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100-644: Its creation was proposed by the Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación (SNTE, National Union of Education Workers), the largest trade union in Latin America , led by Elba Esther Gordillo , the controversial former general secretary of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). The New Alliance Party achieved its official registry on July 14, 2005, three years after the SNTE created

200-415: A complete sweep of elections – the carro completo ("full car") – the party used the campaign mechanism of the acarreo ("hauling"), the practice of trucking PRI-supporters to rallies to cheer the candidate and to polling places to cast votes – in exchange for gifts of some kind. The party would shift voting booths from one place to another, making it difficult for people to cast their votes. When it

300-543: A continuing rapprochement with the United States, which built on their alliance in World War II. Although there was rhetoric about economic nationalism and defense of Mexican sovereignty, there was broad-based cooperation between the two countries. Cracks appeared in the system. There was significant labor unrest with strikes by railway workers, electricians, and even medical doctors that were brutally suppressed. Culturally

400-408: A movement in the late 1970s and early 1980s in which sections from several states began demanding democratic reforms in the union structure. This movement resulted in the fall of SNTE leader Carlos Jongitud Barrios in 1989. He was replaced by Elba Esther Gordillo as president, a position she held until her arrest in late February 2013. The SNTE has its roots in the struggle of teacher unions during

500-562: A political organization in the others. Panal history (in Spanish) Retrieved Dec 16, 2018 National groups: * observer *associate member **observer Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educaci%C3%B3n The National Educational Workers Union ( Spanish : Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación , SNTE) is a trade union which represents teachers in Mexico . Its current Secretary-General and President

600-399: A small clique of businessmen to dominate their sectors of the economy by supplying government-owned companies with goods and commodities. A major impact of Mexico's economic growth was urban population growth, transforming the country from a largely rural one to urban. The middle class grew substantially. The overall population of Mexico grew substantially with a greater proportion being under

700-455: A stable exchange rate. Economic nationalist and protectionist policies implemented in the 1930s effectively closed off Mexico to foreign trade and speculation, so that the economy was fueled primarily by state investment and businesses were heavily reliant on government contracts. As a result of these policies, Mexico's capitalist impulses were channeled into massive industrial development and social welfare programs , which helped to urbanize

800-550: A system of dictatorship which has so efficiently recruited the intellectual milieu , bribing it with great subtlety. The perfect dictatorship is not communism, nor the USSR , nor Fidel Castro ; the perfect dictatorship is Mexico. Because it is a camouflaged dictatorship." The phrase became popular in Mexico and around the world until the PRI fell from power in 2000. Despite losing the presidency in

900-528: A term as president. Calles sought to stop the violent struggle for power between the victorious factions of the Revolution, particularly around the presidential elections and to guarantee the peaceful transmission of power for members of the party. A conclave of revolutionary generals including Calles met to create a national party, forging together their various regional strongholds. They were not primarily concerned with ideology, but rather to hold power. Formally,

1000-538: A tight grip over the working classes ; the PRI held rural farmers in check through its control of the ejidos (state-owned plots of land that peasants could farm but not own), and generous financial support of universities and the arts ensured that most intellectuals rarely challenged the ideals of the Mexican Revolution. In this way, PRI rule was supported by a broad national consensus that held firm for decades, even as polarizing forces gradually worked to divide

1100-513: A wetsuit at his campaign launch, as did Canadian Alliance leader Stockwell Day . In 2018, the party entered into coalition with the PRI and Green Party (PVEM) to support the nomination of José Antonio Meade . Meade finished a distant third behind Andrés Manuel López Obrador , but the results for New Alliance were worse. The party failed to attract three percent of the vote in all three elections for president, proportional representation federal deputies, and senators, which under Mexican law prompts

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1200-550: Is Alfonso Cepeda Salas. With over 1.4 million members, it is currently the largest teachers' union in the Americas and the largest union in Latin America . Formed in 1949, the SNTE is composed of local sections in each of Mexico's states . For much of its history, the SNTE has been a corporatist union allied with the long-ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and has been accused of having government-appointed charro leaders and anti-democratic tendencies. This resulted in

1300-551: Is a political party in Mexico that was founded in 1929 as the National Revolutionary Party (Spanish: Partido Nacional Revolucionario , PNR ), then as the Party of the Mexican Revolution (Spanish: Partido de la Revolución Mexicana , PRM ) and finally as the PRI beginning in 1946. The party held uninterrupted power in the country and controlled the presidency twice: the first one was for 71 years, from 1929 to 2000,

