151-521: Herbert Henry Asquith, 1st Earl of Oxford and Asquith , (12 September 1852 – 15 February 1928), generally known as H. H. Asquith , was a British statesman and liberal politician who was Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from 1908 to 1916. He was the last Liberal Party prime minister to command a majority government , and the most recent Liberal to have served as Leader of the Opposition . He played
302-481: A 20 per cent tax on the unearned increase in value in land, payable at death of the owner or sale of the land. There would also be a tax of 1 ⁄ 2 d in the pound on undeveloped land. A graduated income tax was imposed, and there were increases in imposts on tobacco, beer and spirits. A tax on petrol was introduced despite Treasury concerns that it could not work in practice. Although Asquith held fourteen cabinet meetings to assure unity amongst his ministers, there
453-544: A barrister. He and others prevailed on the former Secretary of State for War , Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman to accept the post. During the Boer War of 1899–1902 Liberal opinion divided along pro-imperialist and "Little England" lines, with Campbell-Bannerman striving to maintain party unity. Asquith was less inclined than his leader and many in the party to censure the Conservative government for its conduct, though he regarded
604-437: A broadly Liberal outlook. Matthew comments that the articles Asquith wrote for the magazine give a good overview of his political views as a young man. He was staunchly radical, but as unconvinced by extreme left-wing views as by Toryism . Among the topics that caused debate among Liberals were British imperialism, the union of Great Britain and Ireland, and female suffrage. Asquith was a strong, though not jingoistic, proponent of
755-528: A cabinet committee that had written a plan to resolve legislative stalemates by a joint sitting of the Commons as a body with 100 of the peers. The Commons passed a number of pieces of legislation in 1908 which were defeated or heavily amended in the Lords, including a Licensing Bill, a Scottish Small Landholders' Bill, and a Scottish Land Values Bill. None of these bills was important enough to dissolve parliament and seek
906-465: A century and a half. Culturally, in England and Wales , discrimination against Nonconformists endured even longer. Presbyterians , Congregationalists , Baptists , Calvinists , other "reformed" groups and less organised sects were identified as Nonconformists at the time of the 1662 Act of Uniformity. Following the act, other groups, including Methodists , Unitarians , Quakers , Plymouth Brethren , and
1057-492: A constitutional anomaly in the 21st century. Both contend that such powers lack direct democratic legitimacy due to not being regulated by parliamentary statutes and raise concerns over accountability. Elliot and Thomas have pointed out that judicial intervention in cases such as Miller I and Miller II , where the Supreme Court exercised scrutiny over the use of prerogative powers by the government to prorogue parliament during
1208-478: A constitutional monarchy in which the monarch "reigns but does not rule". According to Brazier, the prime minister advises the monarch on matters such as the dissolution of parliament and appointments to the House of Lords, but these decisions are often made with the consent of parliament. The prime minister leads the executive in directing government policy and maintaining coordination between government departments which
1359-598: A country house at Sutton Courtenay in Berkshire which they bought in 1912; their London mansion, 20 Cavendish Square , was let during his premiership. He was addicted to Contract bridge . Above all else, Asquith thrived on company and conversation. A clubbable man, he enjoyed "the companionship of clever and attractive women" even more. Throughout his life, Asquith had a circle of close female friends, which Margot termed his "harem". In 1912, one of these, Venetia Stanley became much closer. Meeting first in 1909–1910, by 1912 she
1510-453: A distinction between earned and unearned income, taxing the latter at a higher rate. He used the increased revenues to fund old-age pensions, the first time a British government had provided them. Reductions in selective taxes, such as that on sugar, were aimed at benefiting the poor. Asquith planned the 1908 budget, but by the time he presented it to the Commons he was no longer chancellor. Campbell-Bannerman's health had been failing for nearly
1661-413: A function of the office of prime minister. Despite this, the exercise of the prime minister's prerogative powers in these matters is under the oversight of parliament. It is often by convention that a prime minister must seek the approval of parliament before committing the nation to military action. In addition to this, the prime minister also exerts informal influence over public policy. Brazier notes this
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#17330851279171812-601: A great and unforeseen boost in 1889 when he was named junior counsel to Sir Charles Russell at the Parnell Commission of Enquiry . The commission had been set up in the aftermath of damaging statements in The Times , based on forged letters, that Irish MP Charles Stuart Parnell had expressed approval of Dublin's Phoenix Park killings . When the manager of The Times , J. C. Macdonald, was called to give evidence Russell, feeling tired, surprised Asquith by asking him to conduct
1963-559: A great part of the more active members of society, who have the most intercourse with the people have the most influence over them, are Protestant Dissenters. These are manufacturers, merchants and substantial tradesman, or persons who are in the enjoyment of a competency realised by trade, commerce and manufacturers, gentlemen of the professions of law and physic, and agriculturalists, of that class particularly who live upon their own freehold. The virtues of temperance, frugality, prudence and integrity promoted by religious Nonconformity...assist
2114-632: A landmark English contract law case that established that a company was obliged to meet its advertised pledges. In September 1891, Helen Asquith died of typhoid fever , following a few days' illness while the family were on holiday in Scotland. Asquith bought a house in Surrey , and hired nannies and other domestic staff. He sold the Hampstead property and took a flat in Mount Street , Mayfair , where he lived during
2265-709: A long nonconformist tradition. It was a matter of family pride, shared by Asquith, that an ancestor, Joseph Asquith, was imprisoned for his part in the pro- Roundhead Farnley Wood Plot of 1664. Both Asquith's parents came from families associated with the Yorkshire wool trade. Dixon Asquith inherited the Gillroyd Mill Company, founded by his father. Emily's father, William Willans, ran a successful wool-trading business in Huddersfield . Both families were middle-class, Congregationalist , and politically radical . Dixon
2416-670: A major figure in the party, and when the Liberals regained power under Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman in 1905, Asquith was named Chancellor of the Exchequer . In 1908, Asquith succeeded him as prime minister. The Liberals were determined to advance their reform agenda. An impediment to this was the House of Lords, which rejected the People's Budget of 1909. Meanwhile, the South Africa Act 1909 passed. Asquith called an election for January 1910 , and
2567-555: A major role in English politics. In a political context, historians distinguish between two categories of Dissenters, in addition to the evangelical element in the Church of England. "Old Dissenters", dating from the 16th and 17th centuries, included Baptists , Congregationalists , Quakers , Unitarians , and Presbyterians outside Scotland. "New Dissenters" emerged in the 18th century and were mainly Methodists. The " Nonconformist conscience "
2718-649: A major role in the design and passage of major liberal legislation and a reduction of the power of the House of Lords . In August 1914, Asquith took Great Britain and the British Empire into the First World War . During 1915, his government was vigorously attacked for a shortage of munitions and the failure of the Gallipoli Campaign . He formed a coalition government with other parties but failed to satisfy critics,
2869-468: A man whose life in other respects was a long absorption into metropolitanism." The boys were sent to the City of London School as day boys. Under the school's headmaster, E. A. Abbott , a distinguished classical scholar, Asquith became an outstanding pupil. He later said that he was under deeper obligations to his old headmaster than to any man living; Abbott disclaimed credit for the boy's progress: "I never had
