57-488: Nyiyaparli (Nyiyabali, Njijabali, or misspelled Nijadali ) is a nearly extinct Pama–Nyungan language spoken by the Palyku (Bailko) and Niabali (Jana) people of Western Australia . There's a formal language register known as padupadu . This Australian Aboriginal languages -related article is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . Pama%E2%80%93Nyungan languages The Pama–Nyungan languages are
114-560: A complicated gender system, diverge from it. Proto-Pama–Nyungan may have been spoken as recently as about 5,000 years ago, much more recently than the 40,000 to 60,000 years indigenous Australians are believed to have been inhabiting Australia . How the Pama–Nyungan languages spread over most of the continent and displaced any pre-Pama–Nyungan languages is uncertain; one possibility is that language could have been transferred from one group to another alongside culture and ritual . Given
171-559: A deep-level relationship dating back to before the flooding of Torres Strait at the end of the last age, as claimed by Mitchell or they could point to genetic inheritance and subsequent language contact, as discussed by Alpher, Bowern, and O'Grady 2009. A comparison of the Kalaw Lagaw Ya, Meriam Mìr, Kiwai and Uradhi personal pronouns show similarities and differences in typology . In comparison to Uradhi, Kalaw Lagaw Ya has an archaic typology — or, rather, Uradhi has innovated, having lost
228-577: A long period of time, the Austronesians being culturally a superstratum , however not in a position to impose their language. He presented folk history evidence that a few Austronesian traders (men) settled at Parema (north-east of Daru) and married local [Proto–Trans Fly speaking] women. To avoid further miscegenation, they soon moved and settled in Torres Strait, first to the Eastern Islands, then to
285-475: A mid- Holocene expansion of Pama–Nyungan from the Gulf Plains of northeastern Australia. Pama–Nyungan languages generally share several broad phonotactic constraints: single-consonant onsets, a lack of fricatives, and a prohibition against liquids (laterals and rhotics) beginning words. Voiced fricatives have developed in several scattered languages, such as Anguthimri , though often the sole alleged fricative
342-476: A mixture of histories that reflect both contact and inheritance. Bowern and Atkinson's computational model is currently the definitive model of Pama–Nyungan intra-relatedness and diachrony. Kala Lagaw Ya Kalau Lagau Ya , Kalaw Lagaw Ya , Kala Lagaw Ya ( [kala(u) laɡau ja] ), or the Western Torres Strait language (also several other names, see below ) is the language indigenous to
399-440: A significant number, mainly men, who spoke a South-East Papuan Austronesian language, accompanied by their Papuan wives and their perhaps bilingual children. Over time, the core structure of the local mothers' language dominated, with retention of the newcomers' Papuo-Austronesian content in the appropriate cultural subsystems. In essence this would have been a 'replay' of the original settlement by Austronesian traders at Parema, with
456-429: Is /ɣ/ and is analysed as an approximant /ɰ/ by other linguists. An exception is Kala Lagaw Ya , which acquired both fricatives and a voicing contrast in them and in its plosives from contact with Papuan languages . Several of the languages of Victoria allowed initial /l/ , and one— Gunai —also allowed initial /r/ and consonant clusters /kr/ and /pr/ , a trait shared with the extinct Tasmanian languages across
513-541: Is Yagar Yagar , from the word yagar ( yá 'speech, etc.' + gár 'sympathy clitic' ('dear', 'please', etc.), often used by Western and Central Islanders in speech to show a sympathetic or nostalgic frame of mind. In literature on the language the abbreviations KLY (Kalaw Lagaw Ya), KKY (Kalau Kawau Ya), KulY (Kulkalgau Ya), MY (Muwalgau Ya) and KY (Kaiwaligau Ya) are often used as abbreviations. The name Mabuiag /mabujaɡ/ , in English pronounced / ˈ m oʊ b i æ ɡ / ,
570-560: Is Australian in both form and grammar — though a certain amount of the grammar is common to Trans-Fly and Paman languages in the first place. Some semantic categories, verb number morphology, and some other morphology are non-Australian in origin. Potentially 80% of its vocabulary is non-Australian. The interplay of the above within the subsystems of Kalaw Lagaw Ya lexicon, phonology and grammar points more to mixing through shift and borrowing rather than pidginisation and creolisation. The language also has some vocabulary from languages outside