1400-513: Is recognized by the government in educational policy decisions as a group representing the interests of professional, technical, administrative and social labor in the education sector. It manifests itself in defense of the principles of Article 3 of the Constitution and supporting free and compulsory education provided by the State. The SNTE has been accused of indirectly benefiting the cartels against

1500-872: The ninis ( ni trabajan ni estudian , "neither work nor study"), an underclass of several million dropouts, of whom many ended up as combatants on the side of the cartels in the Mexican Drug War . The SNTE is composed of a National President; a General Secretariat Executive; Chartered, National Governing Bodies; Auxiliary Organizations; and Associations of Solidarity. It is divided into 54 union delegations throughout Mexico. The union organisation and administration currently numbers over 53,000 workers, providing members with all services plus health and educational support. Institutional Revolutionary Party The Institutional Revolutionary Party ( Spanish : Partido Revolucionario Institucional , Spanish: [paɾˈtiðo reβolusjoˈnaɾjo jnstitusjoˈnal] , PRI )

1600-499: The 2000 elections , and 2006 presidential candidate Roberto Madrazo finishing in third place without carrying a single state, the PRI continued to control most state governments through the 2000s and performed strongly at local levels. As a result, the PRI won the 2009 legislative election , and in 2012 its candidate Enrique Peña Nieto regained the presidency. However, dissatisfaction with corruption in Peña Nieto's administration,

1700-630: The 2006 general elections . In the 2006 legislative elections the party won nine out of 500 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and one out of 128 Senators . In the 2009 legislative elections the party lost one seat in the Chamber of Deputies, leaving it with eight seats. In the 2012 legislative elections, PANAL won 2 seats in the Senate (an overall loss of 3), and 10 seats in the Chamber of Deputies (an overall gain of 3). The party logo distinctly resembles that of

1800-628: The Asociación Ciudadana del Magisterio (ACM, Citizen Association of Teachers), a political group recognized by the Federal Electoral Institute since August 2002. The creation of this party by the SNTE, a group that had traditionally supported the PRI in every election, caused accusations of treason for Gordillo. The party's president is Jorge Kahwagi . On 8 January 2006, the PNA elected Roberto Campa as its candidate for president in

1900-695: The Catholic Church , and embracing free-market capitalism . Subsequently, many left-wing members of the party abandoned the PRI and founded the Party of the Democratic Revolution ( Partido de la Revolución Democrática , PRD) in 1989 following the controversial, and fraudulent 1988 presidential election. In 1990, Peruvian writer Mario Vargas Llosa famously described Mexico under the PRI as being "the perfect dictatorship", stating: "I don't believe that there has been in Latin America any case of

2000-630: The Confederación Nacional Campesina (CNC), or National Peasant Confederation, which Cárdenas saw as a force against landowners, but it became the vehicle for patron-client / state-campesino relationships. Whether the intention or not of Cárdenas, the CNC became a means to channel and control the peasantry. The so-called "popular" sector of the party was organized via the Confederación Nacional de Organizaciones Populares (CNOP), which

2100-694: The Partido Radical Tabasqueño , of Tomás Garrido Canabal ; the Yucatán-based Partido Socialists del Sureste , of Felipe Carrillo Puerto ; and the Partido Socialista Fronterizo of Emilio Portes Gil, the current interim president. CROM's political arm, the Laborist Party, was not part of the coalition. The party developed a written set of principles and a platform that drew support from agraristas and workers in

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2200-624: The Tlatelolco massacre in which the Mexican Army killed hundreds of unarmed demonstrators in Mexico City. Subsequently, a series of economic crises beginning in the 1970s drastically lowered the living standards of much of the country's population. Throughout its nine-decade existence, the party has represented a very wide array of ideologies , typically following from the policies of the President of

2300-408: The técnicos , bureaucrats with specialized knowledge and training, especially with the economy, and políticos , the seasoned politicians, many of whom had regional roots in state politics. Miguel Alemán was the PRI's candidate in the 1946 elections, but he did not run unopposed. Alemán and his circle had hoped to abandon sectoral representation in the party and separate the party as an organism of

2400-527: The 1970s a 'pragmatic hegemonic state', and in the 1990s as a 'single party'". The close relationship between the PRI and the Mexican state has been examined by a number of scholars. "Today we have the chance, unique in many years, to go from the category of a country of caudillos , to a Nation of Institutions." - Plutarco Elías Calles , during his last Address to the Congress on 1 September 1928. Even though