3020-434: A medical doctor by training, states that "by modern diagnostic standards, Asquith became an alcoholic while Prime Minister." Witnesses often remarked on his weight gain and red, bloated face. Asquith hoped to act as a mediator between members of his cabinet as they pushed Liberal legislation through Parliament. Events, including conflict with the House of Lords, forced him to the front from the start of his premiership. Despite
3171-601: A mining strike. Asquith sent 400 Metropolitan policeman. After two civilians were killed in Featherstone when soldiers opened fire on a crowd, Asquith was subject to protests at public meetings for a period. He responded to a taunt, "Why did you murder the miners at Featherstone in '92?" by saying, "It was not '92, it was '93." When Gladstone retired in March 1894, Queen Victoria chose the Foreign Secretary , Lord Rosebery , as
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#17330851279173322-404: A new mandate at a general election. Asquith and Lloyd George believed the peers would back down if presented with Liberal objectives contained within a finance bill—the Lords had not obstructed a money bill since the 17th century and, after initially blocking Gladstone 's attempt (as chancellor ) to repeal Paper Duties, had yielded in 1861 when it was submitted again in a finance bill. Accordingly,
3473-456: A non- Anglican church or a non-Christian religion. More broadly, any person who advocated religious liberty was typically called out as Nonconformist. The strict religious tests embodied in the laws of the Clarendon Code and other penal laws excluded a substantial section of English society from public affairs and benefits, including certification of university degrees, for well more than
3624-750: A number of Campbell-Bannerman's cabinet ministers. Lord Tweedmouth , the First Lord of the Admiralty , was relegated to the nominal post of Lord President of the Council . Lord Elgin was sacked from the Colonial Office and the Earl of Portsmouth (whom Asquith had tutored) was too, as undersecretary at the War Office. The abruptness of their dismissals caused hard feelings; Elgin wrote to Tweedmouth, "I venture to think that even
3775-418: A peerage to become a figurehead prime minister in the House of Lords, giving the pro-empire wing of the party greater dominance in the House of Commons. Campbell-Bannerman called their bluff and refused to move. Asquith was appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer. He held the post for over two years, and introduced three budgets. A month after taking office, Campbell-Bannerman called a general election , in which
3926-581: A permanent Unionist majority in the House of Lords, restricted the government's capacity to put reforming measures in place. Asquith failed to secure a majority for a bill to disestablish the Church in Wales , and another to protect workers injured at work, but he built up a reputation as a capable and fair minister. In 1893, Asquith responded to a request from Magistrates in the Wakefield area for reinforcements to police
4077-550: A prime minister may have some regard for the usages common among gentlemen ... I feel that even a housemaid gets a better warning." Historian Cameron Hazlehurst wrote that "the new men, with the old, made a powerful team". The cabinet choices balanced the competing factions in the party; the appointments of Lloyd George and Churchill satisfied the radicals, while the whiggish element favoured Reginald McKenna 's appointment as First Lord. Possessed of "a faculty for working quickly", Asquith had considerable time for leisure. Reading
4228-459: A pupil who owed less to me and more to his own natural ability." Asquith excelled in classics and English, was little interested in sports, read voraciously in the Guildhall Library , and became fascinated with oratory. He visited the public gallery of the House of Commons , studied the techniques of famous preachers, and honed his own skills in the school debating society. Abbott remarked on
4379-489: A registrar was present. Also in 1836, civil registration of births, deaths and marriages was taken from the hands of local parish officials and given to local government registrars. Burial of the dead was a more troubling problem, for urban chapels rarely had graveyards, and sought to use the traditional graveyards controlled by the established church. The Burial Laws Amendment Act 1880 finally allowed this. Oxford University required students seeking admission to submit to
4530-542: A reliable majority of MPs who vote in support of the government's priorities. Another essential part of the parliamentary powers possessed by the prime minister is determining the composition of the Cabinet. According to Professor Robert Hazell, the prime minister not only chooses cabinet members but also dictates the collective decision-making process of members as well. The prime minister most often would chair cabinet meetings and may determine their frequency, thereby controlling
4681-623: A series of disabilities on Nonconformists that prevented them from holding most public offices, that required them to pay local taxes to the Anglican church, be married by Anglican ministers, and be denied attendance at Oxford or degrees at Cambridge. Dissenters demanded removal of political and civil disabilities that applied to them (especially those in the Test and Corporation Acts). The Anglican establishment strongly resisted until 1828. The Test Act 1673 made it illegal for anyone not receiving communion in
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4832-414: A seven-year term, as it would mean the legislature had refused supply . The budget passed the Commons on 4 November 1909, but was voted down in the Lords on the 30th, the Lords passing a resolution by Lord Lansdowne stating that they were entitled to oppose the finance bill as it lacked an electoral mandate. Asquith had Parliament prorogued three days later for an election beginning on 15 January 1910, with
4983-588: A war leader and as a party leader after 1914 have been highlighted by historians. He remained the only prime minister between 1827 and 1979 to serve more than eight consecutive years in a single term. Asquith was born in Morley , in the West Riding of Yorkshire , the younger son of Joseph Dixon Asquith (1825–1860) and his wife Emily, née Willans (1828–1888). The couple also had three daughters, of whom only one survived infancy. The Asquiths were an old Yorkshire family, with
5134-723: A widower. On 10 May 1894, they were married at St George's, Hanover Square . Asquith became a son in law of Sir Charles Tennant, 1st Baronet . Margot was in many respects the opposite of Asquith's first wife, being outgoing, impulsive, extravagant and opinionated. Despite the misgivings of many of Asquith's friends and colleagues the marriage proved to be a success. Margot got on, if sometimes stormily, with her step-children. She and Asquith had five children of their own, only two of whom survived infancy: Anthony Asquith (9 November 1902 – 21 February 1968), and Elizabeth Asquith (26 February 1897 – 7 April 1945), who married Prince Antoine Bibesco on 30 April 1919. The general election of July 1895
5285-520: A year. After a series of heart attacks, Campbell-Bannerman resigned on 3 April 1908, less than three weeks before his death. Asquith was universally accepted as the natural successor. King Edward, who was on holiday in Biarritz , sent for Asquith, who took the boat train to France and kissed hands as prime minister in the Hôtel du Palais , Biarritz, on 8 April. On Asquith's return from Biarritz, his leadership of
5436-547: Is based on an uncodified constitution , meaning that it is not set out in any single document. The British constitution consists of many documents, and most importantly for the evolution of the office of the prime minister, it is based on customs known as constitutional conventions that became accepted practice. In 1928, Prime Minister H. H. Asquith described this characteristic of the British constitution in his memoirs: In this country we live ... under an unwritten Constitution. It
5587-415: Is dependent upon the cooperation and consent of ministers. Foreign policy and national security are areas in which the prime minister has traditionally enjoyed more authority under what are known as prerogative powers. Vernon Bogdanor argues that the abilities to declare war, negotiate treaties and deploy the armed forces have historically been part of the monarch's royal authority but have slowly evolved into
