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Tiwanaku ( Spanish : Tiahuanaco or Tiahuanacu ) is a Pre-Columbian archaeological site in western Bolivia , near Lake Titicaca , about 70 kilometers from La Paz , and it is one of the largest sites in South America. Surface remains currently cover around 4 square kilometers and include decorated ceramics, monumental structures, and megalithic blocks. It has been conservatively estimated that the site was inhabited by 10,000 to 20,000 people in AD 800.

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64-403: (Redirected from Poopo ) Poopó may refer to: Lake Poopó , Oruro, Bolivia Poopó Province , Oruro, Bolivia Poopó Municipality , Oruro, Bolivia See also [ edit ] Poo poo (disambiguation) [REDACTED] Topics referred to by the same term This disambiguation page lists articles about distinct geographical locations with

128-698: A lapis lazuli and ceramic figurines, incense burners and a ceremonial medallion from the lake floor. The artifacts are representative of the lavishness of the ceremonies and the Tiwanaku culture. When a topographical map of the site was created in 2016 by the use of a drone, a "set of hitherto unknown structures" was revealed. These structures spanned over 411 hectares, and included a stone temple and about one hundred circular or rectangular structures of vast dimensions, which were possibly domestic units. Between 2005 and 2007 various types of aerial surveillance methods were used by UNESCO to create an aerial picture of

192-493: A spear-thrower and snuff. Some speculate that this is a representation of Viracocha. However, it is also possible that this figure represents a deity that the Aymara refer to as “Tunuupa” who, like Viracocha, is associated with legends of creation and destruction. The Aymara , who are thought to be descendants of the Tiwanaku, have a complex belief system similar to the cosmology of several other Andean civilizations. They believe in

256-452: A deep looters excavation that extends from the center of this structure to its eastern side. Material from the looter's excavation was dumped off the eastern side of the Akapana. A staircase is present on its western side. Possible residential complexes might have occupied both the northeast and southeast corners of this structure. Originally, the Akapana was thought to have been developed from

320-467: A greater amount of aridity in the region around the time of collapse. A drought in the region would have affected local systems of agriculture and likely played a role in the collapse of Tiwanaku. The people of Tiwanaku held a tight relationship with the Wari culture . The Wari and Tiwanaku civilizations shared the same iconography, referred to as the "Southern Andean Iconographic Series". The relationship between

384-502: A harmonious system of exchange of goods and services. Other investigators examining the following period, the Early Regional Developments ( c. 300 – 900 AD), have concluded that the size of the inhabited areas increased. The South Poopó inhabitants developed a unique style of ceramics style with triangular spirals. The east portion of the lake has evidence of an important Tiwanaku enclave , with ceramic styles from

448-420: A modified hill. Twenty-first-century studies have shown that it is an entirely man-made earthen mound , faced with a mixture of large and small stone blocks. The dirt comprising Akapana appears to have been excavated from the "moat" that surrounds the site. The largest stone block within the Akapana, made of andesite , is estimated to weigh 65.7 tons . Tenon stone blocks in the form of puma and human heads stud

512-577: A temple and terraced mound. Evidence of similar types of cranial vault modification in burials between the Omo site and the main site of Tiwanaku is also being used for this argument. Today Tiwanaku has been designated as a UNESCO World Heritage Site , administered by the Bolivian government. Recently, the Department of Archaeology of Bolivia (DINAR, directed by Javier Escalante) has been conducting excavations on

576-507: Is for the Pythagorean Ratio. This idea calls for right triangles at a ratio of five to four to three used in the gateways to measure all parts. Lastly, Protzen and Nair argue that Tiwanaku had a system set for individual elements dependent on context and composition. This is shown in the construction of similar gateways ranging from diminutive to monumental size, proving that scaling factors did not affect proportion. With each added element,

640-645: Is located to the north of the Akapana and west of the Semi-Subterranean Temple. Within the courtyard is where explorers found the Gateway of the Sun. Since the late 20th century, researchers have theorized that this was not the gateway's original location. Near the courtyard is the Semi-Subterranean Temple; a square sunken courtyard that is unique for its north-south rather than east-west axis. The walls are covered with tenon heads of many different styles, suggesting that

