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Stephen Martin Walt (born July 2, 1955) is an American political scientist currently serving as the Robert and Renee Belfer Professor of international relations at the Harvard Kennedy School .

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82-505: A member of the realist school of international relations , Walt has made important contributions to the theory of neorealism and has authored the balance of threat theory. Books that he has authored or coauthored include Origins of Alliances , Revolution and War , and The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy . Walt was born in Los Alamos, New Mexico , where his father, a physicist, worked at Los Alamos National Laboratory . His mother

164-415: A "society of states" where common norms and interests allow for more order and stability than that which may be expected in a strict realist view. Prominent English School writer Hedley Bull 's 1977 classic, The Anarchical Society , is a key statement of this position. Prominent liberal realists: Neorealism derives from classical realism except that instead of human nature, its focus is predominantly on

246-708: A MA in political science in 1978 and a PhD in political science in 1983. Walt taught at Princeton University and the University of Chicago , where he served as master of the Social Science Collegiate Division and deputy dean of social sciences. As of 2015, he holds the Robert and Renee Belfer Professorship in International Affairs at the Harvard Kennedy School . Walt was elected a fellow in

328-548: A compromise and then sell it back home." Walt said in November 2013, "Americans often forget just how secure the United States is, especially compared with other states," thanks to its power, resources, and geography, and thus "routinely blows minor threats out of all proportion. I mean: Iran has a defense budget of about $ 10 billion... yet we manage to convince ourselves that Iran is a Very Serious Threat to US vital interests. Ditto

410-423: A continuous adoption of auxiliary propositions to explain away flaws, and lack of strong research findings. Against Vasquez, Stephen Walt argued that Vasquez overlooked the progressive power of realist theory. Kenneth Waltz claimed that Vasquez misunderstood Lakatos. The mainstream version of realism is criticized for abstract theorizing at the expense of historical detail and for a non-consensus foundation of

492-407: A formal discipline in international relations did not arrive until World War II , its primary assumptions have been expressed in earlier writings. Realists trace the history of their ideas back to classical antiquity , beginning with Thucydides ( fl. 5th century BCE). Historian Jean Bethke Elshtain traces the historiography of realism: Modern realism began as a serious field of research in

574-424: A gradual influence of both democracy and democratic difference on wars and militarized interstate disputes. A realist government may not consider it in its interest to start a war for little gain, so realism does not necessarily mean constant battles. Robert Gilpin developed the theory of hegemonic stability theory within the realist framework, but limited it to the economic field. Niall Ferguson remarked that

656-572: A late 2011 article for The National Interest , "The End of the American Era," Walt wrote that America is losing its position of world dominance. Walt gave a speech in 2013 to the Norwegian Institute for Defence Studies , "Why does US foreign policy keep failing?" The institute later described him as seeing "an overwhelming bias among US foreign policy institutions toward an activist foreign policy" and "a propensity to exaggerate threats, noting

738-552: A longer and more destructive conflict." The Obama administration avoided arming Ukraine for the duration of its term, in keeping with Walt's strategy, but the Trump administration angered Russia by approving a plan to provide anti-tank missiles in 2017. Walt said in December 2012 that America's "best course in the Middle East would be to act as an 'offshore balancer': ready to intervene if

820-680: A major role in the foreign policies of Western powers, particularly during and after the Victorian era . The New Imperialism era saw numerous interventions by Western nations in the Global South , including the Banana Wars . Modern interventionism grew out of Cold War policies, where the United States and the Soviet Union intervened in nations around the world to counter any influence held there by

902-668: A piece published by Foreign Affairs , which had published Walt's piece a few days earlier. Satloff wrote that Ross's connection to WINEP is innocuous (Ross was a distinguished fellow at WINEP throughout George W. Bush's administration, and Mearsheimer and Walt's book described WINEP as "part of the core" of the Israel lobby in the United States) and that Walt mistakenly believes that the US cannot simultaneously "advance strategic partnership both with Israel and with friendly Arab and Muslim states." After

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984-408: A sense of "restraint" against liberal interventionism, would lead to more proxy wars, and fail to offer institutions and norms for mitigating great power conflict. John Vasquez applied Imre Lakatos 's criteria, and concluded that realist-based research program is seen as degenerating due to the protean character of its theoretical development, an unwillingness to specify what makes the true theory,