5738-470: Is developed by constitutional conventions and therefore it is defined by precedent and tradition. Bogdanor notes that the prime minister's power in parliament is exhibited by their control of the executive (the Cabinet) and their ability to influence the legislative agenda. The ability of the prime minister to influence legislation, according to academic Philip Norton , is often through party discipline and having
5889-475: Is due to the prime minister often being the leader of the largest party in government, therefore having a direct impact in initiating policy both in government and during election campaigns. In the House of Commons, the prime minister guides the law-making process with the goal of enacting the legislative agenda of their political party. In an executive capacity, the prime minister appoints (and may dismiss) all other Cabinet members and ministers , and co-ordinates
6040-424: Is further solidified through their ability to shape policy before it reaches parliament. King further argued that the shaping of legislation, on many occasions, involves the collaborative efforts of cabinet ministers and civil servants, but the prime minister's approval is needed in order to initiate the legislative agenda. King's analysis of contemporary politcs showed that some prime ministers often bypass or overrule
6191-421: Is holding office. Historically, the prime minister has never been the first among equals at any time prior to 1868. Until now, that characterisation of the prime minister is reflective of the democratic nature of their position. The power of the prime minister depends on the support of their respective party and on the popular mandate. The appointment of cabinet ministers and granting of honours are done through
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6342-402: Is not established by any statute or constitutional document, but exists only by long-established convention , whereby the monarch appoints as prime minister the person most likely to command the confidence of the House of Commons. In practice, this is the leader of the political party that holds the largest number of seats in the Commons. The prime minister is ex officio also First Lord of
6493-591: Is therefore best understood from a historical perspective. The origins of the position are found in constitutional changes that occurred during the Revolutionary Settlement (1688–1720) and the resulting shift of political power from the sovereign to Parliament. The prime minister is the head of the United Kingdom government . As such, the modern prime minister leads the Cabinet (the Executive). In addition,
6644-711: Is true that we have on the Statute-book great instruments like Magna Carta, the Petition of Right, and the Bill of Rights which define and secure many of our rights and privileges; but the great bulk of our constitutional liberties and ... our constitutional practices do not derive their validity and sanction from any Bill which has received the formal assent of the King, Lords and Commons. They rest on usage, custom, convention, often of slow growth in their early stages, not always uniform, but which in
6795-564: Is used in a broader sense to refer to Christians who are not communicants of a majority national church , such as the Lutheran Church of Sweden . The Act of Uniformity 1662 required churchmen to use all rites and ceremonies as prescribed in the Book of Common Prayer . It also required episcopal ordination of all ministers of the Church of England—a pronouncement most odious to the Puritans ,
6946-531: The English Moravians were officially labelled as Nonconformists as they became organised. The term dissenter later came into particular use after the Act of Toleration 1689 , which exempted those Nonconformists who had taken oaths of allegiance from being penalised for certain acts, such as for non-attendance at Church of England services. A census of religion in 1851 revealed Nonconformists made up about half
7097-703: The Irish Catholics in an otherwise unlikely alliance. The Nonconformist conscience was also repeatedly called upon by Gladstone for support for his moralistic foreign policy. In election after election, Protestant ministers rallied their congregations to the Liberal ticket. (In Scotland, the Presbyterians played a similar role to the Nonconformist Methodists, Baptists and other groups in England and Wales.) Many of
7248-617: The Thirty-nine Articles of the Church of England. Cambridge University required that for a diploma. The two ancient universities opposed giving a charter to the new London University in the 1830s, because it had no such restriction. London University, nevertheless, was established in 1836, and by the 1850s Oxford dropped its restrictions. In 1871 Gladstone sponsored legislation that provided full access to degrees and fellowships. The Scottish universities never had restrictions. Since 1660, Dissenters, later Nonconformists, have played
7399-549: The United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union , was successful in keeping check over the authority of both the prime minister and the government. The evolving usage of prerogative powers also has signalled tension between tradition and accountability. Authors Paul Craig and Adam Tomkins state that the absence of a written constitution gives a prime minister greater leeway in employing their given prerogative powers without limits that in turn would create uncertainty although
7550-463: The world's sixth largest economy , the prime minister hold significant domestic and international leadership alongside being the leader of a prominent member state of NATO , the G7 and G20 . 58 people (55 men and 3 women) have served as prime minister, the first of whom was Robert Walpole taking office on 3 April 1721. The longest-serving prime minister was also Walpole, who served over 20 years, and
7701-544: The 1886 election, and Asquith joined the House of Commons as an opposition backbencher. He waited until March 1887 to make his maiden speech, which opposed the Conservative administration's proposal to give special priority to an Irish Crimes Bill. From the start of his parliamentary career Asquith impressed other MPs with his air of authority as well as his lucidity of expression. For the remainder of this Parliament, which lasted until 1892, Asquith spoke occasionally but effectively, mostly on Irish matters. Asquith's legal practice
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#17330851279177852-493: The 20th century, until only pockets of nonconformist religiosity remained in England. Nonconformity in Wales can be traced to the Welsh Methodist revival ; Wales effectively had become a Nonconformist country by the mid-19th century; nonconformist chapel attendance significantly outnumbered Anglican church attendance. They were based in the fast-growing upwardly mobile urban middle class. The influence of Nonconformism in
8003-591: The Budget (this was not unusual, as Queen Victoria had helped to broker agreement between the two Houses over the Irish Church Act 1869 and the Third Reform Act in 1884 ). From July it became increasingly clear that the Conservative peers would reject the budget, partly in the hope of forcing an election. If they rejected it, Asquith determined, he would have to ask the King to dissolve Parliament, four years into
8154-468: The Church of England to hold office under the crown. The Corporation Act 1661 did likewise for offices in municipal government . Although the Test and Corporation Acts remained on the statute-book, in practice they were not enforced against Protestant nonconformists due to the passage of various Indemnity Acts , in particular the Indemnity Act 1727 , which relieved Nonconformists from the requirements in
8305-552: The Commons and Rosebery in the Lords—who detested each other, once again suffered factional divisions. Rosebery resigned in October 1896 and Harcourt followed him in December 1898. Asquith came under strong pressure to accept the nomination to take over as Liberal leader, but the post of Leader of the Opposition, though full-time, was then unpaid, and he could not afford to give up his income as
8456-415: The Commons first passing a resolution deeming the Lords' vote to be an attack on the constitution. The January 1910 general election was dominated by talk of removing the Lords' veto. A possible solution was to threaten to have King Edward pack the House of Lords with freshly minted Liberal peers, who would override the Lords's veto; Asquith's talk of safeguards was taken by many to mean that he had secured