2500-411: The 2012 elections, accused by successive governments of stopping the advance of education reforms, the SNTE tried to form an alliance with the PRI, but this fell apart. New President Enrique Peña Nieto of the PRI proposed a series of educational reforms which were opposed by SNTE, but at the last minute before they were signed into legislation on the 25 February 2013, and eventually agreed by Gordillo and

2600-603: The Anti-Reelectionist Party was the high-profile former Secretary of Education, José Vasconcelos . Vasconcelos had considerable support among university students, the middle class, intellectuals, and some workers from Mexico's northeast. According to historian Enrique Krauze , the 1929 campaign saw the PNR's "initiation into the technology of electoral fraud, a 'science' that later became its highly refined speciality." Tactics included breaking up political meetings and insults, to

2700-542: The CNC for Ávila Camacho by personally guaranteeing their interests would be respected. In the final year of Ávila Camacho's term, the party assembly decided on a new name, pushed by the circle of Miguel Alemán , the Institutional Revolutionary Party, pairing seemingly contradictory terms of "institutional" and "revolutionary." The party's name was changed in 1946, the final year of Manuel Ávila Camacho 's term of office. The sectoral representation in

2800-493: The Institutional Revolutionary Party in 1946, the basic structure was retained. Cárdenas's calculation that the military's incorporation into the PRM would undermine its power was essentially correct, since it disappeared as a separate sector of the party, but was absorbed into the "popular" sector. The organizational change in the PNR to the PRM, and later the PRM to the PRI, were "imposed by Mexican presidents without any discussion within

2900-429: The Laborist Party. "The PNR is the instrument of political action by means of which Mexico's great campesino and worker masses fight to keep control of the public power in their hands, a control wrested from the landowning and privileged minorities through the great armed movement that began in 1910." One possible presidential candidate for the PNR was Aarón Sáenz Garza , former governor of the state of Nuevo León , who

3000-862: The League of Education Workers (under the leadership of the Mexican Communist Party ), the Workers' University and the National Federation of Education Workers. By 1935 the United Front was formed from the National Education Workers, culminating with the creation of the National Confederation of Education Workers, during a period of a huge boom in worker, peasant and popular union associations. The SNTE began to consolidate from 1939, with

3100-545: The PNR was a political party, but it has been labeled a "confederation of caciques " ("political bosses"). The new party-in-formation did not contain any labor elements. At the time, the strongest labor organization was the Regional Confederation of Mexican Workers (CROM) controlled by Luis N. Morones , the political wing of which was the Laborist Party . Calles went to the Laborist Party convention and addressed

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3200-525: The PRI as a "state party" due to its dominance of domestic politics and the inextricable connection between the party and the identity of the Mexican nation-state for much of the 20th century. According to Austin Bay, for more than seven decades, the PRI ran Mexico under an " autocratic , endemically corrupt, crony -ridden government". The elites of the PRI controlled the police and the judicial system, and were susceptible to bribery . During its time in power,

3300-526: The PRI became a symbol of corruption , repression , economic mismanagement, and electoral fraud ; many educated Mexicans and urban dwellers in the 21st century worried that its return to power would lead to regression to its worst excesses. The PRI became a full member of the Socialist International in 2003. It is also considered a social democratic party. The name "Institutional Revolutionary Party" appears as an oxymoron or paradox , as

3400-403: The PRI had begun experiments in internal primaries, but Alemán cracked down on this democratic opening and had congress pass a law against parties holding primaries. Revolutionary general Rodolfo Sánchez Taboada , president of the party, had been in favor of primaries, but Alemán's viewpoint prevailed and PRI candidates were chosen in closed party assemblies. Sánchez was replaced as titular head of

3500-512: The PRI until 1976, and all state governors were also from the PRI until 1989. Throughout the seven decades that the PRI governed Mexico, the party used corporatism , co-option , electoral fraud , and political repression to maintain political power. In particular, the presidential elections of 1940 , 1952 and 1988 were characterized by massive irregularities and fraudulent practices denounced by both domestic and international observers. While Mexico benefited from an economic boom which improved

3600-402: The PRI's overwhelming dominance, and its control of the electoral apparatus, the president chose his successor. The PRI's dominance was near-absolute at all other levels as well. It held an overwhelming majority in the Chamber of Deputies , as well as every seat in the Senate and every state governorship. The political stability and economic prosperity in the late 1940s and the 1950s benefited

3700-528: The PRI, that were fully operative until the 1990s. The most important was the dedazo , with the finger ( Spanish : dedo ) of the president pointing to the next PRI candidate for the presidency, meaning the president choosing his successor. Right up to the moment the president considered optimal, several pre-candidates would attempt to demonstrate their loyalty to the President and their high competence in their respective positions, usually as prominent members of