1066-519: A shift from the Founding Fathers' realist school to the idealistic or Wilsonian school of international relations. In the realist tradition, security is based on the principle of a balance of power and the reliance on morality as the sole determining factor in statecraft is considered impractical. According to the Wilsonian approach, on the other hand, the spread of democracy abroad as a foreign policy

1148-499: A spectrum of ideas, which tend to revolve around several central propositions, such as: Political scientists sometimes associate realism with Realpolitik , as both deal with the pursuit, possession, and application of power. Realpolitik , however, is an older prescriptive guideline limited to policy-making, while realism is a wider theoretical and methodological paradigm which aims to describe, explain, and predict events in international relations. As an academic pursuit, realism

1230-501: A state must always be aware of the actions of the states around it and must use a pragmatic approach to resolve problems as they arise. A lack of certainty regarding intentions prompts mistrust and competition between states. Rather than assume that states are the central actors, some realists, such as William Wohlforth and Randall Schweller refer instead to "groups" as the key actors of interest. Finally, states are sometimes described as "billiard balls" or "black boxes". This analogy

1312-562: A system shaped by power politics , national interest , and a pursuit of security and self-preservation. Realism involves the strategic use of military force and alliances to boost global influence while maintaining a balance of power . War is seen as an inevitability inherent in the anarchic conditions of world politics. Realism also emphasizes the complex dynamics of the security dilemma , where actions taken for security reasons can unintentionally lead to tensions between states. Unlike idealism or liberalism , realism underscores

1394-508: A thorough critique of US strategy from the perspective of its adversaries. Anatol Lieven called it "a brilliant contribution to the American foreign policy debate." The Hell of Good Intentions: America's Foreign Policy Elite and the Decline of U.S. Primacy was published on 16 October 2018. In March 2006, John Mearsheimer and Walt, then academic dean of the Harvard Kennedy School , published

1476-522: A working paper, "The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy" and an article entitled "The Israel Lobby" in the London Review of Books on the negative effects of "the unmatched power of the Israel Lobby." They defined the Israel lobby as "the loose coalition of individuals and organizations who actively work to steer US foreign policy in a pro-Israel direction." Mearsheimer and Walt took this position: "What

1558-410: A world-girdling national security establishment, yet so reluctant to pay taxes to have better schools, health care, roads, bridges, subways, parks, museums, libraries, and all the other trappings of a wealthy and successful society?" He said that the question was especially puzzling given that "the United States is the most secure power in history and will remain remarkably secure unless it keeps repeating

1640-460: Is a common element of interventionism, has been defined by Martha Finnemore in the context of international relations as "the deployment of military personnel across recognized boundaries for the purpose of determining the political authority structure in the target state". Interventions may be solely focused on altering political authority structures, or may be conducted for humanitarian purposes, or for debt collection. Interventionism has played

1722-458: Is a concept primarily thought of in terms of material resources necessary to induce harm or coerce other states (to fight and win wars). The use of power places an emphasis on coercive tactics being acceptable to either accomplish something in the national interest or avoid something inimical to the national interest. The state is the most important actor under realism. It is unitary and autonomous because it speaks and acts with one voice. The power of

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1804-450: Is also a crime to criticize Qaddafi himself, the government's past human rights record is disturbing at best, and the press in Libya is almost entirely government-controlled. Nonetheless, Libya appears to be more open than contemporary Iran or China and the overall atmosphere seemed far less oppressive than most places I visited in the old Warsaw Pact." David E. Bernstein, Foundation Professor at

1886-420: Is also disposed of the notion that an individual's intuitive nature is made up of anarchy. In regards to self-interest, these individuals are self-reliant and are motivated in seeking more power. They are also believed to be fearful. This view contrasts with the approach of liberalism to international relations. The state emphasises an interest in accumulating power to ensure security in an anarchic world. Power

1968-414: Is beneficial to European and American interest. In 2015, a year after Russia invaded Crimea , Walt wrote that extending invitations for NATO membership to countries in the former Soviet bloc is a "dangerous and unnecessary goal" and that Ukraine ought to be a "neutral buffer state in perpetuity." He further argued that, although Obama had refrained from arming Ukraine, doing so would be "a recipe for