8607-568: The Conservatives, while the Liberals were united under the banner of "free fooders" against those in the government who countenanced a tax on imported essentials. Salisbury's Conservative successor as prime minister, Arthur Balfour , resigned in December 1905, but did not seek a dissolution of Parliament and a general election. King Edward VII invited Campbell-Bannerman to form a minority government. Asquith and his close political allies Haldane and Sir Edward Grey tried to pressure him into taking
8758-503: The Empire) a chance; there were many public meetings, some of them organised by dukes , in protest at the budget. Many Liberal politicians attacked the peers, including Lloyd George in his Newcastle upon Tyne speech, in which he said "a fully-equipped duke costs as much to keep up as two Dreadnoughts ; and dukes are just as great a terror and they last longer". King Edward privately urged Conservative leaders Balfour and Lord Lansdowne to pass
8909-506: The Empire, and, after initial caution, came to support home rule for Ireland. He opposed votes for women for most of his political career. There was also an element of party interest: Asquith believed that votes for women would disproportionately benefit the Conservatives . In a 2001 study of the extension of the franchise between 1832 and 1931, Bob Whitfield concluded that Asquith's surmise about
9060-614: The German invasion of Belgium, high-profile domestic conflicts were suspended regarding Ireland and women's suffrage. Asquith was more of a committee chair than a dynamic leader. He oversaw national mobilisation, the dispatch of the British Expeditionary Force to the Western Front, the creation of a mass army and the development of an industrial strategy designed to support the country's war aims. The war became bogged down and there
9211-602: The Ireland in 1874, on that occasion coming so close that the examiners awarded him a special prize of books. However, he won the Craven Scholarship and graduated with what his biographers describe as an "easy" double first in Mods and Greats . After graduating he was elected to a prize fellowship of Balliol. Perhaps because of his stark beginnings, Asquith was always attracted to the comforts and accoutrements that money can buy. He
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#17330851279179362-456: The King's agreement to this. They were mistaken; the King had informed Asquith that he would not consider a mass creation of peers until after a second general election. Lloyd George and Churchill were the leading forces in the Liberals' appeal to the voters; Asquith, clearly tired, took to the hustings for a total of two weeks during the campaign, and when the polls began, journeyed to Cannes with such speed that he neglected an engagement with
9513-536: The King's speech opening Parliament was vague on what was to be done to neutralise the Lords' veto. Asquith dispirited his supporters by stating in Parliament that he had neither asked for nor received a commitment from the King to create peers. The cabinet considered resigning and leaving it up to Balfour to try to form a Conservative government. Prime Minister of the United Kingdom The prime minister of
9664-454: The King, to the monarch's annoyance. The result was a hung parliament . The Liberals lost heavily from their great majority of 1906, but still finished with two more seats than the Conservatives. With Irish Nationalist and Labour support, the government would have ample support on most issues, and Asquith stated that his majority compared favourably with those enjoyed by Palmerston and Lord John Russell . Immediate further pressure to remove
9815-515: The Liberal leadership expected that after much objection from the Conservative peers, the Lords would yield to policy changes wrapped within a budget bill. In a major speech in December 1908, Asquith announced that the upcoming budget would reflect the Liberals' policy agenda, and the People's Budget that was submitted to Parliament by Lloyd George the following year greatly expanded social welfare programmes. To pay for them, it significantly increased both direct and indirect taxes. These included
9966-402: The Liberal party split on the question of Irish Home Rule , Gladstone called a general election . There was a last-minute vacancy at East Fife , where the sitting Liberal member, John Boyd Kinnear , had been deselected by his local Liberal Association for voting against Irish Home Rule. Richard Haldane , a close friend of Asquith's and also a struggling young barrister, had been Liberal MP for
10117-440: The Liberals gained a landslide majority of 132. However, Asquith's first budget, in 1906, was constrained by the annual income and expenditure plans he had inherited from his predecessor Austen Chamberlain . The only income for which Chamberlain had over-budgeted was the duty from sales of alcohol. With a balanced budget, and a realistic assessment of future public expenditure, Asquith was able, in his second and third budgets, to lay
10268-507: The Liberals was affirmed by a party meeting (the first time this had been done for a prime minister). He initiated a cabinet reshuffle. Lloyd George was promoted to be Asquith's replacement as chancellor. Winston Churchill succeeded Lloyd George as President of the Board of Trade , entering the Cabinet despite his youth (aged 33) and the fact that he had crossed the floor to become a Liberal only four years previously. Asquith demoted or dismissed
10419-528: The Liberals won, though they were reduced to a minority government . After another general election in December 1910 , he gained passage of the Parliament Act 1911 , allowing a bill three times passed by the Commons in consecutive sessions to be enacted regardless of the Lords. Asquith was less successful in dealing with Irish Home Rule . Repeated crises led to gun running and violence, verging on civil war. When Britain declared war on Germany in response to
10570-462: The Liberals's massive majority in the House of Commons, the Conservatives had overwhelming support in the unelected upper chamber . Campbell-Bannerman had favoured reforming the Lords by providing that a bill thrice passed by the Commons at least six months apart could become law without the Lords' consent, while diminishing the power of the Commons by reducing the maximum term of a parliament from seven to five years. Asquith, as chancellor, had served on
10721-513: The Lords' veto now came from the Irish MPs, who wanted to remove the Lords' ability to block the introduction of Irish Home Rule. They threatened to vote against the Budget unless they had their way. With another general election likely before long, Asquith had to make clear the Liberal policy on constitutional change to the country without alienating the Irish and Labour. This initially proved difficult, and
10872-648: The Nonconformists elected to Parliament were Liberals. Relatively few MPs were Dissenters. However the Dissenters were major voting bloc in many areas, such as the East Midlands. They were very well organised and highly motivated and largely won over the Whigs and Liberals to their cause. Gladstone brought the majority of Dissenters around to support for Home Rule for Ireland , putting the dissenting Protestants in league with
11023-609: The Old group supported mostly Whigs and Liberals in politics, while the New, like most Anglicans, generally supported Conservatives . By the late 19th century, the New Dissenters had mostly switched to the Liberal Party. The result was a merging of the two groups, strengthening their great weight as a political pressure group. After the Test and Corporation Acts were repealed in 1828 , all
11174-809: The Presidency. During the General Election in January and February 1874 he spoke against Lord Randolph Churchill , who was not yet a prominent politician, at nearby Woodstock . He eventually became President of the Union in Trinity Term 1874, his last term as an undergraduate. Asquith was proxime accessit (runner-up) for the Hertford Prize in 1872, again proxime accessit for the Ireland Prize in 1873, and again for
11325-632: The Test Act 1673 and the Corporation Act 1661 that public office holders must have taken the sacrament of the Lord's Supper in an Anglican church. In 1732, Nonconformists in the City of London created an association, the Dissenting Deputies to secure repeal of the Test and Corporation acts. The Deputies became a sophisticated pressure group, and worked with liberal Whigs to achieve repeal in 1828. It
