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58-732: Genetically, Ojibwa is part of the Algonquian language family. This language family includes languages like Mi'kmaq , Abenaki , Malecite , Potawatomi , Delaware , Montagnais-Naskapi , Cree , and Blackfoot in Canada. Menomini , Fox , Shawnee and Cheyenne are spoken in the United States. Yurok and Wiyot , also known as the Ritwan languages in old literature, that were once spoken in California are also relatives with Algonquian language family. Despite

116-407: A decimal numeral system . Every multiple-digit number is formed by using one of the first nine numerals as a prefix or a preceding word, as seen in the number for ten, neꞌwtisgaq , a combination of the prefix neꞌwt - (derived from newt ) and the root isgaꞌq , meaning ten (the pattern can be seen in tapuisgaꞌq for 20, nesisgaꞌq for 30, etc.) While 10, 20, 30, 40 and 50 all use

174-581: A degree of endangerment level of vulnerable under the UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger scale. A level of vulnerable means the language may not be used consistently and instead the dominant language English is opted for. This also means it is still somewhat commonly spoken by younger generations or children of Mi'kmaq people. A lack of fluent Mi'kmaq speakers is due to the cultural genocide performed by

232-609: A classifying system of animate versus inanimate words . The animacy system in general is common, but the specifics of Miꞌkmaq's system differ even from closely related Algic languages. For instance, in Wampanoag, the word for 'Sun', cone , is inanimate, but the word for 'Earth', ahkee , is animate, a fact used by some scholars to claim that the Wampanoag people were aware of the Earth's rotation around an unmoving Sun; however, in Miꞌkmaq, both

290-603: A continuum, with various languages falling more toward one end or the other. For example, Japanese is generally agglutinative, but displays fusion in some nouns, such as otōto ( 弟 , "younger brother") , from oto + hito (originally woto + pito , "young, younger" + "person"), and Japanese verbs, adjectives, the copula, and their affixes undergo sound transformations. For example, kaku ( 書く , "to write; [someone] writes") affixed with masu ( ます , politeness suffix) and ta ( た , past tense marker) becomes kakimashita ( 書きました , "[someone] wrote", with

348-809: A high rate of affixes or morphemes per word, and to be very regular, in particular with very few irregular verbs – for example, Japanese has only two considered fully irregular , and only about a dozen others with only minor irregularity; Luganda has only one (or two, depending on how "irregular" is defined); while in the Quechua languages , all ordinary verbs are regular. Again, exceptions exist, such as in Georgian . Many unrelated languages spoken by Ancient Near East peoples were agglutinative, though none from larger families have been identified: Some well known constructed languages are agglutinative, such as Black Speech , Esperanto , Klingon , and Quenya . Agglutination

406-636: A member of the Eskasoni First Nation , recorded a cover version of the Beatles song " Blackbird " in the language to raise awareness and help in its revitalization efforts. Miꞌkmaq is one of the Algic languages , a family that once spanned from a small portion of California across Central Canada , the Midwestern United States , and the northeastern coast of North America. Within this family, Miꞌkmaq

464-410: A schwa preceding the cluster; for instance, gtaꞌn is pronounced /ək.taːn/ while mgumi is pronounced /əm.ku.mi/ . On the other hand, word-final clusters, such as in asige tg ('instigate') are pronounced over a single syllable: compare the pronunciation of asigetg , /a.si.ketk/ , with mestꞌg ('taste'), /mes.tək/ . Miꞌkmaq uses free word order, based on emphasis rather than

522-402: A single word containing a prefix, the tens between 60 and 90 use the numeral as a preceding word to a separate word meaning ten, teꞌsisgaꞌq : for instance, 60 is written as asꞌgom teꞌsisgaꞌq . Numbers between the tens are stated by multiple-word phrases, beginning with the ten-based root number, such as neꞌwtisgaq , followed by jel (meaning 'and' or 'also') and ending with one of

580-565: A synthetic language rather than an analytic one. Persian is an SOV language, thus having a head-final phrase structure. Persian utilizes a noun root + plural suffix + case suffix + post-position suffix syntax similar to Turkish. For example the phrase " mashinhashunra niga mikardam " meaning 'I was looking at their cars' lit. '(cars their at) (look) (i was doing)'. Breaking down the first word: mashin (car) + ha (plural suffix) + shun (possessive suffix) + ra (post-positional suffix) becomes Mashinhashunra. We can see its agglutinative nature and