704-669: The San Andrés University of La Paz , Bolivia, shows the influence of the Wankarani culture in the Poopó area. Complex central urban areas , such as villages and towns, were developed that expanded into the Poopó basin during the Late Formative period, (200 BC – 200 AD), probably in conjunction with changing patterns of agriculture. Herders and the life style of llama caravan merchants coexisted with more sedentary farmers in

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768-562: The suka kollus , accurate dating of the civilization's growth and influence, and evidence for a drought-based collapse of the Tiwanaku civilization. Archaeologists such as Paul Goldstein have argued that the Tiwanaku empire ranged outside of the altiplano area and into the Moquegua Valley in Peru. Excavations at Omo settlements show signs of similar architecture characteristic of Tiwanaku, such as

832-468: The Akapana Gate, have unique detail and demonstrate high skill in stone-cutting. This reveals a knowledge of descriptive geometry . The regularity of elements suggests they are part of a system of proportions. Many theories for the skill of Tiwanaku's architectural construction have been proposed. One is that they used a luk’ a, which is a standard measurement of about sixty centimeters. Another argument

896-498: The Andean flamingo and the Andean condor . A total of 17 higher plants and 3 species of algae were identified in and around Lake Poopó. Due to the constant drought and flooding, the littoral zone experienced great disturbances. As a result, there was hardly any vegetation to be found on the shores of the lake. The sparse communities nearby have suffered culturally and financially due to

960-459: The Equinox, Summer Solstice, and Winter Solstice. Although the symbolic and functional value of these monuments can only be speculated upon, the Tiwanaku were able to study and interpret the positions of the sun, moon, Milky Way and other celestial bodies well enough to give them a significant role in their architecture. Aymara legends place Tiwanaku at the center of the universe, probably because of

1024-461: The Kalasasaya are almost all reconstructed. The reconstruction was not sufficiently based on evidence. The reconstruction does not have as high quality of stonework as was present in Tiwanaku. Early visitors compared Kalasasaya to Englands Stonehenge . Ephraim Squier called it "American Stonehenge". Before the reconstruction, it had more of a "Stonehenge"-like appearance as the filler stones between

1088-463: The Poopó basin. These metals are naturally present in the bedrock , from which they are released through weathering processes. The mining activities in the area further contributes to the heavy metal pollution . Acid leaching from mines and mechanical processing of ore speed up the process. The major part of the heavy metals transported to Lake Poopó were immobilized in the bottom sediments. But concentrations of arsenic , lead , and cadmium in

1152-576: The Puma Punku. Alan Kolata of the University of Chicago conducted research at Tiwanaku in the late 1900s from which he made descriptions of the City and its structure and culture in his book The Tiwanaku. He later published Valley of The Spirits which described more aspects of Tiwanaku culture such as astrology and mythology. John Wayne Janusek of Vanderbilt University spent time in the late 1900s as well at

1216-451: The Pumapunku is estimated to be 85 metric tonnes. Scattered around the site of the Puma Punku are various types of cut stones. Due to the complexity of the stonework the site is often cited by conspiracy theorists to be a site of ancient alien intervention. These claims are entirely unsubstantiated. The Kalasasaya is a large courtyard more than 300 feet long, outlined by a high gateway. It

1280-465: The Pumapunku. Walled and unwalled courts and an esplanade are associated with this structure. A prominent feature of the Pumapunku is a large stone terrace; it is 6.75 by 38.72 meters in dimension and paved with large stone blocks. It is called the " Plataforma Lítica " and contains the largest stone block found in the Tiwanaku site. According to Ponce Sangines, the block is estimated to weigh 131 metric tonnes. The second-largest stone block found within

1344-493: The area ecologically sustainable again, with the help of funding from the European Union . But the efforts have been unable to offset other changes: since 1995 regional temperatures have risen and consequently tripled evaporation rates. In addition, water was drawn off for mining and irrigation, compounding the problems. On 20 January 2016 the area was declared a disaster zone by the Bolivian government. The water of Lake Poopó