11476-727: The Treasury (prior to 1905 also the official title of the position), Minister for the Civil Service , the minister responsible for national security , and Minister for the Union . The prime minister's official residence and office, by virtue of being the First Lord of the Treasury, is 10 Downing Street in London. Early conceptions of the office of prime minister evolved as the " Primus inter pares " or "first among equals", however that does not differentiate on status and responsibility upon whoever
11627-457: The United Kingdom is the head of government of the United Kingdom . The prime minister advises the sovereign on the exercise of much of the royal prerogative , chairs the Cabinet , and selects its ministers . As modern prime ministers hold office by virtue of their ability to command the confidence of the House of Commons , they sit as members of Parliament . The office of prime minister
11778-655: The agenda for policy and steering decisions in their preferred direction. Additionally, the prime minister can exercise considerable control over parliamentary time. Authors Alexander Horne and Gavin Drewry state that the prime minister uses this power through the Leader of the House of Commons , by which they are able to allocate time for government bills and often ensuring access to this time over private members' bills. The prime minister's parliamentary powers also extend to foreign relations. Contemporary historian Anthony Seldon says that
11929-448: The cabinet on traditional discussion and to push through their preferred agendas with notable cases such as Margaret Thatcher and Tony Blair. The prime minister's influence in the Houses of Parliament is derived from longstanding conventions and statutes that have gradually evolved through the centuries. The office of prime minister itself is not explicitly mentioned in parliamentary law but
12080-504: The classics, poetry and a vast range of English literature consumed much of his time. So did correspondence; intensely disliking the telephone, Asquith was a prolific letter writer. Travelling, often to country houses owned by members of Margot's family, was almost constant, Asquith being a devoted " weekender ". He spent part of each summer in Scotland, with golf, constituency matters, and time at Balmoral as duty minister. He and Margot divided their time between Downing Street and The Wharf ,
12231-420: The cogency and clarity of his pupil's speeches, qualities for which Asquith became celebrated throughout the rest of his life. Asquith later recalled seeing, as a schoolboy, the corpses of five murderers left hanging outside Newgate . In November 1869, Asquith won a classical scholarship at Balliol College, Oxford , going up the following October. The college's prestige, already high, continued to rise under
12382-421: The conferral of peerages and some knighthoods, decorations and other important honours. Bagehot identifies the prime minister as the leader of the "efficient" part of government that functions within the government to steer legislation through both Houses of Parliament. Although the prime minister does not possess the power to introduce legislation directly, their control of the cabinet and their role as leader of
12533-484: The constitutional hierarchy, the premiership was given little formal recognition until the 20th century; the legal fiction was maintained that the sovereign still governed directly. The position was first mentioned in statute only in 1917, in the schedule of the Chequers Estate Act . Increasingly during the 20th century, the office and role of prime minister featured in statute law and official documents; however,
12684-438: The course of time received universal observance and respect. The relationships between the prime minister and the sovereign, Parliament and Cabinet are defined largely by these unwritten conventions of the constitution. Many of the prime minister's executive and legislative powers are actually royal prerogatives which are still formally vested in the sovereign , who remains the head of state . Despite its growing dominance in
12835-583: The cross-examination. Under Asquith's questioning, it became plain that in accepting the forgeries as genuine, without making any check, Macdonald had, in Jenkins's phrase, behaved "with a credulity which would have been childlike had it not been criminally negligent". The Manchester Guardian reported that under Asquith's cross-examination, Macdonald "squirmed and wriggled through a dozen half-formed phrases in an attempt at explanation, and finished none". The accusations against Parnell were shown to be false, The Times
12986-405: The early 20th century . During the premierships of Tony Blair and Margaret Thatcher , prime ministerial power expanded substantially and their leadership in the office were described as "presidential" due to their personal yielding of power and tight control over the cabinet. The prime minister is regarded as one of the world's most powerful political leaders in modern times. As the leader of
13137-595: The early part of the 20th century, boosted by the 1904–1905 Welsh Revival , led to the disestablishment of the Anglican Church in Wales in 1920 and the formation of the Church in Wales . In other countries, the term Nonconformist is used in a broader sense to refer to Christians who are not communicants of a majority national church , such as the Lutheran Church of Sweden . The largest Nonconformist church in Sweden,
13288-740: The electoral impact was correct. In addition to his work for The Spectator , he was retained as a leader writer by The Economist , taught at evening classes, and marked examination papers. Asquith's career as a barrister began to flourish in 1883 when R. S. Wright invited him to join his chambers at the Inner Temple . Wright was the Junior Counsel to the Treasury, a post often known as "the Attorney General 's devil ", whose function included giving legal advice to ministers and government departments. One of Asquith's first jobs in working for Wright
13439-601: The faction of the church which had come to dominance during the English Civil War and the Interregnum . Consequently, nearly 2,000 clergymen were "ejected" from the established church for refusing to comply with the provisions of the act, an event referred to as the Great Ejection . The Great Ejection created an abiding public consciousness of nonconformity. Thereafter, a Nonconformist was any English subject belonging to
13590-542: The family, moved them to a house near his own, and arranged for the boys' schooling. After a year at Huddersfield College they were sent as boarders to Fulneck School , a Moravian Church school near Leeds . In 1863 William Willans died, and the family came under the care of Emily's brother, John Willans. The boys went to live with him in London; when he moved back to Yorkshire in 1864 for business reasons, they remained in London and were lodged with various families. The biographer Naomi Levine writes that in effect Asquith
13741-516: The first MPs elected for the Labour Party in the 1900s were also nonconformists. Nonconformists were angered by the Education Act 1902 , which provided for the support of denominational schools from taxes. The elected local school boards that they largely controlled were abolished and replaced by county-level local education authorities that were usually controlled by Anglicans. Worst of all
13892-545: The first chapter of his biography "From Herbert to Henry", referring to upward social mobility and his abandonment of his Yorkshire Nonconformist roots with his second marriage. However, in public, he was invariably referred to only as H. H. Asquith. "There have been few major national figures whose Christian names were less well known to the public" according to biographer Roy Jenkins . Herbert Asquith and his brother were educated at home by their parents until 1860, when Dixon Asquith died suddenly. William Willans took charge of
14043-403: The foundations for limited redistribution of wealth and welfare provisions for the poor. Blocked at first by Treasury officials from setting a variable rate of income tax with higher rates on those with high incomes, he set up a committee under Sir Charles Dilke which recommended not only variable income tax rates but also a supertax on incomes of more than £5,000 a year. Asquith also introduced