2050-482: Is deeply unpopular among the public. When statesmen take actions that divert from realist policies, academic realists often argue that this is due to distortions that stem from domestic politics. However, some research suggests that realist policies are actually popular among the public whereas elites are more beholden to liberal ideas. Abrahamsen suggested that realpolitik for middle powers can include supporting idealism and liberal internationalism. While realism as

2132-486: Is done," wrote Walt. "Obama may be tempted to strike because he foolishly drew a 'red line' over this issue and feels his credibility is now at stake. But following one foolish step with another will not restore that lost standing." Walt posits that offshore balancing is the most desirable strategy to deal with China . In 2011, Walt argued that China will seek to gain regional hegemony and a broad sphere of influence in Asia, which

2214-417: Is fundamentally the nature of humans that pushes states and individuals to act in a way that places interests over ideologies. Classical realism is an ideology defined as the view that the "drive for power and the will to dominate [that are] held to be fundamental aspects of human nature". Prominent classical realists: The English school holds that the international system, while anarchical in structure, forms

2296-513: Is key and morals are universally valid. During the Presidency of Bill Clinton , American diplomacy reflected the Wilsonian school to such a degree that those in favor of the realist approach likened Clinton's policies to social work. Some argue that in Kennan's view of American diplomacy, based on the realist approach, such apparent moralism without regard to the realities of power and the national interest

2378-405: Is meant to underscore the secondary importance of internal state dynamics and decisionmaking in realist models, in stark contrast to bureaucratic or individual-level theories of international relations. The ideas behind George F. Kennan 's work as a diplomat and diplomatic historian remain relevant to the debate over American foreign policy , which since the 19th century has been characterized by

2460-419: Is not necessarily tied to ideology ; it does not favor any particular moral philosophy , nor does it consider ideology to be a major factor in the behavior of nations. However, realists are generally critical of liberal foreign policy . Garrett Ward Sheldon has characterised the priorities of realists as Machiavellian and seen them as prioritising the seeking of power, although realists have also advocated

2542-409: Is not to say that they aren't there. … The Libyans with whom I spoke were open and candid and gave no sign of being worried about being overheard or reported or anything like that. … I tried visiting various political websites from my hotel room and had no problems, although other human rights groups report that Libya does engage in selective filtering of some political websites critical of the regime. It

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2624-576: Is only constrained by opposing powers. This aggressive build-up, however, leads to a security dilemma whereby increasing one's security may bring along even greater instability as an opposing power builds up its own arms in response (an arms race ). Thus, security becomes a zero-sum game where only relative gains can be made. Moreover, the "relative gains" notion of the realist school implies that states must fight against each other to gain benefits. Realists believe that there are no universal principles with which all states may guide their actions. Instead,

2706-520: Is self-defeating and may lead to the erosion of power, to America's detriment. Others argue that Kennan, a proponent of the Marshall Plan (which gave out bountiful American aid to post-WW2 countries), might agree that Clinton's aid functioned strategically to secure international leverage: a diplomatic maneuver well within the bounds of political realism as described by Hedley Bull . Realists often hold that statesmen tend towards realism whereas realism

2788-621: Is their suspicion that a lot of Americans might find it convincing if they weren't constantly being reminded about looming foreign dangers in faraway places. The arguments in favor of a more restrained grand strategy are far from silly, and the approach makes a lot more sense than neoconservatives' fantasies of global primacy or liberal hawks' fondness for endless quasi-humanitarian efforts to reform whole regions. In 1998, Walt wrote that "deep structural forces" were "beginning to pull Europe and America apart." Walt argued that NATO must be sustained because of four major areas in which close co-operation

2870-836: The American Academy of Arts and Sciences in May 2005. He spoke at the Saltzman Institute of War and Peace Studies at Columbia University in 2010. In 2012, Walt took part in a panel at the one-state solution conference at the Kennedy School, along with Ali Abunimah and Eve Spangler. Walt spoke at Clark University in April 2013. He gave a talk at the College of William & Mary in October 2013: "Why US Foreign Policy Keeps Failing." He delivered

2952-522: The George Mason University School of Law , criticized Walt in 2011 for accepting funding from the Libyan government for a trip to Libya in which he addressed that country's Economic Development Board and then wrote what Bernstein called "a puff piece" about his visit. Bernstein said it was ironic that "Walt, after fulminating about the American domestic 'Israel Lobby' " had thus become "a part of