3800-459: The PRM's "[f]or a workers' democracy" ( Por una democracia de trabajadores ) to the PRI's "[d]emocracy and justice" ( Democracia y justicia ). In practice after Cárdenas left office, the party became more centrist, and his more radical agrarian policies were abandoned. With Lombardo Toledano's replacement as leader of the CTM, labor under the CTM's Fidel Velázquez became even more closely identified with

3900-410: The PRM. Lombardo stepped down from the leadership of the CTM in 1941, after Cárdenas left the presidency. He was replaced by Fidel Velázquez , who remained head of the CTM until his death at age 97. Within the party structure and the government, labor has had a continuous, formalized, visual corporate role, but with Velazquez's death in 1997, organized labor has fractured. Peasants were organized via

4000-417: The President demanded his resignation in 1989. The President appointed as new SNTE general secretary Elba Esther Gordillo Morales , who after struggling under her successor Ernesto Zedillo as president, under the successor governments to the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) was able to wield the power of SNTE nationally far more effectively for the gain of the SNTE, and her own enrichment. After

4100-562: The Republic . Formed from an amalgamation of the various ideologies of the Constitutionalists , the party originated as a centre-left party on the political spectrum . It experienced a sharp, leftward turn during the presidency of Lázaro Cárdenas who instituted extensive reforms, including the nationalization of Mexico's petroleum and telecommunication industries. Furthermore his administration carried out extensive land reform and oversaw

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4200-537: The Revolution in the north, serving with Calles. The Jefe Máximo had no idea that Cárdenas would take his own path as he settled into the presidency. He had campaigned widely throughout the country, making a national reputation for himself and forming personal connections throughout the country outside the corridors of power. Calles had become increasingly conservative in his views, ending land reform for all practical purposes and cracking down on organized labor. Under Cárdenas, unions went on strike and were not suppressed by

4300-614: The SNTE. During her period in office, Gordillo became notorious for wearing luxury brands such as Hermès and Chanel . On 26 February, Gordillo was arrested by the Mexican authorities at the Toluca airport for allegedly embezzling $ 2 billion pesos ($ 156 million USD or €119 million euros ) from the SNTE. In a case laid out in court the next day by attorney general Jesús Murillo Karam , authorities alleged that although she claimed only to have earned 1.1m pesos (US$ 86,000) between 2009 and 2012, her expenditure included: From its formation,

4400-459: The SNTE. In 1974, SNTE elected Carlos Jonguitud Barrios as its general secretary. A former elected member of PRI, whilst also serving as general director of the Institute for Social Security and Services for State Workers (ISSSTE) from 1976 until 1979, he promoted trade unionism through regular strikes. As the union became more militant, in an audience with President Carlos Salinas de Gortari ,

4500-595: The STNE has presented the idea of a single trade union representing all educational workers across the country. Supported by its ties with the State and the Party of the Mexican Revolution (PRM), the SNTE became a pillar of the state, identified with nationalism and political hegemony, holding the unity of all workers in the country's education and the voice of business interests to the education authority. Currently, union members must pay one percent of their salary as union fees. The SNTE

4600-429: The age of 16. These factors combined to decrease the pull of the past. The policies promoting industrial growth helped fuel the growth of Mexico's north as a center of economic dynamism, with the city of Monterrey becoming Mexico's second-largest. The general economic prosperity served to legitimize PRI hegemony in the eyes of most Mexicans, and for decades the party faced no real opposition on any level of government. On

4700-600: The armed phase of the Mexican Revolution had ended in 1920, Mexico continued to encounter political unrest. A grave political crisis caused by the July 1928 assassination of president -elect Álvaro Obregón led to the founding on 4 March 1929 of the National Revolutionary Party ( Spanish : Partido Nacional Revolucionario , PNR) by Plutarco Elías Calles , Mexico's president from 1924 to 1928. Emilio Portes Gil

4800-464: The assassination of president-elect Álvaro Obregón in 1928. Although Calles himself fell into political disgrace and was exiled in 1936, the party continued ruling Mexico until 2000, changing names twice until it became the PRI. The PRI governed Mexico as a one-party state for the majority of the twentieth century; besides holding the Presidency of the Republic, all members of the Senate belonged to

4900-451: The cabinet. Until the 2000 election, the party had no direct input into the president's decision, although he could consult with constituencies. The president's decision was a closely-kept secret, even from the victor. The destape (the unveiling), that is, the announcement of the president's choice, would occur at the PRI's National Assembly (which would typically take place in November of