627-400: Is Austronesian. Kalaw Lagaw Ya has only 6% cognation with its closest Australian neighbour, Urradhi , with a further 5% 'common' vocabulary (loans of various origins) — and about 40% common vocabulary with its Papuan neighbour, Meriam Mìr . Of 279 Proto- Paman forms only 18.9% have definite realisations in Kalaw Lagaw Ya, with a further 2.5% which may be present. One word that illustrates
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#1732884988273684-513: Is fairly widespread as a name for the language, this having been established by the Cambridge Expedition to Torres Strait, whose main research on the language was with Mabuiag material. Though the preferred term in English in Academia for some time was Kala Lagaw Ya , according to Ober, the form was always regarded as "colloquial" by native speakers. In a High Court decision on 7 August 2013,
741-499: Is some folk history evidence that the language was spoken as a first language in a few villages neighbouring Torres Strait in Papua. It was also formerly spoken by the Hiámo (Hiámu, Hiáma) of Daru (Dhaaru) to the north-east of Torres Strait, who were originally settlers from Yama [Yam Island] in Torres Strait, Hiámu/Hiámo/Hiáma being a Kiwai pronunciation of Yama. The main body of the Hiámo moved to
798-537: Is the last in the following table, which is commonly used instead of the traditional words imi 'spouse's opposite-sex sibling', 'opposite sex sibling's spouse' and ngaubath 'spouse's same-sex sibling', 'same-sex sibling's spouse'. These have also similarly been replaced in common usage by the English loan woman (pronounced [woman] ) in the meaning of 'sister/daughter-in-law'. Other biblical loans are from Ancient Greek , Latin and Biblical Hebrew : Two early English loans of interest show back formation from what in
855-818: Is unknown. It also has a 'light' (simplified/foreigner) form, as well as a pidginised form. The simplified form is fairly prevalent on Badu and neighbouring Moa . The language is known by several names besides Kalaw Lagaw Ya , most of which (including Kalaw Lagaw Ya ) are names of dialects, spelling variants, dialect variants and the like — and include translations of the English terms, Western Island Language and Central Island Language : Kalaw Lagaw Ya / Kalau Lagau Ya / Kala Lagaw Ya Kalaw Kawaw Ya / Kalau Kawau Ya Kala Lagaw Langgus / Kala Lagau Langgus / Kalaw Lagaw Langgus / Kalau Lagau Langgus Langgus Linggo Westen West Torres Western Torres Strait Dhadhalagau Ya Sentral / Central Islands One term used by Eastern Islanders and neighbouring Papuans for Kala Lagaw Ya
912-440: Is used to refer to speaking in a language, e.g. KKY markaidh muliz 'speak [in] English', zapanisadh muliz 'speak [in] Japanese', dhaudhalgadh muliz 'speak [in] Papuan', mœyamadh muliz 'speak [in] Meriam Mìr', thanamudh muliz 'speak like them, speak [in] their language'. It is otherwise common for speakers to use nominal phrases like KLY/KulY ngalpun ya , MY-KY ngalpun/ngalpan ya , KKY ngalpan ya 'our language' to refer to
969-457: The Lower Burdekin languages . A few more inclusive groups that have been proposed, such as Northeast Pama–Nyungan (Pama–Maric), Central New South Wales , and Southwest Pama–Nyungan , appear to be geographical rather than genealogical groups. Bowern & Atkinson (2012) use computational phylogenetics to calculate the following classification: According to Nicholas Evans ,
1026-597: The comparative method . In his last published paper from the same collection, Ken Hale describes Dixon's scepticism as an erroneous phylogenetic assessment which is "so bizarrely faulted, and such an insult to the eminently successful practitioners of Comparative Method Linguistics in Australia, that it positively demands a decisive riposte." In the same work Hale provides unique pronominal and grammatical evidence (with suppletion) as well as more than fifty basic-vocabulary cognates (showing regular sound correspondences) between
1083-477: The Australian phonology and syntax profoundly. The contrast of Australian laminal nh/ny and lh/ly and apical n and l has been lost, voicing has become phonemic and s , z , t , d , o and òò have developed. This also affected the phonology of Australian vocabulary, where these 'foreign' sounds also occur. The non-Australian content appears to be mainly lexicon (including verbs), particularly dealing with