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1408-596: The artifacts he will find, on behalf of Meiggs, to Washington's Smithsonian Institution and the American Museum of Natural History in New York . Ber’s expedition was cut short by the violent hostility of the local population, instigated by the Catholic parish priest, but von Grumbkow’s early pictures survive. In the 1960s, the Bolivian government initiated an effort to restore the site and reconstruct part of it. The walls of

1472-494: The city of Tiwanaku spanned an area of roughly 4 square kilometers (1.5 square miles) and had a population greater than 10,000 individuals. The growth of the city was due to its complex agropastoral economy, supported by trade. The site appeared to have collapsed around 1000 AD, however the reasoning behind this is still open to debate. Recent studies by geologist Elliott Arnold of the University of Pittsburgh have shown evidence of

1536-454: The consensus that the site is no older than 200 or 300 BC. More recently, a statistical assessment of reliable radiocarbon dates estimates that the site was founded around AD 110 (50–170, 68% probability), a date supported by the lack of ceramic styles from earlier periods. Tiwanaku began its steady growth in the early centuries of the first millennium AD. From approximately 375 to 700 AD, this Andean city grew to significance. At its height,

1600-502: The core Titicaca area and surrounding styles, demonstrating the interactions between different peoples in the area. The main inlet of Lake Poopó (roughly 92% of the water) came from the Desaguadero River, which entered the lake at the north end. It flowed south from Lake Titicaca . There were numerous smaller inlets along the eastern shore of the lake, many of which were dry most of the year. At times of very high water levels, Poopó

1664-399: The culture. The Pumapunku is a man-made platform built on an east-west axis like the Akapana. It is a T-shaped, terraced earthen platform mound faced with megalithic blocks. It is 167.36 m wide along its north-south axis and 116.7 m broad along its east-west axis and is 5 m tall. Identical 20-meter-wide projections extend 27.6 meters north and south from the northeast and southeast corners of

1728-505: The drainage area. These could also contribute to the salinity of Lake Poopó. The lake body was situated on top of Cenozoic deposits, consisting mainly of unconsolidated material. These sediments are the remains of extensive prehistoric lakes, which covered the Altiplano during at least five glaciation periods. There is a long tradition of mining in the Poopó Basin. Extraction of metals

1792-496: The existence of three spaces: Arajpacha, the upper world; Akapacha, the middle or inner world; and Manqhaoacha, the lower world. Often associated with the cosmos and Milky Way, the upper world is considered to be where celestial beings live. The middle world is where all living things are, and the lower world is where life itself is inverted. As the site has suffered from looting and amateur excavations since shortly after Tiwanaku's fall, archeologists must attempt to interpret it with

1856-428: The gods and spirits. They were places of worship and rituals that helped unify Andean peoples through shared symbols and pilgrimage destinations. Tiwanaku became a center of pre-Columbian religious ceremonies for both the general public and elites. For example, human sacrifice was used in several pre-Columbian civilizations to appease a god in exchange for good fortune. Excavations of the Akapana at Tiwanaku revealed

1920-551: The iconography of a front-facing figure in Staff God pose. This iconography also is used on some oversized vessels, indicating an importance to the culture. The iconography of the Gateway of the Sun called Southern Andean Iconographic Series can be seen on several stone sculptures, Qirus , snuff trays and other Tiwanaku artifacts. The unique carvings on the top of the Gate of the sun depict animals and other beings. Some have claimed that

1984-405: The importance of its geographical location. The Tiwanaku were highly aware of their natural surroundings and would use them and their understanding of astronomy as reference points in their architectural plans. The most significant landmarks in Tiwanaku are the mountains and Lake Titicaca. The lake level of Lake Titicaca has fluctuated significantly over time. The spiritual importance and location of

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2048-499: The individual pieces were shifted to fit together. As the population grew, occupational niches developed, and people began to specialize in certain skills. There was an increase in artisans, who worked in pottery, jewelry, and textiles. Like the later Inca, the Tiwanaku had few commercial or market institutions. Instead, the culture relied on elite redistribution. That is, the elites of the state controlled essentially all economic output but were expected to provide each commoner with all

