Jacques de Mahieu, whose real name was Jacques Girault, (31 October 1915 – 4 October 1990) was a French Argentine anthropologist and Peronist . He wrote several books on esoterism , which he mixed with anthropological theories inspired by scientific racism .
86-403: The Argentine Revolution (Spanish: Revolución Argentina ) is the name given to the civil-military dictatorship that overthrew the constitutional president Arturo Illia through a coup d'état on 28 June 1966 and governed the country until 25 May 1973. The Argentine Revolution did not present itself as a "provisional government" as in all previous coups, but rather sought to establish itself as
172-524: A " Peronism without Perón " line ( Augusto Vandor , leader of the General Confederation of Labour , declared that "to save Perón, one has to be against Perón") and advocated negotiation with the junta, alongside "Participationists" headed by José Alonso , and Peronists, who formed the General Confederation of Labour of the Argentines (CGTA) in 1968 and were opposed to any kind of participation with
258-576: A Congress dominated by the Peronist Party , he took an active part in the Public Works, Hygiene and Medical Assistance Commissions. The election held on 7 July 1963 marked a return to constitutional government in Argentina after a period of political instability and internal strife following the military overthrow of President Arturo Frondizi on 29 March 1962. Illia's predecessor, José María Guido ,
344-578: A corporate tone to the formation of the first cabinet of the Argentine Revolution. An example in this sense is the Secretary of Housing whose heads were construction entrepreneurs and an architect. For its part, the ministry of economy was briefly headed by Salimei, a businessman in the oilseed trade, while the other two ministers ( Adalbert Krieger Vasena and Jose Maria Dagnino Pastore) listed prior experience in government and academe. Also worth noting
430-631: A corporatist ideology, experimenting in particular in Córdoba under the governance of Carlos Caballero . Although in practice, it represented a type of exclusive corporatism, where only private interests were represented through organizations. They were given representation in the State in exchange for accepting certain controls. In reality, this led to many functions and structures of the State passing into private hands, but in an unbalanced way. Business and religious groups ended up taking control of important areas of
516-694: A declaration supporting Socialist revolutionary movements, which led the Catholic hierarchy , by the voice of Juan Carlos Aramburu , coadjutor archbishop of Buenos Aires , to proscribe priests from making political or social declarations. Various armed actions, headed by the Fuerzas Armadas de Liberación (FAL), composed by former members of the Revolutionary Communist Party , occurred in April 1969, leading to several arrests among FAL members. These were
602-585: A free, open and public university system less influenced by the Catholic Church . This development changing the concept and administration of higher education in Argentina, and in a good portion of Latin America. As a part of his medical studies, Illia begun working in the San Juan de Dios Hospital in the city of La Plata , obtaining his degree in 1927. In 1928 he had an interview with President Hipólito Yrigoyen ,
688-912: A general put in charge of the Federal District Police , though he confirmed Onganía as head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and named numerous "Blue" generals to key posts. Illia started his presidency with an attempt to promote reconciliation and stability. His inaugural address included both praise for the armed forces and a call to reduce poverty and income inequality, citing encyclicals issued by then-Pope John XIII, Mater et Magistra and Pacem in Terris . Countering military objections, however, he made political rights an early policy centerpiece with an emphasis on constitutionality. His first act consisted in eliminating all restrictions over Peronism and its allied political parties, causing anger and surprise among
774-520: A joint session of Congress. Domestically, Illia pursued a pragmatic course, restoring Frondizi's vigorous public works and lending policies, but with more emphasis on the social aspect and with a marked, nationalist shift away from Frondizi's support for foreign investment . This shift was most dramatic in Illia's controversial petroleum policy. Yet Illia struggled to reconcile the adversarial social forces that prevailed in Argentina during his term. The UCRP
860-524: A military dictatorship. Like in most elections after 1955, Peronists were banned from running in the 1963 election. The UCR had been divided since their contentious 1956 convention into the mainstream "People's UCR" (UCRP) and the center-left UCRI . The leader of the UCRP, Ricardo Balbín , withdrew his name from the March 10 nominating convention and instead supported a less conservative, less anti-Peronist choice, and