5000-562: The candidate in 1988, Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas and Porfirio Muñoz Ledo left the PRI to form a separate party, and Cárdenas challenged Salinas at the polls. The 1988 presidential election which followed is widely considered to have been fraudulent, and was confirmed as such by former president Miguel de la Madrid Hurtado and in an analysis by the American Political Science Review . The term alquimistas (alchemists) referred to PRI specialists in vote-rigging. To achieve

5100-556: The conflict between the two generals, the Church sided with Cárdenas. Cárdenas had Calles arrested along with many of his allies, exiling the former president to the United States. Cárdenas became perhaps Mexico's most popular 20th-century president, most renowned for the 1938 expropriating the oil interests of the United States and European petroleum companies in the run-up to World War II . That same year Cárdenas put his own stamp on

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5200-416: The constitutional change to allow a form of re-election, he was ineligible to run. The founding of a national political party that had an existence beyond elections became the mechanism to control the power through peaceful means. The party had two names before taking its third and current name; however, its core has remained the same. It has been characterized as "in the 1960s as 'strongly dominant party', in

5300-503: The corporatist model is most often associated with fascism , whose rise in Germany and Italy in the 1930s coincided with Cárdenas's presidency. But Cárdenas was emphatically opposed to fascism; however, he created the PRM and organized the Mexican state on authoritarian lines. That reorganization can be seen as the enduring legacy of the Cárdenas presidency. Although the PRM was reorganized into

5400-579: The election of Vicente Fox of the National Action Party (PAN) as president within the Alliance for Change , Gordillo became a personal friend and trusted adviser. As a result, she was herself ejected from PRI, and hence the union formed its own political party, the New Alliance Party (PANAL) , with her daughter on the committee and with Rafael Ochoa Guzmán , the former SNTE general secretary, as

5500-475: The end of his term. This would have been a violation of the no re-election principle of post-revolutionary Mexico, which had its origins in the 19th century. With the support of the revolutionary army, the Sonoran generals' Plan of Agua Prieta successfully challenged Carranza's attempt to perpetuate his power; Carranza was killed as he was fleeing the country. De la Huerta became interim president of Mexico and Obregón

5600-547: The escalation of the Mexican drug war , and rising crime led to PRI nominee José Antonio Meade losing the 2018 presidential election with the worst performance in the party's history. The adherents of the PRI are known in Mexico as Priístas and the party is nicknamed El tricolor (the Tricolor) because of its use of the Mexican national colors of green, white and red as they appear on the Mexican flag . Some scholars characterise

5700-410: The extreme of murder of Vasconcelos supporters. Ortiz Rubio won the election in a landslide, but the results would likely have been different were the election clean. The party did largely contain the political violence of former revolutionary generals. In the first years of the party's existence, the PNR was the only political machine in existence. During this period, known as Maximato (named after

5800-403: The federal government in the Mexican Drug War . A World Economic Forum report stated that Mexico invested, as of 2009, a relatively high 5.3 percent of its GDP in education, yet its primary education system ranks poorly. The WEF's report blames this underperformance on the SNTE's opposition to reforms which could increase the effectiveness of education funding. This resulted in the appearance of

5900-557: The formation of the party in 1929. In 1920, the Sonorans staged a coup against President Venustiano Carranza , the civilian First Chief of the Constitutionalist faction that had won the Mexican Revolution . Carranza had attempted to impose his own candidate for the presidency, Ignacio Bonillas . Bonillas had zero revolutionary credentials and no power base of his own, with the implication that Carranza intended to hold onto power after

6000-584: The formation of various regionalised trade guilds and unions that were adhering to the Confederation of Mexican Workers (CTM), which in turn served as the labor sector of the PRI. In 1936 the CTM supported the creation of the Union of Education Workers of the Mexican Republic (STERM Inter). From its foundation, it began to form the basis of a national educational system. But due to internal and external conflicts,

6100-494: The government. As Cárdenas increasingly diverged in his thinking and practice from Calles, Calles sought to regain control. Cárdenas, however, had outmaneuvered Calles politically, gaining allies among labor unions and peasants as well as the Catholic Church. Calles had attempted to strictly enforce the anticlerical provisions of the Constitution, which led directly to conflict with the Catholic Church and its loyalists, so that in

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6200-502: The labor vote at election time, a guaranteed base of support for the party. During prosperous years, CTM could argue for benefits of the rank-and-file, such as higher wages, networking to provide jobs for union loyalists, and job security. The principle of no-reelection did not apply to the CTM, so that the party loyalist Velázquez provided decades of continuity even as the presidency changed every six years. The PRI won every presidential election from 1929 to 1982, by well over 70 percent of