2112-473: The lake contributed to the religious significance of Tiwanaku. In the Tiwanaku worldview, Lake Titicaca is the spiritual birthplace of their cosmic beliefs. According to Incan mythology, Lake Titicaca is the birthplace of Viracocha , who was responsible for creating the sun, moon, people, and the cosmos. In the Kalasasaya at Tiwanaku, carved atop a monolith known as the Gate of the Sun , is a front-facing figure holding

2176-503: The lake had completely dried up, leaving only a few marshy areas. Despite the lake rebounding from two previous recorded drying instances, as of 2016, the lake's recovery is considered unlikely. Suggested causes of the decline are the melting of the Andes glaciers and loss of their waters, because of a drought due to climate change , as well as continued diversion of water for mining and agriculture. Archaeological investigations conducted by

2240-433: The lake water exceeded Bolivian and World Health Organization guideline values for drinking water. There were only three fish species in the system: the native pupfish Orestias agassizii and catfish Trichomycterus rivulatus , and the introduced silverside Odontesthes bonariensis . The lake had a relatively large fish population, but by 2017 pollution and the near-complete reduction of water had all but decimated

2304-408: The large stone pillars were all looted. As noted, the Gateway of the Sun, now in the Kalasasaya, is believed to have been moved from its original location. Modern, academically sound archaeological excavations were performed from 1978 through the 1990s by University of Chicago anthropologist Alan Kolata and his Bolivian counterpart, Oswaldo Rivera. Among their contributions are the rediscovery of

2368-510: The last century. From 1910 to 1945, Arthur Posnansky maintained that the site was 11,000–17,000 years old based on comparisons to geological eras and archaeoastronomy . Beginning in the 1970s, Carlos Ponce Sanginés proposed the site was first occupied around 1580 BC, the site's oldest radiocarbon date. This date is still seen in some publications and museums in Bolivia. Since the 1980s, researchers have recognized this date as unreliable, leading to

2432-469: The locally important fishing industry. The aquatic bird life was very diverse, with a total of 34 species. Most famous are the three species of flamingo ( Andean , James's and Chilean ), which mainly lived in the shallow lagoons in the northern and eastern parts of the lake. An inventory of the bird population, made in 2000 in cooperation with BirdLife International , identified 6 threatened species and others that are near-threatened . Among these are

2496-482: The loss of the lake, as the local economy was dependent on lake fishing. Additionally, many bird species native to Bolivia and internationally have been affected due to loss of food, and an annual migration area. Tiwanaku The site was first recorded in written history in 1549 by Spanish conquistador Pedro Cieza de León while searching for the southern Inca capital of Qullasuyu . Jesuit chronicler of Peru Bernabé Cobo reported that Tiwanaku's name once

2560-583: The period of the site, certain buildings changed purposes, causing a mix of artifacts found today. Detailed study of Tiwanaku began on a small scale in the mid-nineteenth century. In the 1860s, Ephraim George Squier visited the ruins and later published maps and sketches completed during his visit. German geologist Alphons Stübel spent nine days in Tiwanaku in 1876, creating a map of the site based on careful measurements. He also made sketches and created paper impressions of carvings and other architectural features. A book containing major photographic documentation

2624-452: The remains of sacrificial dedications of humans and camelids. Researchers speculate that the Akapana may also have been used as an astronomical observatory. It was constructed so that it was aligned with the peak of Quimsachata , providing a view of the rotation of the Milky Way from the southern pole. Other structures like Kalasasaya are positioned to provide optimal views of the sunrise on

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2688-499: The residential area outside the monumental core, has provoked controversy amongst local archaeologists. The program was directed by Gary Urton , of Harvard, who was an expert on quipus , and Alexei Vranich of the University of Pennsylvania . The controversy was over allowing a team of untrained students to work on the site, even under professional supervision. It was so important that only certified professional archaeologists with documented funding were allowed access. The controversy

2752-400: The resources needed to perform his or her function. Selected occupations include agriculturists, herders, pastoralists, etc. Such separation of occupations was accompanied by hierarchical stratification within the state. Some authors believe that the elites of Tiwanaku lived inside four walls that were surrounded by a moat. This theory is called "Tiwanaku moat theory". This moat, some believe,