946-454: A negative impact on capital investment. By 1965, imports of capital goods had fallen to only a quarter of the level seen during the 1960-1961 investment boom under Frondizi. Given the constant pressures on the country's balance of payments, Illia's administration tightly controlled access to foreign currency, required exporters to convert their earnings into pesos, and introduced measures to prevent capital flight. Yet Illia's exchange rate policy
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#17330859104171032-412: A new permanent dictatorial system later associated with the concept of the bureaucratic-authoritarian State. The June 1966 coup established General Juan Carlos Onganía as the de facto president and dictator, supported by several leaders of the General Confederation of Labour (CGT), including the general secretary Augusto Vandor . This was followed by a series of military -appointed presidents and
1118-694: A professor of anthropological studies in Buenos Aires as the deputy rector of the Institute of Human Studies (from 1953 to 1955 and again from 1972 to 1976). He also taught economy , ethnography and French at the National University of Cuyo (1948–1955), and at the Universidad del Salvador (1964–1965). He also was a member of the Academia Argentina de Sociología (1952–1955), and a lecturer with
1204-508: Is not easy to find a president more denigrated and attacked during the exercise of power than Arturo Umberto Illia. Until the end, he remained calm and prudent in governing an intense country." Under the preceding Guido administration, Argentina had endured a sharp two-year recession under an orthodox stabilization program. Once in office, Illia implemented a pro-growth policy characterized by expansionary fiscal and monetary policy and deepening of import substituting industrialization. The result
1290-583: Is the appointment of private sector executives to the secretariats, in Agriculture, farmer Lorenzo Raggio; in Energy and Mining, businessman of a foreign electrical material firm, Luis Gotelli; and in Public Works, the director of a cement company contracted by the State, Esteban Guaia. With a study even affirming that 76% of the Onganía Regime came from private business backgrounds. This way, each ministerial sector
1376-849: The Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (ERP, the armed wing of the Workers' Revolutionary Party , PRT), the Catholic nationalist Peronists Montoneros and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias (FAR). In August 1972, an attempt by several revolutionary members to escape from prison, headed by Mario Roberto Santucho (PRT), was followed by what became known as the Trelew massacre . Fernando Vaca Narvaja, Roberto Quieto, Enrique Gorriarán Merlo and Domingo Menna managed to complete their escape, but 19 others were re-captured. 16 of them, members of
1462-586: The Armed Forces , and was supported by the most intransigent military elements. He named the radical economist Aldo Ferrer as Minister of Economy . A coalition of political parties issued the statement known as La Hora del Pueblo ("Time of the People"), calling for free and democratic elections which would include the Justicialist Party . Under this pressure, Levingston was ousted by an internal coup headed by
1548-648: The Armed Forces of the Argentine Republic (1961–1971). De Mahieu remained in Argentina in his later years. Uki Goñi claims that he was photographed with Carlos Menem during the latter's 1989 presidential campaign. De Mahieu headed the Argentine chapter of the Spanish neo-Nazi group, CEDADE , until his death in Buenos Aires, in 1990. De Mahieu wrote on pre-Columbian America and esoteric Nazism . He traveled to Paraguay for anthropological studies, and claimed
1634-689: The Cordobazo , as well as other movements in Tucumán , Santa Fe and Rosario ( Rosariazo ). While Perón managed a reconciliation with Augusto Vandor, he followed, in particular through the voice of his delegate Jorge Paladino, a cautious line of opposition to the military junta, criticizing with moderation the neoliberal policies of the junta but waiting for discontent inside the government (" hay que desensillar hasta que aclare ", said Perón, advocating patience). Thus, Onganía had an interview with 46 CGT delegates, among them Vandor, who agreed on "participationism" with
1720-647: The Eastern Bloc , and started exporting industrial products, including a small but symbolically important number of motor vehicles to Paraguay, Ecuador, and Guatemala. Illia promoted regional integration with Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA) members, issuing Decree 1188 in February 1965 to allow increased imports of auto parts in exchange for compensatory exports to the same countries. However, Argentina's balance of payments were burdened by