3034-645: The Itamar attack , in which a Jewish family was killed on the West Bank in March 2011, Walt condemned the murderers but added that "while we are at it, we should not spare the other parties who have helped create and perpetuate the circumstances." He listed "every Israeli government since 1967, for actively promoting the illegal effort to colonize these lands," "Palestinian leaders who have glorified violence," and "the settlers themselves, some of whom routinely use violence to intimidate

3116-465: The New Republic mocked Walt for praising Libya, which Peretz called a "murderous place" and for viewing its dictator as "civilized." Peretz contrasted Walt's view of Libya, which, Peretz noted, he had visited for less than a day. In August 2013, Walt argued that even if it turned out that Bashar al-Assad of Syria had used chemical weapons, the US should not intervene. "Dead is dead, no matter how it

3198-483: The University of Hong Kong ) found that the United States intervened in 81 foreign elections between 1946 and 2000, with the majority of those being through covert, rather than overt, actions. Multilateral interventions that include territorial governance by foreign institutions also include cases like East Timor and Kosovo , and have been proposed (but were rejected) for the Palestinian territories . A 2021 review of

3280-460: The 'Libya lobby.' " Bernstein also found it ironic that "Walt, a leading critic of the friendship the US and Israel, concludes his piece with the hope 'that the United States and Libya continue to nurture and build a constructive relationship.' Because, you know, Israel is so much nastier than Qaddafi's Libya." Under the headline "Is Stephen Walt Blind, a Complete Fool, or a Big Liar?", Martin Peretz of

3362-449: The 2013 F. H. Hinsley Lecture at Cambridge University . On the twentieth anniversary of the war against Iraq, Walt characterized the rules-based world order as "a set of rules that we [the US] had an enormous role in writing, and of course which we feel free to violate whenever it's inconvenient for us to follow them." In the comprehensive 2005 article "Taming American Power", Walt argued that

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3444-436: The 2018 election. They have two children. Realism (international relations) Realism , a school of thought in international relations theory , is a theoretical framework that views world politics as an enduring competition among self-interested states vying for power and positioning within an anarchic global system devoid of a centralized authority. It centers on states as rational primary actors navigating

3526-506: The American reaction to an alleged Iranian plot to assassinate the Saudi ambassador in the United States "might be part of a larger American diplomatic effort to put Iran on the hot seat." "Washington continues to insist on a near-total Iranian capitulation," wrote Walt in December 2012. "And because Iran has been effectively demonized here in America, it would be very hard for President Obama to reach

3608-638: The Islamic State was unlikely to grow into a longlasting world power on Point of Inquiry , the podcast of the Center for Inquiry in July 2015. Walt has been a critic, along with his co-author John Mearsheimer of the offensive neorealism school of international relations, of the Israel lobby in the United States and the influence he says that it has on its foreign policy . He wrote that Barack Obama erred by breaking with

3690-422: The Israel lobby wants, it too often gets." The articles, as well as the bestselling book that Walt and Mearsheimer later developed, generated considerable media coverage throughout the world. Contending that Walt and Mearsheimer are members of a "school that essentially wishes that the war with jihadism had never started," Christopher Hitchens concluded that "wishfulness has led them to seriously mischaracterize

3772-488: The Palestinians who live in the lands they covet." Walt criticized the US for voting against a Security Council resolution condemning Israel's West Bank settlements and called the vote a "foolish step" because "the resolution was in fact consistent with the official policy of every president since Lyndon Johnson ." Walt has frequently criticized America's policy with respect to Iran . In 2011, Walt told an interviewer that

3854-419: The US should "make its dominant position acceptable to others—by using military force sparingly, by fostering greater cooperation with key allies, and, most important of all, by rebuilding its crumbling international image." He proposed for the US to "resume its traditional role as an 'offshore balancer,' " to intervene "only when absolutely necessary," and to keep "its military presence as small as possible." In

3936-511: The United States during and after World War II. This evolution was partly fueled by European war migrants like Hans Morgenthau , whose work Politics Among Nations is considered a seminal development in the rise of modern realism. Other influential figures were George F. Kennan (known for his work on containment ), Nicholas Spykman (known for his work on geostrategy and containment ), Herman Kahn (known for his work on nuclear strategy ) and E. H. Carr . Classical realism states that it