14194-477: The granting of honours. Brazier argues that prerogative powers allow the prime minister to act within the "authority of the crown" in situations where neither convention nor statutory law applies. As noted by both Bagehot and Brazier, areas in which the prime minister authorises their given prerogative powers are matters of foreign affairs. In recent occasions, the 2003 invasion of Iraq saw Prime Minister Tony Blair deploying British troops to Saudi Arabia without
14345-485: The hated Anglican schools would now receive funding from local taxes that everyone had to pay. One tactic was to refuse to pay local taxes. John Clifford formed the National Passive Resistance Committee . By 1904 over 37,000 summonses for unpaid school taxes were issued, with thousands having their property seized and 80 protesters going to prison. It operated for another decade but had no impact on
14496-479: The household, religion, and moral behaviour. Religiosity was in the female sphere, and the Nonconformist churches offered new roles that women eagerly entered. They taught Sunday school , visited the poor and sick, distributed tracts, engaged in fundraising, supported missionaries, led Methodist class meetings , prayed with other women, and a few were allowed to preach to mixed audiences. Parliament had imposed
14647-465: The immediate consent or approval of parliament. Brazier says the rise of parliamentary and public scrutiny has led to calls for reform and checks on the use of prerogative powers. The only prime minister who did not seek parliamentary or legal consent for military action was Anthony Eden during the Suez Crisis in 1956. Professors Mark Elliot and Robert Thomas argue that prerogative powers present
14798-503: The impression of a man out of touch. Lady Tree 's teasing question, asked at the height of the conflict, "Tell me, Mr Asquith, do you take an interest in the war?", conveyed a commonly held view. Asquith enjoyed alcohol and his drinking was the subject of considerable gossip. His relaxed attitude to drink disappointed the temperance element in the Liberal coalition and some authors have suggested it affected his decision-making, for example in his opposition to Lloyd George's wartime attacks on
14949-434: The largest political party in the House of Commons enables them substantial influence over any legislative agenda. Bagehot points out that this power is based on the prime minister's ability to operate the "machinery of government" that allows them to guide legislation that align with their party's political and ideological priorities. Brazier argues that the legislative power of the prime minister has greatly expanded following
15100-466: The late 19th century the new terms " free church " and "Free churchman" (or "Free church person") started to replace "Nonconformist" or "Dissenter". One influential Nonconformist minister was Matthew Henry , who beginning in 1710 published his multi-volume biblical commentary that is still used and available in the 21st century. Isaac Watts is an equally recognised Nonconformist minister whose hymns are still sung by Christians worldwide. The term
15251-597: The linkage between the Nonconformists and Liberal Party was weakening, as secularisation reduced the strength of Dissent in English political life. Today, Protestant churches independent of the Anglican Church of England or the Presbyterian Church of Scotland are often called " free churches ", meaning they are free from state control. This term is used interchangeably with "Nonconformist". The steady pace of secularisation picked up faster and faster during
15402-452: The liquor trade. The Conservative leader Bonar Law quipped "Asquith drunk can make a better speech than any of us sober". His reputation suffered, especially as wartime crises demanded the full attention of the prime minister. David Owen writes that Asquith was ordered by his doctor to rein in his consumption after a near-collapse in April 1911, but it is unclear whether he actually did so. Owen,
15553-431: The nearby Haddingtonshire constituency since December 1885 . He put Asquith's name forward as a replacement for Kinnear, and only ten days before polling Asquith was formally nominated in a vote of the local Liberals. The Conservatives did not contest the seat, putting their support behind Kinnear, who stood against Asquith as a Liberal Unionist . Asquith was elected with 2,863 votes to Kinnear's 2,489. The Liberals lost
15704-556: The new prime minister. Asquith thought Rosebery preferable to the other possible candidate, the Chancellor of the Exchequer , Sir William Harcourt , whom he deemed too anti-imperialist—one of the so-called " Little Englanders "—and too abrasive. Asquith remained at the Home Office until the government fell in 1895. Asquith had known Margot Tennant slightly since before his wife's death, and grew increasingly attached to her in his years as
15855-509: The number of people who attended church services on Sundays. In the larger manufacturing areas, Nonconformists clearly outnumbered members of the Church of England. Nonconformists in the 18th and 19th century claimed a devotion to hard work, temperance, frugality, and upward mobility, with which historians today largely agree. A major Unitarian magazine, the Christian Monthly Repository asserted in 1827: Throughout England
16006-463: The orthodox Liberal view, speaking in support, inter alia , of the disestablishment of the Church of England, and of non-intervention in the Franco-Prussian War ". He sometimes debated against his Balliol contemporary Alfred Milner , who although then a Liberal was already an advocate of British imperialism. He was elected Treasurer of the Union in 1872 but was defeated at his first attempt at
16157-419: The policies and activities of all government departments, and the staff of the Civil Service. The prime minister also acts as the public "face" and "voice" of His Majesty's Government, both at home and abroad. Solely upon the advice of the prime minister, the sovereign exercises many statutory and prerogative powers, including high judicial, political, official and Church of England ecclesiastical appointments;
16308-400: The post-war period and that as a result, the prime minister now directly authorises supervision over government bills and has a consequential role in the introduction of legislation. The prime minister is able to wield considerable power in the passing of legislation through their ability to manage party discipline and cohesion in voting patterns. Bogdanor states that this largely depends upon
16459-407: The power of the prime minister derives from their ability to command a majority in the House in order to pass legislation and continue the functions of government. If a prime minister loses the confidence of the House, which occurs in a vote of no confidence, they are often expected to resign from office or request the monarch dissolve parliament to call a general election. The prime minister acts as
16610-447: The powers of the Crown, entrusting its authority to responsible ministers (the prime minister and Cabinet), accountable for their policies and actions to Parliament, in particular the elected House of Commons . Although many of the sovereign's prerogative powers are still legally intact, constitutional conventions have removed the monarch from day-to-day governance, with ministers exercising
16761-428: The prime minister acts as the main representative of the government in the international sphere, including in parliament, where treaties are ratified and international commitments are debated. The most significant powers given to the prime minister are "prerogative powers". These are a set of constitutional privileges deriving from monarchial authority that have gradually evolved into tools of executive power managed by
16912-401: The prime minister and the government. Bagehot famously called the British system as one where "the executive power is now yielded by the prime minister" rather than the monarch, a shift from personal to political power. Prerogative powers allow the prime minister to act without the immediate or direct consent of parliament especially in circumstances such as declaring war, deployment of troops and
17063-463: The prime minister and the sovereign. The concept of " the Crown " resolves this paradox. The Crown symbolises the state's authority to govern: to make laws and execute them, impose taxes and collect them, declare war and make peace. Before the " Glorious Revolution " of 1688, the sovereign exclusively wielded the powers of the Crown; afterwards, Parliament gradually forced monarchs to assume a neutral political position. Parliament has effectively dispersed