1806-779: The Guayaki tribes were descendants of the Vikings . He allegedly travelled to Brazil in 1974, where he visited the Sete Cidades park in Piauí and considered it a Viking establishment. His books on the Knights Templar allege they settled in Mexico before Columbus . His books were translated from French to German by Wilfred von Oven , formerly deputy to the Nazi propagandist Joseph Goebbels . Mahieu wrote
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#17330859104171892-485: The Hora del Pueblo declaration by calling elections but excluding Peronists from them, in the so-called Gran Acuerdo Nacional (Great National Agreement). He nominated Arturo Mor Roig ( Radical Civic Union ) as Minister of Interior, who enjoyed the support of the Hora del pueblo coalition of parties, to supervise the coming elections. There had been no elections since 1966, and armed struggle groups came into existence, such as
1978-782: The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank . During his election campaign, Illia had denounced the IMF in particular as an economic intruder and refused a meeting with IMF officials upon assuming office. Relations with the Inter-American Development Bank were more constructive. The Inter-American Development Bank granted Illia's government a USD $ 92.6 million credit for development and educational projects shortly after his inauguration in October 1963, and in early 1965
2064-541: The Revolución Argentina , the 1964–1985 Brazilian military regime and Augusto Pinochet 's regime (starting in 1973). From its onset, the Onganía regime proposed to eliminate the existing organizational scheme and restructure the entire state apparatus. Article 2 of the "Estatuto de la Revolución Argentina" announced a new law to establish the number of ministries and Secretariats of State that would be entrusted with
2150-523: The ratlines organized by Perón. A naturalized Argentine , he became an ideologue of the Peronist movement, before becoming a mentor to a Roman Catholic nationalist youth group in the 1960s. De Mahieu studied at the Universities of Mendoza and Buenos Aires ; he graduated in philosophy , as doctor Honoris Causa of Medicine , doctor in economic sciences , and doctor in political science . He became
2236-416: The "Revolución Argentina" headed by Onganía aimed at establishing a new political and social order, opposed both to liberal democracy and to Communism , which would give the Armed Forces of Argentina a leading political and economic role, all with the aim of staying in power for decades. Political scientist Guillermo O'Donnell named this type of regime "authoritarian-bureaucratic state", in reference to
2322-543: The "hydrocarbons law" which had established a partial monopoly of the Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales (YPF) state firm, and passed a law facilitating the eviction of tenants over their non-payment of domestic rent. Finally, the right to strike was suspended (Law 16,936) and several other laws passed reversing previous progressive labor legislation (reducing retirement age, etc.). The workers' movement divided itself between Vandoristas, who supported
2408-626: The 1963 elections. The 1963 elections were made possible due to support from the moderate "Blue" faction ( Azules in Spanish) of the Argentine military led by the head of the Joint Chiefs, General Juan Carlos Onganía and by the Internal Affairs Minister, General Osiris Villegas. The Azules defeated an attempted revolt in late 1962 and early 1963 by the rival "Red" faction ( Colorados in Spanish), which consisted of hard-liners who favored
2494-616: The Argentine chapter of Spanish neo-Nazi group CEDADE . He was born in Marseille, France . As a young man he was influenced by authors such as Georges Sorel , Charles Maurras , and Alexis Carrel and joined the Action Française . During World War II, he was a member of the 33rd Waffen Grenadier Division of the SS Charlemagne . After the liberation of France , he was one of the first to flee to Juan Perón 's Argentina through
2580-483: The Bank approved USD $ 30 million in funding for Argentine industry. The expansion of heavy industry during Illia's time in office, while impressive at face value, created new burdens on Argentina's balance of payments. Import substitution in many cases simply replaced imports of finished goods with imports of capital and intermediate goods. Foreign direct investment brought an influx of external capital (although frequently in
2666-625: The Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces and strongman of the Revolución Argentina , General Alejandro Agustín Lanusse . The last of the military presidents de facto of this period, Alejandro Lanusse , was appointed in March 1971. He was as unpopular as his predecessors. His administration started building infrastructure projects (roads, bridges, etc.) necessary for the development of the country, without responding to popular demands concerning social and economic policies. General Lanusse tried to respond to