1140-580: The Bass Strait. At the time of the European arrival in Australia, there were some 300 Pama–Nyungan languages divided across three dozen branches. What follows are the languages listed in Bowern (2011b) and Bowern (2012) ; numbers in parentheses are the numbers of languages in each branch. These vary from languages so distinct they are difficult to demonstrate as being in the same branch, to near-dialects on par with
1197-501: The Central Islands, then to Moa , Badu and Mabuiag . At Mabuiag, Badu and Moa they found Aboriginal people, killed the men and kept the women (and presumably the children). Some moved on up to Saibai, Dœwan and Bœigu to avoid this new miscegenation, hence the lighter colour of many Saibai, Dœwan and Bœigu people. Bœigu folk history collected by Laade also shows direct East Austronesian genetic influence on Bœigu. The social context
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#17328849882731254-538: The Common Australian 1, 2 and 3 plurals. Kiwai does not have 1–2 pronouns, while Meriam Mìr does not have a dual and trial/paucal set of pronouns which correspond to its verb system. The Kalaw Lagaw Ya system, like that of Uradhi, is Australian: Note that except for Meriam Mìr, the Trans Fly languages also have two-gender masculine-feminine systems, though not marked on the pronouns themselves. However, even though
1311-497: The Papuan coast). Some basic vocabulary, terminology dealing with agriculture, canoes, the weather, the sky and the sea, some abstract nouns, some verbs. Possibly some grammar in the form of function words, such as waadh (KKY waaza ) 'existential emphasis' (i.e. 'it is true that ... '), Proto Oceanic Austronesian *waDa 'existential'. The Australian word forms and structure found in Kalaw Lagaw Ya appear to be retentions, i.e. inherited;
1368-538: The Proto-Northern-and-Middle Pamic (pNMP) family of the Cape York Peninsula on the Australian northeast coast and Proto-Ngayarta of the Australian west coast, some 3,000 km apart (as well as from many other languages), to support the Pama–Nyungan grouping, whose age he compares to that of Proto-Indo-European . Bowern offered an alternative to Dixon's binary phylogenetic-tree model based in
1425-685: The Thursday Island group to escape the Kiwai colonisation of Daru some centuries ago. The language is classified as being part of the Pama–Nyungan languages . Mitchell regard it as a mixed language with an Australian core (Pama–Nyungan) and Papuan and Austronesian overlays, while Capell and Dixon classify it among the Papuan languages . The personal pronouns are typically Australian, most kin terms are Papuan, and significant sea/canoe and agricultural vocabulary
1482-621: The Torres Strait area, from the Indonesian , Malay , Philippine, English and other 'outsiders'. Where loan words from the Western Austronesian (Indonesian, etc.) loans are concerned, it is possible that some such came into the language in pre-European contact days, with the Makassans and similar fishermen/traders who visited northern Australia and Torres Strait. Examples of post-European contact Western Austronesian loan words: Some words in
1539-498: The Trans-Fly languages; the forms in Kalaw Lagaw Ya are clearly Australian. Some basic and abstract vocabulary, some verbs. Some grammar, such as verb number and different stems for different number forms of some verbs. Use of state/movement verbs as existential and stative 'be' verbs. Two non-personal pronominals: naag/naga 'how', namuith 'when' (both in KKY, the dialect of the islands off
1596-605: The central and western Torres Strait Islands , Queensland , Australia . On some islands, it has now largely been replaced by Torres Strait Creole . Before colonization in the 1870s–1880s, the language was the major lingua franca of the Torres Strait cultural area of Northern Cape York Australia , Torres Strait and along the coast of the Western Province/ Papua New Guinea . It is still fairly widely spoken by neighbouring Papuans and by some Aboriginal Australians . How many non-first language speakers it has
1653-495: The central inland portions of the continent do Pama–Nyungan languages remain spoken vigorously by the entire community. The Pama–Nyungan family was identified and named by Kenneth L. Hale , in his work on the classification of Native Australian languages. Hale's research led him to the conclusion that of the Aboriginal Australian languages, one relatively closely interrelated family had spread and proliferated over most of