6300-560: The largest campaign of land expropriation in Latin American history. With his term expiring in 1940 Cárdenas left office as the final military general of the revolution and returned political power to civilian leadership . His successor Manuel Ávila Camacho , presided over a rightward shift that escalated in the 1980s. At the start of the decade, the party moved to the centre-right and later right pursuing policies such as privatizing state-run companies, establishing closer relations with

6400-547: The loss of its federal registry and the appointment of a liquidator by the INE to dispose of the party's assets. Nueva Alianza and the Social Encounter Party , the other party to lose its registry after the 2018 elections, challenged the result, to no avail. The PNA was officially dissolved at the national level on 3 September 2018, although it is still officially registered as a party in several individual states, and operates as

6500-465: The major opposition party, winning the presidency in 2000. The most powerful labor union prior to the formation of the party was the Regional Confederation of Mexican Workers (CROM), headed by Luis N. Morones , an ally of Obregón and Calles. A dissident within the CROM, Marxist Vicente Lombardo Toledano , formed a rival labor confederation, the CTM in 1936, which became the mass organization of labor within

6600-477: The membership in a conciliatory fashion, but Morones launched into a diatribe against Emilio Portes Gil , the interim president of Mexico, for disrespecting Morones personally. It was a political gaffe for Calles, and he withdrew from the organizing committee of the party, but he turned it to his advantage in the long run, appearing to be a referee or arbiter in the party, and impartial senior statesman. The PNR incorporated other political parties under its umbrella,

6700-514: The middle class sector by the Federation of Unions of Workers in Service to the State (FSTSE). The party incorporated the majority of Mexicans through their mass organizations, but absent from the structure for ideological reasons were two important groups, private business interests and adherents of the Catholic Church. Those two came together in 1939 to form the National Action Party , which grew to be

6800-470: The mood was changing as well, with Carlos Fuentes publishing The Death of Artemio Cruz ( La Muerte de Artemio Cruz ) in 1962, metaphorically the death of the ideals of the Mexican Revolution. The fictional Cruz had been a revolutionary soldier, corrupt politician, and businessman, now on his deathbed. Considered a landmark in Latin American literature, it highlighted aspects of Mexican history and its political system. When Alemán became president in 1946,

6900-502: The mostly-agrarian country, funded generous welfare subsidies for the working class, and fueled considerable advances in communication and transportation infrastructure. This period of commercial growth created a significant urban middle class of white-collar bureaucrats and office workers, and allowed high-ranking PRI officials to graft large personal fortunes through their control over state-funded programs. State monopoly over key industries like electricity and telecommunication allowed

7000-406: The nation in preparation for the crises of the 1970s and 1980s. The consensus specifically held that Mexico would be capitalist in its economic model; that the masses of workers and peasants would be kept in check – as separate units and not allowed to merge into a single sector that would have too much strength; that the state and the party would be the agent for this control; and that

7100-467: The now-defunct Canadian Alliance , a conservative party active from 2000 to 2003. The logo was provided by an ad agency, purported to resemble a dove. Despite the discovery of the logo's resemblance to that of the Canadian Alliance (leading one founding member of the party to express feeling "robbed"), it was nonetheless adopted. The party's 2012 presidential candidate, Gabriel Quadri , appeared in

7200-436: The parties deputy and senator. The effect of SNTE and PANAL in the 2006 general election contributed to Felipe Calderón 's victory, allowing Gordillo to negotiate further quotas of power during his administration. As a result, Gordillo was made SNTE President for Life in 2008, at a conference where she presented each of the 57 regional deputies with their own personal Hummer H2 . With Gordillo under increasing attack during

7300-507: The party and structured them into mass organizations to represent different interest groups within the party, to protect the interests of workers and peasants. The PRM had four sectors: labor, peasant ( campesino ), "popular", mainly teachers and civil servants; and the military. The labor section was organized via the Confederation of Mexican Workers (CTM); the peasant sector by the National Confederation of Campesinos , (CNC); and

7400-425: The party continued for the workers, peasants, and the popular sector, but the military was no longer represented by its own sector. The Mexican president was at the apex of the political system with the PRI. To reach the top of the government, as the candidate and then president of the republic, the path was only through membership and leadership in the party and government service. Within the party, there were factions,

7500-498: The party rather than allow it to be a separate group outside the party and potentially a politically interventionist force. Although some critics questioned the military's incorporation into the party, Cárdenas saw it as a way to assert civilian control. He is quoted as saying, "We did not put the Army in politics. It was already there. In fact it had been dominating the situation, and we did well to reduce its voice to one in four." In general,