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2752-764: The Department of Cruz del Eje, in the elections that took place on 17 November. In the Provincial Senate, he actively participated in the approval of the Law of Agrarian Reform , which was passed in the Córdoba Legislature but rejected in the National Congress. He was also head of the Budget and Treasury Commission, and pressed for the construction of dams, namely Nuevo San Roque, La Viña , Cruz del Eje and Los Alazanes. In
2838-549: The Investment Guarantee Agreement, as well as the oil contracts that were made during the Arturo Frondizi government without complying with legal regulations. Once in power, Illia announced that contracts that had been made illegally would be annulled, on 15 November 1963, Illia issued the decrees 744/63 and 745/63, which rendered said oil contracts null and void, for being considered "illegitimate and harmful to
2924-557: The Justicialist Party and minor, allied parties. The FreJuLi's electoral slogan was "Cámpora in Government, Perón in power" ( Cámpora al Gobierno, Perón al poder ). Arturo Umberto Illia Arturo Umberto Illia ( Spanish pronunciation: [aɾˈtuɾo wmˈbeɾto ˈilja] ; 4 August 1900 – 18 January 1983) was an Argentine politician and physician , who was President of Argentina from 12 October 1963, to 28 June 1966. He
3010-504: The Law of Supplies was passed, destined to control prices of basic foodstuffs and setting minimum standards for pensions. Since Perón's exile, the labor movement functioned as the representation of Peronism in the country. Led by the leader of the powerful metalworkers' union UOM, Augusto Vandor , the unions deployed a large-scale "Plan de Lucha" (Plan of Struggle). Between May and July of 1964, 3.9 million workers occupied more than 11,000 industrial establishments. Given his sympathy for
3096-546: The Montoneros, the FAR, and the ERP, were killed, and 3 managed to survive. On the same night of 22 August 1972, the junta approved law 19,797, which proscribed any information concerning guerrilla organizations. The massacre led to demonstrations in various cities. Finally, Lanusse lifted the proscription of the Justicialist Party, although he maintained it concerning Juan Perón by increasing
3182-637: The Peronist Left and friend of Fidel Castro , died from natural causes. On the same day a group of 13 men and one woman who aimed at establishing a foco in Tucumán Province , in order to head the resistance against the junta, was captured; among them was Envar El Kadre, then a leader of the Peronist Youth . In 1969, the CGT de los Argentinos (led by Raimundo Ongaro ) headed protest movements, in particular
3268-539: The Verbo Magazine and followers of Jacques de Mahieu . Together with these, in 1967, there were also other types of Catholic groups in the Ministry of Social Welfare, with social Christian principles and modernizing for the time. In this spectrum were the minister, Julio Álvarez, the secretary of SEPAC, Raúl Puigbó, the undersecretary of SEPAC, Antonio Critto, and the undersecretary of Security. During Onganía's government,
3354-399: The affairs of State, as well as their functions and interdependence. The careers of the new members of the state were marked by technical specialization. This attribute gave them a technocratic legitimacy, useful for modernizing public offices without political components. Thus, both the origin of economic or cultural activities and the technocratic attributes of the new ministerial layer gave
3440-522: The best form of participation. The new Minister of Economy , Adalbert Krieger Vasena in December 1966 inaugurated a period that would last until May 1969, characterized by the absence of a well-organized and unified civil opposition. Krieger Vasena , decreed a wage freeze and a 40% devaluation, which weakened the economy – in particular the agricultural sector – and favored foreign capital. Vasena suspended collective labour conventions , reformed
3526-404: The corporatist element of this period. Especially, as it opened institutional areas to the representation of some interests of civil society. However, this opening occurred selectively, including mainly groups that already supported the government. The private actors that were incorporated had a limited role, as they could only provide information and technical advice, since this was considered to be
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3612-583: The costs of their drugs and to formalize all their existing contracts. Jacques de Mahieu He joined the Action Française at a young age. A collaborationist in Vichy France and member of the Waffen-SS , he fled to Argentina after the liberation of France from the Nazis . He became a Peronist ideologue in the 1950s, mentor to a Roman Catholic nationalist youth group in the 1960s, and later in life, head of
3698-407: The country of a critical source of foreign currency. On 15 June 1964, the Law 16.459 was passed, establishing a minimum wage for the country. " Avoiding the exploitation of workers in those sectors in which an excess of workforce may exist ", " Securing an adequate minimum wage " and " Improving the income of the poorest workers " were listed among the objectives of the project. With the same aims,