4018-419: The anarchic structure of the international system. States are primary actors because there is no political monopoly on force existing above any sovereign. While states remain the principal actors, greater attention is given to the forces above and below the states through levels of analysis or structure and agency debate. The international system is seen as a structure acting on the state with individuals below

4100-530: The balance of power is upset, but otherwise keeping our military footprint small. We should also have normal relationship with states like Israel and Saudi Arabia, instead of the counterproductive 'special relationships' we have today." An article by Walt entitled "What Should We Do if the Islamic State Wins? Live with it." appeared on June 10, 2015, in Foreign Policy magazine. He explained his view that

4182-430: The basic theoretical architecture of neoclassical realism is: While neoclassical realism has only been used for theories of foreign policy so far, Randall Schweller notes that it could be useful to explain certain types of political outcomes as well. Neoclassical realism is particularly appealing from a research standpoint because it still retains a lot of the theoretical rigor that Waltz has brought to realism, but at

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4264-483: The chances of being struck by lightning have been far greater since 2001 than death by terrorist attack." He also characterized the US as lacking "diplomatic skill and finesse" and advised Europeans "to think of themselves and not rely on the US for guidance or advice on solving their security issues." Ultimately, he argued that "the United States is simply not skilled enough to run the world." In 2013, Walt asked "Why are Americans so willing to pay taxes in order to support

4346-679: The competitive and conflictual nature of global politics. In contrast to liberalism, which champions cooperation , realism asserts that the dynamics of the international arena revolve around states actively advancing national interests and prioritizing security. While idealism leans towards cooperation and ethical considerations , realism argues that states operate in a realm devoid of inherent justice, where ethical norms may not apply. Early popular proponents of realism included Thucydides (5th century BCE), Machiavelli (16th century), Hobbes (17th century), and Rousseau (18th century). Carl von Clausewitz (early 19th century), another contributor to

4428-609: The constant fretting about minor-league powers like Syria, North Korea, Muammar al-Qaddafi's Libya, and other so-called 'rogue states.'" Therefore, whatever happens in the Middle East, "the United States can almost certainly adjust and adapt and be just fine." After visiting Libya , Walt wrote in Foreign Policy in January 2010 that while "Libya is far from a democracy, it also doesn't feel like other police states that I have visited. I caught no whiff of an omnipresent security service—which

4510-616: The countryside where they often wage an insurgency against the intervener. Second, externally-imposed leaders face a domestic audience in addition to an external one, and the two typically want different things. These divergent preferences place imposed leaders in a quandary: taking actions that please one invariably alienates the other. Regime change thus drives a wedge between external patrons and their domestic protégés or between protégés and their people. Research by Nigel Lo, Barry Hashimoto, and Dan Reiter has contrasting findings, as they find that interstate "peace following wars last longer when

4592-553: The domestic level. Scholars such as Oded Löwenheim and Ned Lebow have also been associated with realist constructivism. Democratic peace theory advocates also that realism is not applicable to democratic states' relations with each other as their studies claim that such states do not go to war with one another. However, realists and proponents of other schools have critiqued this claim, claiming that its definitions of "war" and "democracy" must be tweaked in order to achieve this result. The interactive model of democratic peace observes

4674-403: The errors of the past decade or so." A critic of military interventionism , Walt stated: Hawks like to portray opponents of military intervention as "isolationist" because they know it is a discredited political label. Yet there is a coherent case for a more detached and selective approach to U.S. grand strategy, and one reason that our foreign policy establishment works so hard to discredit it

4756-452: The existing literature found that foreign interventions since World War II tend overwhelmingly to fail to achieve their purported objectives. Studies by Alexander Downes, Lindsey O'Rourke, and Jonathan Monten indicate that foreign-imposed regime change seldom reduces the likelihood of civil war, violent removal of the newly imposed leader, and the probability of conflict between the intervening state and its adversaries, and does not increase

4838-446: The hegemon and restore a balance of power. Although all states seek hegemony under realism as the only way to ensure their own security, other states in the system are incentivised to prevent the emergence of a hegemon through balancing. States employ the rational model of decision making by obtaining and acting upon complete and accurate information. The state is sovereign and guided by a national interest defined in terms of power. Since