7600-563: The party, reorganizing it in 1938 as the Party of the Mexican Revolution (Spanish: Partido de la Revolución Mexicana , PRM) whose aim was to establish a democracy of workers and socialism. However, this was never achieved. Cárdenas's intention was to establish the broad-based political alliances necessary for the party's long-term survival, as a national party with territorial presence in state and municipal governments, and organization of mass interest groups, via corporatism . The structure he established has remained intact. He created sectors of

7700-518: The party, so that in general Mexicans did not object to the lack of real democracy. Starting with the Alemán administration (1946–1952) until 1970, Mexico embarked on a sustained period of economic growth, dubbed the Mexican Miracle , fueled by import substitution and low inflation . From 1940 to 1970 GDP increased sixfold while the population only doubled, and peso - dollar parity was maintained at

7800-533: The party. The more radical left of the labor movement, under Vicente Lombardo Toledano, split from the PRI, the Partido Popular. Although the party gave voice to workers' demands, since it was outside the umbrella of the PRI and lost power and influence. The leadership of component unions became advocates of PRI policy at the expense of the rank and file in exchange for political backing from the party and financial benefits. These charro ("cowboy") unions turned out

7900-406: The party." Cárdenas followed the pattern of Calles and Obregón before him, designating his choice in the upcoming elections; for Cárdenas this was Manuel Ávila Camacho . In the 1940 election, Ávila Camacho's main rival was former revolutionary general Juan Andreu Almazán , with PRM victory coming via fraud after a violent campaign period. Cárdenas is said to have secured the support of the CTM and

8000-535: The presidency of Porfirio Díaz , which violently suppressed all opposition. Teachers strikes in May 1919 and the strike of Veracruz in 1927 and 1928, established the need for an organisation. Both movements affected the construction and strengthening of the Mexican Confederation of Teachers. With the building of opposition to the government, 1932 saw the formation of the Mexican Confederation of Teachers, and in 1934,

8100-471: The principle of no-re-election in the Mexican Constitution, the two Sonorans sought a loophole to allow the former president to run. The Constitution was amended to allow re-election if the terms were not-consecutive. With that change, Obregón ran in the 1928 election and won; but before his inauguration he was assassinated by a religious fanatic. Given that Calles had just served as president, even with

8200-411: The problem of presidential succession with no institutional structures. Obregón was one of three revolutionary generals from Sonora, with Plutarco Elías Calles and Adolfo de la Huerta , who were important for the post-revolutionary history of Mexico. Their collective and then internecine struggles for power in the decade after the end of the military phase of the Mexican Revolution had a direct impact on

8300-455: The quality of life of most people and created political stability during the early decades of the party's rule, issues such as inequality, corruption, and a lack of political freedoms cultivated growing opposition against the PRI. Amid the global climate of social unrest in 1968 dissidents, primarily students, protested during the Olympic games held in Mexico City. Tensions escalated culminating in

8400-501: The rare occasions when an opposition candidate, usually from the conservative National Action Party , whose strength was in Mexico's north, garnered a majority of votes in an election, the PRI often used its control of local government to rig election results in its favor. Voter apathy was characteristic in this period, with low turnout in elections. The PRI co-opted criticism by incorporating sectors of society into its hierarchy. PRI-controlled labor unions (" charro unions") maintained

8500-436: The second was for six years, from 2012 to 2018. The PNR was founded in 1929 by Plutarco Elías Calles , Mexico's paramount leader at the time and self-proclaimed Jefe Máximo (Supreme Chief) of the Mexican Revolution . The party was created with the intent of providing a political space in which all the surviving leaders and combatants of the Mexican Revolution could participate to solve the severe political crisis caused by

8600-497: The specter of renewed violence. Calles succeeded Obregón in 1924, and shortly thereafter he began enforcing the restrictions on the Catholic Church in the year of 1917 Constitution, resulting in a huge rebellion by those opposed to such restrictions, known as the Cristero War (1926–29). The Cristero War was ongoing when elections were to be held. Obregón sought to run again for the presidency in 1928 to succeed Calles, but because of

8700-401: The state and private entrepreneurs would compete in the mixed economy. So long as there was general prosperity, the system was stable economically and politically. Political balance meant that sectors had a voice within the party, but the party and the state were the arbiters of the system. Those supporting the system received material rewards that the state distributed. In this period, there was