3784-582: The country's external debt . Although Illia reduced external debt from USD $ 3.4 billion to USD $ 2.7 billion, annual servicing costs remained high and were equivalent to 40% of annual exports. Scheduled repayments caused Argentina's foreign reserves to fall from USD $ 280 million in 1963 to only USD $ 70 million in 1965, requiring negotiations with the Paris Club group of creditors to refinance and defer payments. Resolution of Argentina's balance of payments issues were complicated by Illia's strained relationship with
3870-614: The dictatorship. Faced with increasing opposition, in particular following the Cordobazo , General Onganía was forced to resign by the military junta, composed of the chiefs of the Army, the Navy and the Air Force. He was replaced by General Roberto M. Levingston , who, far from calling free elections, decided to deepen the Revolución Argentina . Levingston expressed the nationalist-developmentist sector of
3956-470: The economy. Industrial production grew by 18.7% in 1964 and 13.8% in 1965, led by capital intensive sectors such as steel, plastics, and chemicals. Motor vehicle production, which increased from 105,000 units in 1963 to 195,000 in 1965, became a highly visible symbol of Argentina's industrialization. Agriculture returned to growth after two decades of stagnation. Cereals production and cattle stock increased by 60% and 25% respectively between 1963 and 1965,
4042-427: The elections that took place on 10 March 1940, he was elected Vice-Governor of Córdoba Province , with Santiago del Castillo, who became governor. He occupied this post until the provincial government was replaced by the newly installed dictatorship of General Pedro Ramírez , in 1943. From 1948 to 1952, Illia served in the Argentine Chamber of Deputies and frequently spoke out against the Peronist regime. Working in
4128-471: The end of 1965. Illia modestly expanded Argentina's welfare state. The most significant program was the increase in value and coverage of family allowances. The government also opened approximately 250 maternal and infant health care centers and started planning for the Villa Lugano public housing development to replace what was then one of the largest villa miseria slums in Buenos Aires. During Illia's government, education acquired an important presence in
4214-447: The end of his administration. However, production stagnated under Illia and oil imports resumed. The annulment of oil contracts created tensions with the United States, which placed a hold on Argentina's requests for multilateral assistance, including financing for aircraft imports, housing, and agricultural equipment. As a result, American aid to Argentina decreased from USD $ 135 million in 1963 to only USD $ 21 million in 1964, depriving
4300-423: The expansionary fiscal policy that dated back to the Perón administration. The budget deficit increased by 60% in 1964 to 5.8% of GDP due to his freezing of public utility rates, which reduced government revenue in real terms. Limited progress was made to balance the budget in 1965 with a fiscal deficit of 3.8% of GDP; a steep increase in tax revenue due to the economic recovery and elimination of many tax deductions
4386-430: The first left-wing urban guerrilla actions in Argentina. Beside these isolated actions, the Cordobazo uprising of 1969, called forth by the CGT de los Argentinos, and its Cordobese leader, Agustín Tosco , prompted demonstrations in the entire country. The same year, the People's Revolutionary Army (ERP) was formed as the military branch of the Trotskyist Workers' Revolutionary Party , leading an armed struggle against
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#17330859104174472-406: The fiscal deficit was financed primarily by printing money. The money supply grew by 61% during Illia's first 18 months in office alone, contributing to an inflation rate that averaged 25% per year during his presidency. Due to record agricultural exports, Argentina enjoyed a substantial current account surplus during Illia's presidency. The country penetrated new markets such as Italy, Japan, and
4558-545: The form of second-hand equipment rather than cash investment), technology, and know-how, but subsequently led to capital outflows (profit repatriation, transfer pricing, and royalty payments) from Argentine subsidiaries to U.S. and European parent companies. As result, the Central Bank of Argentina in 1965 estimated that the motor vehicle industry imposed a foreign exchange burden of USD $ 200 million per year. Illia's administration therefore maintained Argentina's current account surplus through strict controls on imports, which had
4644-461: The government. As a result, the state's ability to act independently and efficiently was greatly reduced, which also explains why resistance to these measures arose. For instance, some Catholic fundamentalists were in the Ministry of Social Welfare (although with a short stay), such as Minister Roberto Petracca and the Secretary of Promotion and Community Assistance (SEPAC), Roberto Gorostiaga. Both were Catholic militants, members of Ciudad Católica, of
