promoting fusionism while establishing itself as a leading voice on the American right . Before National Review ' s founding in 1955,
8463-452: Was not "radical"; it fully participated in democracy, and was animated by the belief that the Masons were the ones subverting democracy in America. While earlier accounts of the antimasons portrayed their supporters as mainly poor people, more recent scholarship has shown that they were largely middle-class. The arrival of large numbers of Irish Catholic immigrants in the 1830s and 1840s led to
8556-515: Was to eventually last eleven years, the court took " judicial notice of the fact that Jews were gassed to death at Auschwitz concentration camp in Poland during the summer of 1944." The court went on to state, "It is simply a fact." The law firm of Robert Von Esch, Jr., representing the defendants, settled with the plaintiff to remove themselves from the case by agreeing to pay $ 100,000 and an explicit apology for having filed an August 1986 libel suit by
8649-580: Was to purge the American right of its kooks. He marginalized the anti-Semites, the John Birchers, the nativists and their sort." In 1957, National Review editorialized in favor of white leadership in the South, arguing that "the central question that emerges... is whether the White community in the South is entitled to take such measures as are necessary to prevail, politically and culturally, in areas where it does not predominate numerically? The sobering answer
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