2816-532: The same name. If an internal link led you here, you may wish to change the link to point directly to the intended article. Retrieved from " https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Poopó&oldid=1260550060 " Category : Place name disambiguation pages Hidden categories: Short description is different from Wikidata All article disambiguation pages All disambiguation pages Lake Poop%C3%B3 Lake Poopó ( Spanish : Lago Poopó Spanish: [ˈlaɣo po.oˈpo] )

2880-453: The site of Tiwanaku recording findings of the excavations going on. In 2008 he published Ancient Tiwanaku which described his findings on the architecture, agriculture and other aspects of Tiwanaku life. Jean-Pierre Protzen was an architecture professor of the University of California at Berkeley and spent much of his life studying the architecture of Tiwanaku. In 2013, he published The Stones of Tiahuanaco which gives great descriptions of

2944-480: The site. Lidar, aerial photography, drones, and terrestrial laser scanning were all used in this process. Data concluded from this research includes topographical maps that show the principal structures at the site along with mapping of multiple structures in the Mollo Kuntu area. Over 300 million data points were placed from these methods and have helped redefine main structures that have not fully been excavated such as

3008-401: The structure was reused for different purposes over time. It was built with walls of sandstone pillars and smaller blocks of Ashlar masonry. The largest stone block in the Kalasasaya is estimated to weigh 26.95 metric tons. Within many of the site's structures are impressive gateways; the ones of monumental scale are placed on artificial mounds, platforms, or sunken courts. One gateway shows

3072-445: The surface of Lake Poopó. At this point, the lake volume began to decrease. At its maximum in 1986, the lake had an area of 3,500 km (1,400 sq mi). During the years that followed, the surface area steadily decreased until 1994, when the lake disappeared completely. The time period between 1975 and 1992 was the longest period in recent times when the lake had a continuous water body. Action has been taken in order to make

3136-406: The symbolism represents a calendar system unique to the people of Tiwanaku, although there is no definitive evidence that this theory is correct. The Gateway of the Sun and others located at Pumapunku are not complete. They are missing part of a typical recessed frame known as a chambranle , which typically have sockets for clamps to support later additions. These architectural examples, as well as

3200-561: The terraced platform mound Akapana , Akapana East, and Pumapunku stepped platforms, the Kalasasaya , the Kantatallita, the Kheri Kala, and Putuni enclosures, and the Semi-Subterranean Temple. The Akapana is a "half Andean Cross "-shaped structure that is 257 m wide, 197 m broad at its maximum, and 16.5 m tall. At its center appears to have been a sunken court. This was nearly destroyed by

3264-448: The terraced platform mound Akapana. The Proyecto Arqueologico Pumapunku-Akapana (Pumapunku-Akapana Archaeological Project, PAPA) run by the University of Pennsylvania , has been excavating in the area surrounding the terraced platform mound for the past few years, and also conducting Ground Penetrating Radar surveys of the area. In former years, an archaeological field school offered through Harvard 's Summer School Program, conducted in

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3328-513: The two civilizations is presumed to be trade based or military based. The Wari aren't the only other civilization that Tiwanaku could have had contact with. Inca cities also contained similar types of architecture Infrastructure seen in Tiwanaku. From this it can be expected that the Inca took some inspiration from the city of Tiwanaku and other early civilizations in the Andean basin. The structures that have been excavated by researchers at Tiwanaku include

3392-674: The understanding that materials have been jumbled and destroyed. This destruction continued during the Spanish conquest and colonial period, and during 19th century and the early 20th century. Other damage was committed by people quarrying stone for building and railroad construction, and target practice by military personnel. No standing buildings have survived at the modern site. Only public, non-domestic foundations remain, with poorly reconstructed walls. The ashlar blocks used in many of these structures were mass-produced in similar styles so that they could possibly be used for multiple purposes. Throughout

3456-433: The upper terraces. The Akapana East was built on the eastern side of early Tiwanaku. Later it was considered a boundary between the ceremonial center and the urban area. It was made of a thick, prepared floor of sand and clay, which supported a group of buildings. Yellow and red clay was used in different areas for what seems like aesthetic purposes. It was swept clean of all domestic refuse, signaling its great importance to