4730-449: The history of the country), unemployment fell, the external debt decreased, a literacy plan was carried out and sanctioned the Minimum, Vital and Mobile Salary law and the Medications Laws. He was noted for his honesty and trustworthiness, an example of this being the fact that Illia lived almost all his life in his humble home in Cruz del Eje , where he devoted himself to medicine , and that he never used his influence to his advantage, to
4816-399: The idea of "community development" of the organizations and Catholics came together and allowed the formation of the framework of intervention of the Ministry of Social Welfare. Based above all on the need to decentralize and give importance to the different sectors of the community in the development of some social initiatives. Thus, the integration of the ministries offers a clear example of
4902-407: The implementation of liberal economic policies, supported by multinational companies , employers' federations/industrial capitalists, and a section of the workers' movement —which by the 1960s had become bureaucratized and corrupt in some of Argentina's trade unions —, as well as most of the press . While preceding military coups were aimed at establishing temporary and transitional juntas ,
4988-430: The late 1980s, Argentina's Ministry of Public Works found that this system resulted in an additional USD $ 2 billion in spending per year. Deteriorating provincial finances similarly consumed a growing proportion of central government resources. Transfers to provincial governments represented 22% of central government revenue in 1964 vs. less than 15% in the mid-1950s. With the government avoiding additional foreign debt,
5074-423: The longtime leader of the centrist UCR, and the first freely-elected President of Argentina. Illia offered him his services as a physician, and Yrigoyen, in turn, offered him a post as railroad physician in different parts of the country, upon which Illia decided to move to scenic Cruz del Eje , in Cordoba Province . He worked there as a physician from 1929 until 1963, except for three years (1940–1943) in which he
5160-606: The middle classes, who were massively present in universities . Towards the end of May 1968, General Julio Alsogaray dissented from Onganía, and rumors spread about a possible coup d'état, with Algosaray leading the opposition to Onganía. At the end of the month Onganía dismissed the leaders of the Armed Forces: Alejandro Lanusse replaced Julio Alsogaray, Pedro Gnavi replaced Benigno Varela, and Jorge Martínez Zuviría replaced Adolfo Alvarez. On 19 September 1968, two important events affected Revolutionary Peronism. John William Cooke , former personal delegate of Perón, an ideologist of
5246-492: The military (particularly the right-wing "Red" faction). Political demonstrations from the Peronist party were forbidden after the 1955 coup, by the Presidential Decree 4161/56 , however, five days after Illia's inaugural, a Peronist commemorative act for the 17 October (in honor of the date in 1945 when labor demonstrations propelled Perón to power) took place in Buenos Aires' Plaza Miserere without any official restrictions. Illia similarly lifted electoral restrictions, allowing
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#17330859104175332-412: The military junta, thus uniting themselves with the Nueva Corriente de Opinión headed by José Alonso and Rogelio Coria. In December 1969, more than 20 priests, members of the Movement of Priests for the Third World (MSTM), marched on the Casa Rosada to present to Onganía a petition pleading him to abandon the eradication plan of villas miserias (shanty towns). The same year, the MSTM issued
5418-432: The military junta. Perón himself, from his exile in Francoist Spain , maintained a cautious and ambiguous line of opposition to the regime, rejecting both the endorsement and open confrontation. Onganía ended university autonomy, which had been achieved by the University Reform of 1918 . He was responsible for the July 1966 La Noche de los Bastones Largos ("The Night of the Long Truncheons"), where university autonomy
5504-509: The national budget. In 1963, it represented 12% of the budget, rising to 17% in 1964 and to 23% in 1965. On November 5, 1964, the National Literacy Plan was started, with the purpose of diminishing and eliminating illiteracy (At the time, nearly 10% of the adult population was still illiterate). By June 1965, the program comprised 12,500 educational centers and was assisting more than 350,000 adults of all ages. Law 16.462, also known as 'Oñativia Law' (in honor of Minister of Health Arturo Oñativia),