638-433: A traditionally fixed order of subjects, objects and verbs. For instance, the sentence "I saw a moose standing right there on the hill" could be stated " sapmiꞌk ala nemaqtꞌk na tett tia'm kaqamit " (I saw him/there/on the hill/right-there/ a moose /he was standing) or " sapmiꞌk ala tia'm nemaqtꞌk na tett kaqamit " (I saw him/there/ a moose /on the hill/right-there/he was standing); the latter sentence puts emphasis on

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696-461: A typological trait cannot be used as evidence of a genetic relationship to other agglutinative languages. The uncertain theory about Ural-Altaic proffers that there is a genetic relationship with this proto-language as seen in Finnish , Mongolian and Turkish , and occasionally as well as Manchurian , Japanese and Korean . Many languages have developed agglutination. This developmental phenomenon

754-447: Is a distinction between items that are animate and those that are inanimate. The animate category includes all human beings and animals. Some items that are neither human nor animal are still considered animate—e.g., rock, pipe, raspberries, pants. Even across different Saulteaux dialects, ' strawberry ' fluctuates in its animacy. This may be related to the practice of a "Strawberry Dance" by certain communities. The gender of an entity

812-532: Is a type of synthetic language with morphology that primarily uses agglutination . In an agglutinative language, words contain multiple morphemes concatenated together, but in such a manner that individual word stems and affixes can be isolated and identified as to indicate a particular inflection or derivation, although this is not a rule: for example, Finnish is a typical agglutinative language, but morphemes are subject to (sometimes unpredictable) consonant alternations called consonant gradation . Despite

870-559: Is a typological feature and does not imply a linguistic relation, but there are some families of agglutinative languages. For example, the Proto-Uralic language , the ancestor of the Uralic languages , was agglutinative, and most descendant languages inherit this feature. But since agglutination can arise in languages that previously had a non-agglutinative typology, and it can be lost in languages that previously were agglutinative, agglutination as

928-423: Is also given in the table below; this orthography is more complex than the table suggests, particularly as far as vowel quantity and quality is concerned, employing various letters such as ⟨ a ⟩, ⟨ à ⟩, ⟨ɛ⟩ , ⟨ɛ́⟩ , ⟨ɯ⟩ , ⟨ɯ́⟩ , ⟨ɹ̇⟩ , ⟨ɹ́⟩ , ⟨ơ⟩ , ⟨ u ⟩, etc. Miꞌkmaq uses

986-533: Is an Eastern Algonquian language spoken by nearly 11,000 Mi'kmaq in Canada and the United States ; the total ethnic Mi'kmaq population is roughly 20,000. The native name of the language is Lnuismk , Miꞌkmawiꞌsimk or Miꞌkmwei (in some dialects). The word Miꞌkmaq is a plural word meaning 'my friends' (singular miꞌkm ); the adjectival form is Miꞌkmaw . The phonemic inventory of Mi'kmaq

1044-420: Is important because for many morphemes, the language uses gender-specific morphology that distinguishes the animate from the inanimate. This is a topic strategy for showing prominence between third persons within a discourse environment. Within a predication one animate third person will be the proximate and any other animate third persons will be obligatorily designated as the obviative . The suffix –an

1102-480: Is largely free and dependent on context. Mi'kmaq verbs are also marked for tense. Nouns in Mi'kmaq are either animate or inanimate . This is a common feature among Algonquian languages . The verbs change depending on the noun's animacy. For example: Nemitu – 'I see (inanimate noun)' Nemi'k – 'I see (animate noun)' Miꞌkmaq is written using a number of Latin alphabets based on ones devised by missionaries in

1160-517: Is part of the Eastern Algonquian subgroup spoken largely along the Atlantic coast. It is closely related to several extant languages, such as Malecite-Passamaquoddy , Massachusett and Munsee as well as extinct languages like Abenaki and Unami . Beyond having a similar language background and sharing close geographic proximity, the Miꞌkmaq notably held an alliance with four other tribes within