4920-457: The idea that powerful states concede spheres of influence to other powerful states. The four propositions of realism are as follows. Realists believe that mankind is not inherently benevolent but rather self-centered and competitive. This perspective, which is shared by theorists such as Thomas Hobbes , views human nature as egocentric (not necessarily selfish) and conflictual unless there exist conditions under which humans may coexist. It

5002-602: The international systems of East Asia and Africa (before, during and after colonization). Scholars have criticized realist theories of international relations for assuming that states are fixed and unitary units. In the mid-20th century, realism was seen as discredited in the United Kingdom due to its association with appeasement in the 1930s. It re-emerged slowly during the Cold War. Scholar Aaron McKeil pointed to major illiberal tendencies within realism that, aiming for

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5084-458: The level of the state acting as agency on the state as a whole. While neorealism shares a focus on the international system with the English school, neorealism differs in the emphasis it places on the permanence of conflict. To ensure state security, states must be on constant preparation for conflict through economic and military build-up. Prominent neorealists: Neoclassical realism can be seen as

5166-414: The likelihood of democratization unless regime change comes with pro-democratic institutional changes in countries with favorable conditions for democracy. Downes argues: The strategic impulse to forcibly oust antagonistic or non-compliant regimes overlooks two key facts. First, the act of overthrowing a foreign government sometimes causes its military to disintegrate, sending thousands of armed men into

5248-606: The moral principles of the "rules of international conduct"; as evidenced in the case of Russian invasion of Ukraine . Military interventionism Interventionism , in international politics, is the interference of a state or group of states into the domestic affairs of another state for the purposes of coercing that state to do something or refrain from doing something. The intervention can be conducted through military force or economic coercion . A different term, economic interventionism , refers to government interventions into markets at home. Military intervention, which

5330-583: The only constraint of the international system is anarchy, there is no international authority and states are left to their own devices to ensure their own security. Realists believe that sovereign states are the principal actors in the international system. International institutions , non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations, individuals and other sub-state or trans-state actors are viewed as having little independent influence. States are inherently aggressive ( offensive realism ) and obsessed with security ( defensive realism ). Territorial expansion

5412-487: The origins of the problem." Former US ambassador Edward Peck wrote that the "tsunami" of responses condemning the report proved the existence of the lobby and "Opinions differ on the long-term costs and benefits for both nations, but the lobby's views of Israel's interests have become the basis of US Middle East policies." Walt is married to Rebecca E. Stone, who ran for the Massachusetts House of Representatives in

5494-408: The other nation. Historians have noted that interventionism has always been a contentious political issue in the public opinion of countries which engaged in interventions. According to a dataset by Alexander Downes, 120 leaders were removed through foreign-imposed regime change between 1816 and 2011. A 2016 study by Carnegie Mellon University political scientist Dov Haim Levin (who now teaches at

5576-585: The principles in his Cairo speech by allowing continued Israeli settlement and by participating in a "well-coordinated assault" against the Goldstone Report . Walt suggested in 2010 that State Department diplomat Dennis Ross 's alleged partiality toward Israel might make him give Obama advice that was against US interests. Robert Satloff , executive director of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP), defended Ross and criticized Walt in

5658-729: The realist school of thought, viewed war as an act of statecraft and gave strong emphasis on hard power. Clausewitz felt that armed conflict was inherently one-sided, where typically only one victor can emerge between two parties, with no peace. Realism became popular again in the 1930s, during the Great Depression . At that time, it polemicized with the progressive, reformist optimism associated with liberal internationalists like U.S. President Woodrow Wilson . The 20th century brand of classical realism, exemplified by theorists such as Reinhold Niebuhr and Hans Morgenthau , has evolved into neorealism —a more scientifically oriented approach to

5740-489: The road." Walt developed the balance of threat theory, which defined threats in terms of aggregate power, geographic proximity, offensive power, and aggressive intentions. It is a modification of the "balance of power" theory, whose framework was refined by neorealist Kenneth Waltz . In July 2013, Walt argued that Obama should give Edward Snowden an immediate pardon. "Mr. Snowden's motives," wrote Walt, "were laudable: he believed fellow citizens should know their government