3520-460: The water increased towards the south. The salinity varied with water volume. During October and November 2006, the salinity in the north end of the lake varied between brackish and saline (15–30,000 mg/L). In the south end of the lake the water was classified as a brine (105,000–125,000 mg/L). The water type was a 4–2 Na-(Mg)-Cl-(SO 4 ). Geological sources of sodium chloride (NaCl), such as halite and feldspars , are present in

3584-469: Was taypiqala , which is Aymara meaning "stone in the center", alluding to the belief that it lay at the center of the world. The name by which Tiwanaku was known to its inhabitants may have been lost as they had no written language. Heggarty and Beresford-Jones suggest that the Puquina language is most likely to have been the language of Tiwanaku. The dating of the site has been significantly refined over

3648-551: Was a large saline lake in a shallow depression in the Altiplano in Oruro Department , Bolivia , at an altitude of approximately 3,700 m (12,100 ft). Due to the lake's length and width (90 by 32 km; 56 by 20 mi), it made up the eastern half of Oruro, known as a mining region in southwest Bolivia . The permanent part of the lake body covered approximately 1,000 square kilometres (390 sq mi) and it

3712-605: Was charged with nationalistic and political undertones. The Harvard field school lasted for three years, beginning in 2004 and ending in 2007. The project was not renewed in subsequent years, nor was permission sought to do so. In 2009 state-sponsored restoration work on Akapana was halted due to a complaint from UNESCO . The restoration had consisted of facing the platform mound with adobe , although researchers had not established this as appropriate. In 2013, marine archaeologists exploring Lake Titicaca's Khoa reef discovered an ancient ceremonial site and lifted artifacts such as

3776-425: Was connected to the salt desert Salar de Coipasa in the west. A minor outlet led to Salar de Uyuni in the far south of the Altiplano, but as the lake lacks any major outlet, it is classified as an endorheic basin . When the water level of Lake Titicaca was below 3,810 m (12,500 ft), the flow of Desaguadero River was so low it could no longer compensate for the massive water losses due to evaporation from

3840-441: Was highly saline. The salinity was a result of the endorheic nature of the hydrological system on the Altiplano, which allowed all weathered ions to remain in the system. The salinity of Lake Poopó was further increased by the arid climate and the high evaporation from the lake surface. In the northern end of Lake Poopó, dilution of the salinity occurred due to freshwater flow from the Desaguadero River. The salt gradient of

3904-624: Was ordered in the 13th century to support the Inca army. After Spanish colonization in the 16th century, the mining operations increased in scale. At this point the region became known as one of the mining centres of Bolivia. The mining districts are situated at the foothills of the Cordillera Oriental along the eastern border of the Poopó basin. The most important minerals to the economy are silver and tin . Studies have shown elevated concentrations of heavy metals in surface and ground waters of

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3968-425: Was published in 1892 by engineer Georg von Grumbkow, With commentary by archaeologist Max Uhle , this was the first in-depth scientific account of the ruins. Von Grumbkow had first visited Tiwanaku between the end of 1876 and the beginning of 1877, when he accompanied as a photographer the expedition of French adventurer Théodore Ber , financed by American businessman Henry Meiggs , against Ber’s promise of donating

4032-553: Was the second-largest lake in the country. The lake received most of its water from the Desaguadero River , which flows from Lake Titicaca at the north end of the Altiplano. Since the lake lacked any major outlet and had a mean depth of less than 3 m (10 ft), the surface area differed greatly seasonally. In 2002, the lake was designated as a site for conservation under the Ramsar Convention . By December 2015,

4096-536: Was to create the image of a sacred island. Inside the walls were many images devoted to human origin, which only the elites would see. Commoners may have entered this structure only for ceremonial purposes since it was home to the holiest of shrines. In many Andean cultures, mountains are venerated and may be considered sacred objects. The site of Tiwanaku is located in the valley between two sacred mountains, Pukara and Chuqi Q’awa . At such temples in ancient times, ceremonies were conducted to honor and pay gratitude to

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