1218-467: Is shown below. The sounds of Mi'kmaq can be divided into two groups: obstruents ( /p, t, k, kʷ, t͡ʃ, s, x, xʷ/ ) and sonorants ( /m, n, w, l, j/ and all vowels). The obstruents have a wide variety of pronunciations. When they are located word-initially or next to another obstruent, they are voiceless [p, t, k, kʷ, t͡ʃ, s, x, xʷ] . However, when they are located between sonorants, they are voiced , and appear as [b, d, ɡ, ɡʷ, d͡ʒ, z, ɣ, ɣʷ] . When

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1276-411: Is the obviative marker: Animohš-∅ dog- PROX owâpamân sees pôsîns-an. cat- OBV Animohš-∅ owâpamân pôsîns-an. dog-PROX sees cat-OBV The dog sees a cat. Animohš-an cat- PROX owâpamân sees pôsîns-∅. dog- OBV Animohš-an owâpamân pôsîns-∅. cat-PROX sees dog-OBV The cat sees a dog. Ojibwa verbs also mark whether the action is direct or inverse. In

1334-440: Is written as taꞌpu pituimtlnaqn . The exceptions to that pattern are the numbers 100 and 1,000, which are simply the roots gasgꞌptnnaqan and pituimtlnaqn , respectively. Similarly to digits between the tens, the connecting word jel is used between hundreds and tens, or thousands and hundreds: for example, the number 3,452 is written as siꞌst pituimtlnaqn jel neꞌw gasgꞌptnnaqan jel naꞌnisgaq jel taꞌpu . On top of

1392-418: The -mas- portion used to express a politely distanced social context to the intended audience) . A synthetic language may use morphological agglutination combined with partial usage of fusional features, for example in its case system (e.g., German , Dutch , and Persian ). Persian has some features of agglutination, making use of prefixes and suffixes attached to the stems of verbs and nouns, thus making it

1450-479: The glottal stop /ʔ/ , not /h/ . According to Logan (2001), lenis consonants are voiced between vowels (i.e., V_V) and between nasals and vowels (i.e., N_V). Fortis consonants are sometimes either preaspirated , preglottalized , or extended . The vowels are divided into three short vowels and four long vowels . Western Ojibwa is non-syncopating which means that weak vowels are not deleted according to metrical position. Short vowels are treated different in

1508-629: The 19th century. Previously, the language was written in Miꞌkmaq hieroglyphic writing , a script of partially native origin. The Francis-Smith orthography used here was developed in 1974 and was adopted as the official orthography of the Míkmaq Nation in 1980. It is the most widely used orthography and is that used by Nova Scotian Mikmaq and by the Míkmaq Grand Council. It is quite similar to the "Lexicon" orthography, differing from it only in its use of

1566-552: The Canadian government through the introduction of the Canadian Indian residential school system . These schools under the notation of assimilation, forced Indigenous children to reject their cultural identity and language. These schools resulted in a significant number of children physically and mentally abused and without the means to speak their mother tongue. Wagmatcook, Cape Breton, is undergoing significant efforts to revitalize

1624-578: The Eastern Algonquian language group known as the Wabanaki Confederacy : in short, a history of long-term language contact has existed between Miꞌkmaq and its close linguistic relatives. Miꞌkmaq has many similarities with its fellow Eastern Algonquian languages, including multiple word cognates: for instance, compare the Miꞌkmaq word for 'woman', eꞌpit , to the Maliseet ehpit [æpit] , or

1682-599: The English words caribou and toboggan are borrowings from Miꞌkmaq. The name caribou was probably derived from the Miꞌkmaq word xalibu or Qalipu meaning 'the one who paws'. Marc Lescarbot in his publication in French in 1610 used the term caribou . Silas Tertius Rand translated the Miꞌkmaq word Kaleboo as 'caribou' in his Miꞌkmaq-English dictionary (Rand 1888:98). The aforementioned use of hieroglyphic writing in pre-colonial Miꞌkmaq society shows that Miꞌkmaq

1740-751: The Miꞌkmaq language, due to the Acadians and Miꞌkmaq living together prior to the Expulsion of the Acadians and the British colonization of Acadia ; in French-speaking areas, traces of Miꞌkmaq can also be found largely in geographical names within regions historically that were occupied by the Miꞌkmaq people, including Quebec and several towns in Nova Scotia such as Antigonish and Shubenacadie . Moreover, several Miꞌkmaq words have made their way into colonizing languages:

1798-453: The Ojibwa dialects. In Saulteaux, tensing does not occur with initial short vowels. They also do not shift to /a/ . Nasal vowels are becoming denasalized; however, vowels may be nasalized before a nasal followed by a sibilant, i.e. in the phonotactically permissible sequences /ns/ , /nz/ , and /nzh/ . After a long vowel and before s or ʃ, /n/ is not pronounced the same as elsewhere, instead

Western Ojibwa language - Misplaced Pages Continue

1856-801: The Saulteaux. This name derives from French and refers to those that gathered around the falls – specifically the Sault Ste. Marie area of modern Ontario and Michigan. They defeated the Cheyenne in the 1700s and occupied southern Manitoba and southern Saskatchewan when the fur trade died out. They were entrenched as a plains Indian group with the signing of the Number Treaties in the 1870s. Neither Western Ojibwa or any dialect of Ojibwa has official status in North America. The Ojibwa-speaking regions are found mainly to

1914-649: The backseat of the car speaking Miꞌkmaq and they're excited", said the Miꞌkmaq language instructor at Lnu Siꞌpuk Kinaꞌmuokuom Miꞌkmaq school in Indian Brook . Miꞌkmaq language courses are mandatory from grades Primary to 12 at the school, which only opened six years ago. Evening classes are starting as of Oct. 2013. Also as of 2013, Lunenburg County, Nova Scotia 's Miꞌkmaq Burial Grounds Research and Restoration Association has about forty students in its Miꞌkmaq language revitalization classes, and Miꞌkmaq greetings are becoming more common in public places. In 2021, Emma Stevens,

1972-491: The basic structure, numbers in Miꞌkmaq must agree with the animacy of whatever they are counting: for instance, when speaking of two people, taꞌpusijik is used, as opposed to the number used for two days, taꞌpugnaꞌq . The suffix -ijik to denote the counting of animate subjects and the suffix -gnaꞌq to denote the counting of inanimate subjects are common, but animacy-marking suffixes are somewhat fluid and vary by number and dialect. The Mi'kmaq language possesses

2030-400: The development of an Algonquian–Basque pidgin with a strong Miꞌkmaq imprint, which was recorded to be still in use in the early 18th century. A 2012 book, by the Miꞌkmaq linguist Bernie Francis and anthropologist Trudy Sable, The Language of this Land, Miꞌkmaꞌki, "examines the relationship between Miꞌkmaq language and landscape." Agglutinative language An agglutinative language

2088-569: The early period of the fur trade. It was common for small groups to go onto the Plains to exploit the hunt and then return to the Woodland area. They would hunt moose, elk, and other forest game. As a result, they gradually advanced north and west from their Red River base, following the forest edge. The bison hunt also became incorporated into the cycle of seasonal exploitation for many of the Ojibwa family groups. The small groups of Plains Ojibwa are called

2146-525: The fact that Persian is able to affix a given number of dependent morphemes to a root morpheme, mashin (car). Turkish , too, is generally agglutinative, forming words in a similar manner: araba (car) + lar (plural) + ın (possessive suffix, performing the same function as "of" in English) + a (dative suffix, for the recipient of an action, like "to" in English) forms arabalarına (lit. "to their cars"). However, these suffixes depend upon vowel harmony : doing

2204-527: The first two examples the action takes place directly, where the proximate is acting upon the obviative. This direction can be inverted meaning that the verb marks when the obviative is acting on the proximate by using the inverse morpheme –ikô- : Animohš-∅ dog- PROX owâpamikôn see. INV pôsîns-an cat- OBV Animohš-∅ owâpamikôn pôsîns-an dog-PROX see.INV cat-OBV Mi%27kmaq language The Mi'kmaq language ( / ˈ m ɪ ɡ m ɑː / MIG -mah ), or Miꞌkmawiꞌsimk ,

2262-842: The geographic distance, these two languages make part of the Algic language family with the Algonquian languages. Randolph Valentine (2000) divides Ojibwa into two major dialect groups: a southern group and a northern group. The southern dialect group includes Saulteaux in southern Manitoba and southern Saskatchewan; Ojibwa in most of Ontario, Manitoulin Island and Georgian Bay; Ottawa or Odawa in southern Ontario; and finally Chippewa in North Dakota, Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Michigan. The northern dialect group includes Oji-Cree in northern Ontario and Algonquin in Western Quebec. Leonard Bloomfield (1946)