5822-726: The same time can easily incorporate a content-rich analysis, since its main method for testing theories is the process-tracing of case studies. Prominent neoclassical realists: Some see a complementarity between realism and constructivism . Samuel Barkin , for instance, holds that "realist constructivism" can fruitfully "study the relationship between normative structures, the carriers of political morality, and uses of power" in ways that existing approaches do not. Similarly, Jennifer Sterling-Folker has argued that theoretical synthesis helps explanations of international monetary policy by combining realism's emphasis of an anarchic system with constructivism's insights regarding important factors from

5904-501: The state is understood in terms of its military capabilities. A key concept under realism is the international distribution of power referred to as system polarity . Polarity refers to the number of blocs of states that exert power in an international system. A multipolar system is composed of three or more blocs, a bipolar system is composed of two blocs, and a unipolar system is dominated by a single power or hegemon. Under unipolarity realism predicts that states will band together to oppose

5986-486: The study of international relations developed during the latter half of the Cold War . In the 21st century, realism has experienced a resurgence, fueled by escalating tensions among world powers. Some of the most influential proponents of political realism today are John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt . Realists fall into three classes based on their view of the essential causes of conflict between states : Realism entails

6068-492: The theory has offered insights into the way that economic power works, but neglected the military and cultural aspects of power. John Ikenberry and Daniel Deudney state that the Iraq War , conventionally blamed on liberal internationalism by realists, actually originates more closely from hegemonic realism. The "instigators of the war", they suggest, were hegemonic realists. Where liberal internationalists reluctantly supported

6150-417: The third generation of realism, coming after the classical authors of the first wave ( Thucydides , Niccolò Machiavelli , Thomas Hobbes ) and the neorealists (especially Kenneth Waltz ). Its designation of "neoclassical", then, has a double meaning: Gideon Rose is responsible for coining the term in a book review he wrote in 1998. The primary motivation underlying the development of neoclassical realism

6232-400: The war ends in foreign-imposed regime change". However, research by Reiter and Goran Peic finds that foreign-imposed regime change can raise the probability of civil war. Among African nations, Nigeria has shown the will to intervene in the affairs of other sub Saharan African countries since independence. It is said that one of the reasons Yakubu Gowon was removed from office had been

6314-588: The war, they followed arguments linked to interdependence realism relating to arms control . John Mearsheimer states that "One might think..." events including the Bush Doctrine are "evidence of untethered realism that unipolarity made possible," but disagrees and contends that various interventions are caused by a belief that a liberal international order can transcend power politics. Scholars have argued that realist theories, in particular realist conceptions of anarchy and balances of power, have not characterized

6396-487: The ways in which alliances are made and "proposes a fundamental change in the present conceptions of alliance systems." Revolution and War (1996) exposes "the flaws in existing theories about the relationship between revolution and war" by studying in detail the French, Russian, and Iranian Revolutions and providing briefer views of the American, Mexican, Turkish, and Chinese Revolutions. Taming American Power (2005) provides

6478-543: Was a teacher. The family moved to the Bay Area when Walt was about eight months old. Walt grew up in Los Altos Hills . He pursued his undergraduate studies at Stanford University . He first majored in chemistry with an eye to becoming a biochemist but then shifted to history and finally to international relations. After attaining his BA, Walt began graduate work at the University of California, Berkeley and graduated with

6560-670: Was comparable in size to the US position in the Western Hemisphere . If that happens, he predicts that China would be secure enough on the mainland to give added attention to shaping events to its favour in far flung areas. Since China is resource-poor, it will likely aim to safeguard vital sea lanes in areas such as the Persian Gulf . In a December 2012 interview, Walt said that "the United States does not help its own cause by exaggerating Chinese power. We should not base our policy today on what China might become twenty or thirty years down

6642-545: Was conducting a secret surveillance programme enormous in scope, poorly supervised and possibly unconstitutional. He was right." History, Walt suggested, "will probably be kinder to Mr Snowden than to his pursuers, and his name may one day be linked to the other brave men and women— Daniel Ellsberg , Martin Luther King Jr. , Mark Felt , Karen Silkwood and so on—whose acts of principled defiance are now widely admired." In his 1987 book The Origins of Alliances , Walt examines

6724-429: Was the fact that neorealism was only useful to explain political outcomes (classified as being theories of international politics), but had nothing to offer about particular states' behavior (or theories of foreign policy ). The basic approach, then, was for these authors to "refine, not refute, Kenneth Waltz", by adding domestic intervening variables between systemic incentives and a state's foreign policy decision. Thus,

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