5590-428: The number of years of residency required of presidential candidates, thus excluding de facto Perón from the elections since he had been in exile since the 1955 Revolución Libertadora . Henceforth, Perón decided to appoint as his candidate his personal secretary Héctor José Cámpora , a leftist Peronist, as representative of the FreJuLi ( Frente Justicialista de Liberación , Justicialist Liberation Front), composed of
5676-424: The participation of Peronists in the 1965 legislative elections . The prohibition over the Communist Party of Argentina and the pro-industry MID (which many in the military, then controlled by cattle barons, termed "economic criminals") was also lifted. Among Illia's early landmark legislation was an April 1964 bill issuing felony penalties for discrimination and racial violence, which he presented in an address to
5762-412: The party nominated Dr. Illia for president and Entre Ríos Province lawyer Carlos Perette as his running-mate. In the electoral college on 31 July 1963, the Illia-Perette ticket obtained 169 votes out of 476 on the first round of voting (70 short of an absolute majority), but the support of three centrist parties on the second round gave them 270 votes, thus formalizing their election. Illia assumed
5848-426: The point such as having to sell his car while in office and refusing to use public funds to finance his medical treatments. After his government, he maintained his active political militancy, rejected the retirement perks he had earned as president, and returned home to continue dedicating himself to medicine. Arturo Umberto Illia was born in Pergamino , Buenos Aires to Italian immigrants. Martino Illia (1861–1948)
5934-507: The presidency on 12 October 1963. Arturo Illia became president on 12 October 1963, and promptly steered a moderate political course, while remaining mindful of the spectre of a coup d'état. A UCRP majority in the Senate contrasted with their 73 seats in the 192-seat Lower House, a disadvantage complicated by Illia's refusal to include UCRI men in the cabinet (which, save for Internal Affairs Minister Juan Palmero, would all be figures close to Balbín). Illia also refused military requests to have
6020-404: The result of substantial investment after 1955 by the private sector in tractors, irrigation systems, and storage facilities, and by the government in public research and extension services. With favorable prices on world markets in the mid-1960s, Argentina's exports reached new records, rising from an average of USD $ 950 million between 1954 and 1961 to USD $ 1.6 billion by 1966. Illia maintained
6106-444: The rights and interests of the Nation." Frondizi had begun, during his 1958–62 presidency, a policy of oil exploration based on concessions of oil wells to foreign private corporations, leaving the state oil company Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales (YPF) the sole responsibility of exploration and buying oil from private extractors. Arguing that such contracts were negative for the Argentine state and its people (YPF had to assume all
6192-578: The risks of investing in exploration of new wells, the price of oil had risen steadily since the contracts were negotiated, etc.), Illia denounced the Frondizi policy as negative for national Argentine interests, and promised to render the contracts of concession void, renegotiating them. Although popular with the Argentine public, Illia's petroleum policy created headwinds for the economy and balance of payments. Under Frondizi, oil production had tripled between 1958 and 1962, resulting in self-sufficiency in oil by
6278-406: The strong influence of the radical militancy of his father and of his brother, Italo. That same year, he began his university studies, with the events of the aforementioned Universitarian Reform taking place in the country. From 1929 onwards, after moving to Cruz del Eje, he began intense political activity, which he alternated with his professional life. In 1935 he was elected Provincial Senator for
6364-596: The time Illia was removed from office in mid-1966, economic stagnation had returned. Opponents characterized Illia's administration as a "do-nothing regime." With a full term in office, Illia might have made more progress in improving Argentina's economic fundamentals. His administration's five-year National Development Plan was released in 1965 and was received favorably by economists and foreign officials. However, Illia's emphasis on compromise and gradualism frustrated business and military leaders who perceived an urgent need for more drastic restructuring and modernization of
6450-414: The working class, Illia refrained from using force to expel the occupiers, leading to charges from the business establishment of leniency toward the labor movement. Workers benefitted from a rising standard of living during Illia's administration. Median real wages grew by 9.6% during 1964 alone, and had expanded by almost 25% by the time of the coup. Unemployment declined from 8.8% in 1963 to 4.6% by