17214-446: The prime minister being the leader of the largest party in the Commons, which can pass legislation without any or little resistance if they can command the confidence of the House. This aspect of prime ministerial power is informal and often carried out by the office of Whips, who makes sure that MPs remain loyal and vote on the government line. The political scientist Anthony King said that the prime minister's influence over legislation
17365-407: The prime minister can hold significant power over the executive, it is often exercised collectively through the Cabinet (Government). Ministerial responsibility is also an aspect of a prime minister's executive authority. The prime minister leads the cabinet which makes the holder of that office bear responsibility for the collective conduct of the government. Professor Rodney Brazier points out that
17516-409: The prime minister leads a major political party and generally commands a majority in the House of Commons (the lower chamber of Parliament). The incumbent wields both significant legislative and executive powers. Under the British system, there is a unity of powers rather than separation . Walter Bagehot described the office of prime minister as the "keystone of the Cabinet arch" that maintained while
17667-488: The prime minister's power of appointment . The prime minister alongside the cabinet proposes new legislation and decide on key policies that fit their agenda which is then passed by an act of parliament . The power of the office of prime minister has grown significantly since the first prime minister, Robert Walpole in 1721. Prime ministerial power itself evolved gradually alongside the office itself which have played an increasingly prominent role in British politics since
17818-462: The prime minister's powers and relationships with other institutions still largely continue to derive from ancient royal prerogatives and historic and modern constitutional conventions. Prime ministers continue to hold the position of First Lord of the Treasury and, since November 1968, that of Minister for the Civil Service , the latter giving them authority over the civil service . Under this arrangement, Britain might appear to have two executives:
17969-420: The principal advisor to the monarch, who is the head of state, a capacity that has evolved gradually during the history of the office. Bagehot says that despite the monarch holding certain theoretical executive powers, in practice, these powers are often executed upon the advice and recommendation of the prime minister and the cabinet. This is considered a major principle of the "unity of powers" that exists within
18120-650: The radical Liberal MP, Cunninghame Graham , who was charged with assaulting police officers when they attempted to break up a demonstration in Trafalgar Square . Graham was later convicted of the lesser charge of unlawful assembly . In what Jenkins calls "a less liberal cause", Asquith appeared for the prosecution in the trial of Henry Vizetelly for publishing "obscene libels"—the first English versions of Zola 's novels Nana , Pot-Bouille and La Terre , which Asquith described in court as "the three most immoral books ever published". Asquith's law career received
18271-463: The recently elected Master, Benjamin Jowett . He sought to raise the standards of the college to the extent that its undergraduates shared what Asquith later called a "tranquil consciousness of effortless superiority". Although Asquith admired Jowett, he was more influenced by T. H. Green , White's Professor of Moral Philosophy . The abstract side of philosophy did not greatly attract Asquith, whose outlook
18422-420: The royal prerogatives, leaving the monarch in practice with three constitutional rights: to be kept informed, to advise and to warn. Nonconformist (Protestantism) Nonconformists were Protestant Christians who did not "conform" to the governance and usages of the established church in England, and in Wales until 1914, the Church of England . Use of the term Nonconformist in England and Wales
18573-513: The school system. The education issue played a major role in the Liberal victory in the 1906 general election , as Dissenter Conservatives punished their old party and voted Liberal. After 1906, a Liberal attempt to modify the law was blocked by the Conservative -dominated House of Lords ; after 1911 when the Lords had been stripped of its veto over legislation, the issue was no longer of high enough priority to produce Liberal action. By 1914
18724-399: The shortest-serving was Liz Truss , who served seven weeks. The current prime minister is Keir Starmer , who succeeded Rishi Sunak on 5 July 2024, following the 2024 general election . The position of prime minister was not created; it evolved slowly and organically over three hundred years due to numerous Acts of Parliament , political developments, and accidents of history. The office
18875-431: The since the prime minister wields significant sway over policy, that power must be subjected to the conclusion and input of Cabinet ministers. This prevents the office of prime minister from becoming more dominant and also ensures that executive power is authorised with broader support from and within the government. The prime minister must constantly maintain the confidence of the House of Commons because, as Bagehot notes,
19026-412: The temporal prosperity of these descriptions of persons, as they tend also to lift others to the same rank in society. The emerging middle-class norm was for women to be excluded from the public sphere—the domain of politics, paid work, commerce and public speaking. Instead, it was considered that women should dominate in the realm of domestic life, focused on care of the family, the husband, the children,
19177-602: The use of such powers by the prime minister is often constrained by political convention than by law. King Charles III [REDACTED] William, Prince of Wales [REDACTED] Charles III ( King-in-Council ) [REDACTED] Starmer ministry ( L ) Keir Starmer ( L ) Angela Rayner ( L ) ( King-in-Parliament ) [REDACTED] Charles III [REDACTED] [REDACTED] [REDACTED] The Lord Reed The Lord Hodge Andrew Bailey Monetary Policy Committee The British system of government
19328-594: The war as an unnecessary distraction. Joseph Chamberlain , a former Liberal minister, now an ally of the Conservatives, campaigned for tariffs to shield British industry from cheaper foreign competition. Asquith's advocacy of traditional Liberal free trade policies helped to make Chamberlain's proposals the central question in British politics in the early years of the 20th century. In Matthew's view, "Asquith's forensic skills quickly exposed deficiencies and self-contradictions in Chamberlain's arguments." The question divided
19479-473: The working week. The general election of July 1892 returned Gladstone and the Liberals to office, with intermittent support from the Irish Nationalist MPs. Asquith, who was then only 39 and had never served as a junior minister, accepted the post of Home Secretary , a senior Cabinet position. The Conservatives and Liberal Unionists jointly outnumbered the Liberals in the Commons, which, together with
19630-674: Was "Dissenter" (the term earlier used in England), commonly referring to Irish Presbyterians who dissented from the approved Anglican communion. English Dissenters such as the Puritans who violated the Act of Uniformity 1558 – typically by practising radical, sometimes separatist , dissent – were retrospectively labelled as Nonconformists. By law and social custom, Nonconformists were restricted from many spheres of public life – not least, from access to public office, civil service careers, or degrees at university – and were referred to as suffering from civil disabilities . In England and Wales in
19781-432: Was "treated like an orphan" for the rest of his childhood. The departure of his uncle effectively severed Asquith's ties with his native Yorkshire, and he described himself thereafter as "to all intents and purposes a Londoner". Another biographer, H. C. G. Matthew , writes that Asquith's northern nonconformist background continued to influence him: "It gave him a point of sturdy anti-establishmentarian reference, important to
19932-406: Was Asquith's constant correspondent and companion. Between that point and 1915, he wrote her some 560 letters, at a rate of up to four a day. Although it remains uncertain whether or not they were lovers, she became of central importance to him. Asquith's thorough enjoyment of "comfort and luxury" during peacetime, and his unwillingness to adjust his behaviour during conflict, ultimately contributed to