1710-519: The closest relative of Pama–Nyungan is the Garawan language family , followed by the small Tangkic family. He then proposes a more distant relationship with the Gunwinyguan languages in a macro-family he calls Macro-Pama–Nyungan . However, this has yet to be demonstrated to the satisfaction of the linguistic community. In his 1980 attempt to reconstruct Proto-Australian, R. M. W. Dixon reported that he
1767-587: The continent of Australia are often referred to, by exclusion, as non-Pama–Nyungan languages, though this is not a taxonomic term. The Pama–Nyungan family accounts for most of the geographic spread, most of the Aboriginal population, and the greatest number of languages. Most of the Pama–Nyungan languages are spoken by small ethnic groups of hundreds of speakers or fewer. Many languages, either due to disease or elimination of their speakers, have become extinct, and almost all remaining ones are endangered in some way. Only in
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1824-482: The continent, while approximately a dozen other families were concentrated along the North coast. Evans and McConvell describe typical Pama–Nyungan languages such as Warlpiri as dependent-marking and exclusively suffixing languages which lack gender, while noting that some non-Pama–Nyungan languages such as Tangkic share this typology and some Pama–Nyungan languages like Yanyuwa , a head-marking and prefixing language with
1881-619: The decision was taken to officially term the language Kalau Lagau Ya , using the formal form. When speaking to each other, speakers generally refer to the language as Langgus 'language' or use phrases such as KLY/KulY ngalpudh muli , MY-KY ngalpudh/ngalpadh muli , KKY ngalpadh muliz "speak(s) our language", e.g. KLY/KulY ngalpudh muuli, thanamunungu tidailai! , MY-KY ngalpudh/ngalpadh muuli, thanamuningu tidailai! , KKY ngalpadh muli, thanamulngu tidaile! 'Speak in our language so they don't understand!'. Ngalpudh/ngalpadh literally means 'like us'. The construction X-dh mula+i- 'speak X-like'
1938-721: The differences between the Scandinavian languages . Down the east coast, from Cape York to the Bass Strait , there are: Continuing along the south coast, from Melbourne to Perth: Up the west coast: Cutting inland back to Paman, south of the northern non-Pama–Nyungan languages, are Encircled by these branches are: Separated to the north of the rest of Pama–Nyungan is Some of inclusions in each branch are only provisional, as many languages became extinct before they could be adequately documented. Not included are dozens of poorly attested and extinct languages such as Barranbinja and
1995-561: The fathers' language, particularly in areas that were culturally important for the fathers. These people then shifted to Torres Strait — maintaining established ties with Papua as well as with Austronesian speakers further east (this latter being suggested by various characteristics of the Austronesian content in Kalau Lagaw Ya) — and overlaid an Australian population in such a way that the majority of women spoke an Australian language, with
2052-467: The features that would allow for a phylogenetic approach. This finding functioned as a kind of rejoinder to Dixon's scepticism. Our work puts to rest once and for all the claim that Australian languages are so exceptional that methods used elsewhere in the world do not work on this continent . The methods presented here have been used with Bantu, Austronesian, Indo-European, and Japonic languages (among others). Pama-Nyungan languages, like all languages, show
2109-526: The following 'trade' words in Torres Strait area languages. However, the question of external relationships of Kalaw Lagaw Ya is also complicated by resemblances between both the Paman ( Pama-Nyungan , Australian languages ) and the Trans-Fly (Papuan) languages. Though few, these may be significant, and include forms such as those noted below, not all of which appear in Kalaw Lagaw Ya. Such resemblances could point to
2166-416: The following: He believes that Lower Murray (five families and isolates), Arandic (2 families, Kaytetye and Arrernte), and Kalkatungic (2 isolates) are small Sprachbunds . Dixon's theories of Australian language diachrony have been based on a model of punctuated equilibrium (adapted from the eponymous model in evolutionary biology ) wherein he believes Australian languages to be ancient and to have—for