6536-494: Was a strong recovery with annual real GDP growth of nearly 10% in both 1964 and 1965, record agricultural exports, and double-digit growth in manufacturing output. However, Illia's opponents credited the boom to record harvests and therefore a "turn of good luck, thanks to the gods or to the pampas." Illia's administration moreover made limited progress in resolving labor unrest, persistent inflation, and foreign exchange shortages – all of which remain challenges for Argentina today. By
6622-610: Was born in Samolaco , province of Sondrio , Lombardy , while his mother Emma Francesconi (1874–1940) was born in Gratacazolo, province of Brescia . He enrolled in the School of Medicine at the University of Buenos Aires in 1918. That year, he joined the movement for University reform in Argentina ( Reforma Universitaria ), which first emerged in the city of Córdoba , and set the basis for
6708-405: Was confined to a businessman from the sector, evidencing the attempt to promote the integration of representatives of the vital forces of development in decision-making. This new paradigm of participation and representation breaks with the model of ministerial integration of previous governments, which were mainly staffed by party accountants with regard to economic functions. The Onganía regime had
6794-498: Was installed as head of a nominally civilian administration when Frondizi was deposed. A "virtual captive" of the armed forces during his nineteen months in office, Guido dissolved Congress and annulled the results of the March 1962 mid-term election that had seen Peronists sweep 45 of the 95 Chamber of Deputies seats and 10 of the 14 governorships at stake. However, Guido succeeded in his top priority of convincing military leaders to allow
6880-649: Was more than offset by increased social security benefits and a 50% wage increase for public sector employees. Losses at state-owned companies remained a burden on public finances despite Illia's creation of the Syndicate of State Businesses to encourage efficiency in state-owned companies. The annual subsidy to cover losses at the national railway company accounted for almost 20% of central government expenditures in 1965. Government procurement costs increased due to legislation passed by Illia's administration that gave preferential status to domestic vendors in public contracts; by
6966-551: Was part of the Radical Civic Union , and the People's Radical Civic Union during his presidency. Illia reached the presidency of the Nation in elections controlled by the Armed Forces in which Peronism was outlawed and while the previous constitutional president Arturo Frondizi was detained. During his government, the national industry was promoted, 23% of the national budget was allocated to education (the highest figure in
7052-410: Was passed on August 28, 1964. It established a policy of price and quality controls for pharmaceuticals, freezing prices for patented medicines at the end of 1963, establishing limits to advertising expenditures and to money sent outside the country for royalties and related payments. The regulation of this law by Decree 3042/65 also required pharmaceutical corporations to present to a judge an analysis of
7138-414: Was significantly more flexible than in prior administrations with a " crawling peg " exchange rate that devalued the peso in line with inflation, preventing the overvalued currency that had resulted in prior administrations that used a fixed exchange rate regime. Illia's economic record was strongly impacted by his petroleum policy. During his presidential campaign, Arturo Illia promised to dissolve both
7224-567: Was unable to broaden its electoral base beyond its core middle-class constituency, which left the most powerful interest groups – Peronists, the military, and business leaders – excluded from formal sources of political authority. Illia refused to give the military a direct role in government, which he viewed as a violation of constitutional legality. Meanwhile, Illia's reluctance to engage in the clientelism that characterized Argentine politics left him isolated even within his own party. The newspaper La Nación would later write of his presidency, "It
7310-441: Was vice-governor of the province. On 15 February 1939, he married Silvia Elvira Martorell, and had three children: Emma Silvia, Martín Arturo and Leandro Hipólito. Martín Illia was elected to Congress in 1995, and served until his death in 1999. Gabriela Michetti , elected vice president in 2015, is a great-grandniece of Illia. Arturo Illia became a member of the Radical Civic Union when he reached adulthood, in 1918, under
7396-570: Was violated, in which he ordered police to invade the Faculty of Sciences of the University of Buenos Aires . They beat up and arrested students and professors. The university repression led to the exile of 301 university professors, among whom were Manuel Sadosky , Tulio Halperín Donghi , Sergio Bagú , and Risieri Frondizi. Onganía also ordered repression on all forms of "immoralism", proscribing miniskirts , long hair for young men, and all avant-garde artistic movements. This moral campaign alienated
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