20083-473: Was a call for better leadership. He was forced to form a coalition with the Conservatives and Labour early in 1915 . He was weakened by his own indecision over strategy, conscription and financing. David Lloyd George replaced him as prime minister in December 1916. They became bitter enemies and fought for control of the fast-declining Liberal Party. Asquith's role in creating the modern British welfare state (1906–1911) has been celebrated, but his weaknesses as
20234-439: Was a major achievement for an outside group, but the Dissenters were not finished. Next on the agenda was the matter of church rates , which were local taxes at the parish level for the support of the parish church building in England and Wales. Only buildings of the established church received the tax money. Civil disobedience was attempted but was met with seizure of personal property and even imprisonment. The compulsory factor
20385-440: Was a mild man, cultivated and in his son's words "not cut out" for a business career. He was described as "a man of high character who held Bible classes for young men". Emily suffered persistent poor health, but was of strong character, and a formative influence on her sons. In his younger days, he was called Herbert ("Bertie" as a child) within the family, but his second wife called him Henry. His biographer Stephen Koss entitled
20536-539: Was always practical, but Green's progressive liberal political views appealed to him. Asquith's university career was distinguished—"striking without being sensational" in the words of his biographer, Roy Jenkins . An easy grasp of his studies left him ample time to indulge his liking for debate. In the first month at university he spoke at the Oxford Union . His official biographers, J. A. Spender and Cyril Asquith , commented that in his first months at Oxford "he voiced
20687-451: Was around £5,000 to £10,000 per annum (around £500,000–£1,000,000 at 2015 prices). According to Haldane, on returning to government in 1905 Asquith had to give up a £10,000 brief to act for the Khedive of Egypt . Margot later claimed (in the 1920s, when they were short of money) that he could have made £50,000 per annum had he remained at the bar. The Liberal Party, with a leadership—Harcourt in
20838-408: Was disastrous for the Liberals, and the Conservatives under Lord Salisbury won a majority of 152. With no government post, Asquith divided his time between politics and the bar. Jenkins comments that in this period Asquith earned a substantial, though not stellar, income and was never worse off and often much higher-paid than when in office. Matthew writes that his income as a QC in the following years
20989-421: Was finally abolished in 1868 by William Ewart Gladstone , and payment was made voluntary. While Gladstone was a moralistic evangelical inside the Church of England, he had strong support in the Nonconformist community. The marriage question was settled by Marriage Act 1836 which allowed local government registrars to handle marriages. Nonconformist ministers in their own chapels were allowed to marry couples if
21140-553: Was flourishing, and took up much of his time. In the late 1880s Anthony Hope , who later gave up the bar to become a novelist, was his pupil. Asquith disliked arguing in front of a jury because of the repetitiveness and "platitudes" required, but excelled at arguing fine points of civil law before a judge or in front of courts of appeal. These cases, in which his clients were generally large businesses, were unspectacular but financially rewarding. From time to time Asquith appeared in high-profile criminal cases. In 1887 and 1888, he defended
21291-490: Was forced to resign in December 1916 and never regained power. After attending Balliol College, Oxford , he became a successful barrister . In 1886, he was the Liberal candidate for East Fife , a seat he held for over thirty years. In 1892, he was appointed Home Secretary in Gladstone's fourth ministry , remaining in the post until the Liberals lost the 1895 election . In the decade of opposition that followed, Asquith became
21442-573: Was not until 1877 that Asquith sought her father's consent to their marriage. Despite Asquith's limited income—practically nothing from the bar and a small stipend from his fellowship—Melland consented after making inquiries about the young man's potential. Helen had a private income of several hundred pounds a year, and the couple lived in modest comfort in Hampstead . They had five children: Between 1876 and 1884, Asquith supplemented his income by writing regularly for The Spectator , which at that time had
21593-495: Was obliged to make a full apology, and Asquith's reputation was assured. Within a year he had gained advancement to the senior rank of the bar, Queen's Counsel . Asquith appeared in two important cases in the early 1890s. He played an effective low-key role in the sensational Tranby Croft libel trial (1891), helping to show that the plaintiff had not been libelled. He was on the losing side in Carlill v Carbolic Smoke Ball Co (1892),
21744-471: Was opposition from some Liberals; Rosebery described the budget as "inquisitorial, tyrannical, and Socialistic". The budget divided the country and provoked bitter debate through the summer of 1909. The Northcliffe Press ( The Times and the Daily Mail ) urged rejection of the budget to give tariff reform (indirect taxes on imported goods which, it was felt, would encourage British industry and trade within
21895-504: Was personally extravagant, always enjoying the good life—good food, good companions, good conversation and attractive women. After his graduation in 1874, Asquith spent several months coaching Viscount Lymington , the 18-year-old son and heir of the Earl of Portsmouth . He found the experience of aristocratic country-house life agreeable. He liked less the austere side of the nonconformist Liberal tradition, with its strong temperance movement . He
22046-599: Was precipitated after the Restoration of the Stuart monarchy in 1660, when the Act of Uniformity 1662 renewed opposition to reforms within the established church. By the late 19th century the term specifically included other Reformed Christians ( Presbyterians and Congregationalists ), plus the Baptists , Brethren , Methodists , and Quakers . In Ireland, the comparable term until the Church of Ireland 's disestablishment in 1869
22197-464: Was proud of ridding himself of "the Puritanism in which I was bred". His fondness for fine wines and spirits, which began at this period, eventually earned him the sobriquet " Squiffy ". Returning to Oxford, Asquith spent the first year of his seven-year fellowship in residence there. But he had no wish to pursue a career as a don ; the traditional route for politically ambitious but unmoneyed young men
22348-463: Was their moral sensibility which they tried to implement in British politics. The "Nonconformist conscience" of the Old group emphasised religious freedom and equality, pursuit of justice, and opposition to discrimination, compulsion, and coercion. The New Dissenters (and also the Anglican evangelicals) stressed personal morality issues, including sexuality, family values, and temperance . Both factions were politically active, but until mid-19th century
22499-511: Was through the law. While still at Oxford Asquith had already entered Lincoln's Inn to train as a barrister , and in 1875 he served a pupillage under Charles Bowen . He was called to the bar in June 1876. There followed what Jenkins calls "seven extremely lean years". Asquith set up a legal practice with two other junior barristers. With no personal contacts with solicitors, he received few briefs . Those that came his way he argued capably, but he
22650-504: Was to prepare a memorandum for the prime minister, W. E. Gladstone , on the status of the parliamentary oath in the wake of the Bradlaugh case . Both Gladstone and the Attorney General , Sir Henry James , were impressed. This raised Asquith's profile, though not greatly enhancing his finances. Much more remunerative were his new contacts with solicitors who regularly instructed Wright and now also began to instruct Asquith. In June 1886, with
22801-539: Was too fastidious to learn the wilier tricks of the legal trade: "he was constitutionally incapable of making a discreet fog ... nor could he prevail on himself to dispense the conventional patter". He did not allow his lack of money to stop him from marrying. His bride, Helen Kelsall Melland (1854–1891), was the daughter of Frederick Melland, a physician in Manchester. She and Asquith had met through friends of his mother's. The two had been in love for several years, but it
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