2223-457: The language appeared to be a plural. Most nouns (a) form the plural with an -l suffix, and (b) in the nominative-accusative singular elide the stem final vowel, thus tukuyapa- 'same-sex sibling', plural tukuyapal , nominative-accusative tukuyap . Under this model 'custard-apple' became katitap , plural katitapal , and 'mammy-apple' (pawpaw/papaya) became mamiyap , plural mamiyapal . There are four main dialects, two of which are on probably
2280-526: The language when speaking to each other. Kalau Lagau Ya is spoken on the western and central islands of Torres Strait , between Papua New Guinea ( Naigay Dœgam Dhaudhai "North-side Mainland/Continent", also called Mœgi Dhaudhai "Small Mainland/Continent", KKY Mœgina Dhaudhai ) and the Australian mainland ( Zey Dœgam Dhaudhai "South-side Mainland/Continent", also known as Kœi Dhaudhai "Big Mainland/Continent"), though on some islands it has now been largely replaced by Brokan ( Torres Strait Creole ). There
2337-479: The language, assuming that they are Western Austronesian loans, appear to be pre-contact words. This is suggested by form and use in the language and in neighbouring languages (some of these words may ultimately be from Arabic and Sanskrit ). Loans from modern Eastern Austronesian (Polynesian and Melanesian) into the language are mainly of religious or 'academic' use. In general, such words are terms for objects that are strictly speaking European goods. One exception
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2394-408: The languages have significant Austronesian vocabulary content, including items such as the following: Some of the Austronesian content is clearly South-East Papuan Austronesian: The linguistic history of the Torres Strait area is complex, and interaction of well over 2500 years has led to many layers of relationship between the local languages, including many words that are obviously common, such as
2451-476: The most part—remained in unchanging equilibrium with the exception of sporadic branching or speciation events in the phylogenetic tree . Part of Dixon's objections to the Pama–Nyungan family classification is the lack of obvious binary branching points which are implicitly or explicitly entailed by his model. However, the papers in Bowern & Koch (2004) demonstrate about ten traditional groups, including Pama–Nyungan, and its sub-branches such as Arandic, using
2508-538: The most widespread family of Australian Aboriginal languages , containing 306 out of 400 Aboriginal languages in Australia. The name "Pama–Nyungan" is a merism : it is derived from the two end-points of the range, the Pama languages of northeast Australia (where the word for "man" is pama ) and the Nyungan languages of southwest Australia (where the word for "man" is nyunga ). The other language families indigenous to
2565-464: The original Australian forms appear to be unchanged at the core level. This suggests that the language is not a pidgin / creole in origin, but an Australian language which has undergone strong external lexical and grammatical influence. The language appears to be a classic case of shift, whereby speakers of one language retained multilingualism over a long period of time, absorbing aspects of another language. The Austronesian and Papuan overlays modified
2622-559: The principles of dialect geography . Rather than discarding the notion that multiple subgroups of languages are genetically related due to the presence of multiple dialectal epicentres arranged around stark isoglosses , Bowern proposed that the non-binary-branching characteristics of Pama–Nyungan languages are precisely what we would expect to see from a language continuum in which dialects are diverging linguistically but remaining in close geographic and social contact. Bowern offered three main advantages of this geographical-continuum model over
2679-724: The problems of 'may-be' relationship is kùlbai (KKY kùlba ) 'old', which may be a metathetic realisation of CA *bulgan 'big; old'. Potentially 80% of the vocabulary of the language is non-Australian, and includes Papuan and Austronesian items. Bouckaert, Bowern and Atkinson (2018) found that Kalaw Lagaw Ya had the highest number of 'unique' (that is, non-Pama-Nyungan) forms of any Australian language in their sample. Oral tradition and cultural evidence recorded by Haddon and Laade, backed by archaeological evidence and linguistic evidence, shows that Austronesian trade and settlement in South-West Papua, Torres Strait and Cape York occurred;