8800-454: The state, but there was considerable pushback from the labor sector and the CTM, which would have lost influence, along with the other sectors. The structure of the party remained sectoral, but the Alemanistas abandoned the goal that had been "the preparation of the people for the implementation of a workers' democracy and for the arrival of a socialist regime." The party slogan was changed from

8900-424: The support of CTM, the SNTE was created under the leadership of Luis Chavez Orozco, who remained in office for a year. During the administration of Adolfo Lopez Mateos , during the largest teachers strike in the first half of the 20th century, the government suppressed the strike, and consolidated all teacher representation under the SNTE. It was during the 1970's as well that archaeological site guards began to join

9000-418: The term "revolution" may imply the destruction of institutions. According to Rubén Gallo , the concept of institutionalizing the revolution refers to the corporatist nature of the party; the PRI subsumed the "disruptive energy" of the Mexican Revolution by co-opting and incorporating its enemies into the party's bureaucratic régime. There is a lexicon of terms used to describe people and practices of

9100-435: The title Calles gave himself as "Maximum Chief of the Revolution"), Calles remained the dominant leader of the country and Ortiz Rubio (1929–32) and Abelardo L. Rodríguez (1932-34), have been considered in practice subordinates of Calles. Calles chose revolutionary general Lázaro Cárdenas as the PNR candidate for the 1934 Mexican general election . Cárdenas was originally from the southern state of Michoacan, but he joined

9200-552: The union began to splinter, forming the Revolutionary Front of Teachers (after the Mexican Union of Teachers and Education Workers). A crisis created the emergence of SNATE, which also later created FRMM, STERM and FSTSE. Véjar Octavio Vazquez tried to unite the teachers from the top, but only managed further division. In April 1942, he agreed to a unity pact between SMMTE, SUNTE and STERM which created one national guild. With

9300-413: The vote – margins that were usually obtained by massive electoral frauds. Toward the end of his term, the incumbent president in consultation with party leaders, selected the PRI's candidate in the next election in a procedure known as "the tap of the finger" ( Spanish : el dedazo ), which was integral in the continued success of the PRI towards the end of the 20th century. In essence, given

9400-527: The year prior to the elections), with losing pre-candidates learning only then themselves. Once the destape occurred, in general the members of the PRI would demonstrate their enthusiasm for the candidate and their loyalty to the party, known as the cargada . But the destape was also a delicate moment, for party unity depended on the losers acceding to the president's choice without public rancor or dissent. When President Miguel de la Madrid (in office: 1982 to 1988) chose Carlos Salinas de Gortari as

9500-429: Was elected president for a four-year term, 1920–1924. As Obregón's four-year term was ending, Calles made a bid for the presidency. De la Huerta, a fellow Sonoran, challenged Calles with a massive and bloody uprising, supported by other revolutionary generals opposed to Calles. The De la Huerta rebellion was crushed, but the outbreak of violence was only a few years after the apparent end of the Mexican Revolution, raising

9600-419: Was formed in 1943 to integrate sectors of the urban middle class into the party. Unlike the peasantry or labor, the popular sector was a more ill-defined segment, but it did include the large Federation of Unions of Civil Servants ( Federación de Sindicatos de Trabajadores al Servicio del Estado (FSTSE). By incorporating the military into the PRM structure, Cárdenas's aim was to make it politically dependent on

9700-433: Was founded in 1929, the party structure created a means to control political power and to perpetuate it with regular elections validating the party's choice. Before the party was founded, political parties were not generally the means in which to achieve the presidency. The creation of the party in the wake of the assassination of revolutionary general, former president, and in 1928 president-elect Alvaro Obregón had laid bare

9800-460: Was held, the first political test of the newly founded party. Calles made a speech in June 1929 saying that while the Revolution had produced achievements in the economic and social spheres that in the political sphere it was a failure. He called for a "struggle of ideas" that invited the formation of new parties. The PNR had as its candidate Pascual Ortiz Rubio , but running against him as the candidate for

9900-452: Was interim president of Mexico from December 1928 until February 1930, while a political rather than military solution was sought for presidential succession. The intent to found the party was to institutionalize the power of particular victors of Mexican Revolution . Calles was ineligible to run for president, since he had just completed a four-year term, because of the prohibition in the 1917 Constitution of re-election directly after serving

10000-420: Was the brother-in-law of Calles's son, and was involved with Calles family businesses, but his political views were too far to the right of the PNR to be considered. Ideology trumped family connections. The choice fell to Pascual Ortiz Rubio , a revolutionary general who had been out the country, serving as Mexico's ambassador to Brazil, so had no political base in Mexico. When the 1929 Mexican general election

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