2736-529: The punctuated equilibrium model: First, there is a place for both divergence and convergence as processes of language change; punctuated equilibrium stresses convergence as the main mechanism of language change in Australia. Second, it makes Pama-Nyungan look much more similar to other areas of the world. We no longer have to assume that Australia is a special case. Third, and related to this, we do not have to assume in this model that there has been intensive diffusion of many linguistic elements that in other parts of
2793-421: The relationship of cognates between groups, it seems that Pama–Nyungan has many of the characteristics of a sprachbund , indicating the antiquity of multiple waves of culture contact between groups. Dixon in particular has argued that the genealogical trees found with many language families do not fit in the Pama–Nyungan family. Using computational phylogenetics , Bouckaert, Bowern & Atkinson (2018) posit
2850-532: The sea, farming, canoe and sky/weather/astrology, with possible some syntactic words. This presents a picture of a typically extensive borrowing situation with much lexical borrowing and some structural borrowing with a large amount of passive bilingualism and little active bilingualism. Laade's picture (1968) of Australian and Papuan settlement in Torres Strait supports the above scenario of Papuan and Austronesian speakers who shifted to an Australian language over
2907-502: The system has no real surprises for Australian linguistics, it is clear that Kalaw Lagaw Ya has innovated in the 1st and 2nd pronouns, which have the following CA origins: The 2nd person dual and plural pronouns are based on forms that literally mean 'you dual ' ( ngipel ) and 'you-they' ( ngitha[na] ), in much the same way as the demonstratives mark the dual and plural (see further below in Nominal Morphology). An examination of
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#17328849882732964-409: The various sub-systems (vocabulary, syntax, morphology) suggests the following: Some basic and abstract vocabulary, all personal pronouns (inc. who and what/which ), some verbs. Some grammar, such as nominal and verb morphology (subject, agent, object, genitive, -l locative, -ka dative, perfective attainative, imperfective, -i/-iz(i) perfective active. These typological categories also exist in
3021-465: The verge of extinction, one (Kaiwaligau Ya) through convergence to the neighbouring Kalaw Lagaw Ya. Within the dialects there are two or more subdialects. The average mutual intelligibility rate, based on a Swadesh count, is around 97%. The Southern dialect has certain characteristics that link it closely to the northern dialect, and folk history dealing with the Muralag group and Mua reflects this, in that
3078-442: The women understanding the language of the men, but not really needing to speak it while retaining parts of their language for significant areas. The children then created a new language shift to an Australian language with a Papuan-Austronesian admixture. Kalaw Lagaw Ya is thus a mixed language in that a significant part of its lexicon, phonology and grammar is not Australian in origin. The core nominal, pronominal and verb morphology
3135-511: The world are resistant to borrowing (such as shared irregularities). Additional methods of computational phylogenetics employed by Bowern and Atkinson uncovered that there were more binary-branching characteristics than initially thought. Instead of acceding to the notion that Pama–Nyungan languages do not share the characteristics of a binary-branching language family, the computational methods revealed that inter-language loan rates were not as atypically high as previously imagined and do not obscure
3192-424: Was that of a few Austronesian men who settled on the outskirts of an East Trans-Fly group, intermarried, and whose children were either bilingual, or speakers of their mothers' language, with some knowledge of their fathers' language. The local people did not need to speak the traders' language, who in turn had to speak the local language. The children in turn would then speak the local language, with varying ability in
3249-473: Was unable to find anything that reliably set Pama–Nyungan apart as a valid genetic group. Fifteen years later, he had abandoned the idea that Australian or Pama–Nyungan were families. He now sees Australian as a Sprachbund ( Dixon 2002 ). Some of the small traditionally Pama–Nyungan families which have been demonstrated through the comparative method , or which in Dixon's opinion are likely to be demonstrable, include
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