2320-401: The language. The community created a variety of children's books suited for a range of ages to develop Mi'kmaq language skills as children mature. The use of Mi'kmaq immersion schools in this area also increased the proficiency in the language for children and an improved attachment to their Indigenous identity. The immersion schools allowed children to learn their mother tongue, which increases

2378-403: The moose by placing tia'm ('moose') earlier in the utterance. Miꞌkmaq, as a polysynthetic language , has verbs which usually contain the sentence's subject and object: for instance, the aforementioned sapmiꞌk translates to 'I saw him'. While it is thus difficult to classify Miꞌkmaq under traditional word order categories such as SVO or SOV, a more fixed aspect in the language comes in

Western Ojibwa language - Misplaced Pages Continue

2436-425: The morphology of its verbs. Certain areas of internal morphology of verbs in Miꞌkmaq have regular placement: for instance, when the aspect of a verb is included, it appears as the first prefix, while the negative marker always appears directly after the verb root. An example for both of these instances can be seen in the Miꞌkmaq verb kisipawnatqaꞌtiꞌw ( kisi-paw-natq-aꞌti-w ), translated as 'they cannot get out':

2494-438: The nine numerals: for instance, the number 28 is constructed as tapuisgaꞌq jel ugumuljin , or literally 'twenty and eight'. For numbers beyond 99, Miꞌkmaq uses a pattern similar to that of 60 to 99, with numeral words preceding separate roots that identify higher numbers (such as gasgꞌptnnaqan , meaning 'hundred', or pituimtlnaqn meaning 'thousand'); for instance, 300 is written as siꞌst gasgꞌptnnaqan , while 2,000

2552-522: The number of fluent speakers while still obtaining the dominant language. Community member educators also participated in a program to obtain a Certificate in Aboriginal Literacy Education that increased their fluency in the language. Cape Breton University 's Unamaꞌki College specializes "in Miꞌkmaq history, culture and education". As of 2013, "it has some 250 aboriginal students". "Parents come to me and say they hear their children in

2610-479: The occasional outliers, agglutinative languages tend to have more easily deducible word meanings compared to fusional languages , which allow unpredictable modifications in either or both the phonetics or spelling of one or more morphemes within a word, usually resulting from a shortening of the word or to make pronunciation easier. Agglutinative languages have generally one grammatical category per affix while fusional languages combine multiple into one. The term

2668-469: The other hand, in a word such as runs , the singular suffix -s indicates the verb is both in third person and present tense, and cannot be further broken down into a "third person" morpheme and a "present tense" morpheme; this behavior is reminiscent of fusional languages. The term agglutinative is sometimes incorrectly used as a synonym for synthetic , but that term also includes fusional languages. The agglutinative and fusional languages are two ends of

2726-963: The plosives and affricate are located word-finally, they may be aspirated and appear as [pʰ, tʰ, kʰ, kʷʰ, tʃʰ] . An example of each kind of pronunciation is given below. Miꞌkmaq distinguishes between long and short vowels and consonants, the latter indicated in Listuguj by doubling the consonant. Beyond expanding in length, long consonants add a schwa when they precede other consonants. For instance, compare /en.mitk/ , written in Listuguj as e n mitg ('flow away') with /en.nə.mit/ , written in Listuguj as e nn mit ('stick into'); or, /tox.tʃu.pi.la.wek/ , written in Listuguj as toqjuꞌpila w eg ('hoist'), with /ke.si.kaw.wek/ , written in Listuguj as gesiga ww eg ('loud'). Listuguj orthography occasionally begins words with consonant clusters, as in gt aꞌn ('ocean') and mg umi ('ice'). However, such clusters are pronounced over separate syllables, with

2784-463: The preceding vowel is given a nasalized sound. Valentine (1994) found the following phonological properties of Western Ojibwa: Typologically, Saulteaux is an agglutinating or polysynthetic language which means that it relies heavily on affixation to express meaning. As is the case with languages that have active morphology, word order in this language is not as rigid as English. There is no distinction between masculine and feminine – instead there

2842-456: The prefix kisi marks the verb as being in the completive aspect, whereas the negative marker, w , appears directly after the verb root aꞌti ('the two move'). However, these solidly placed elements of verbs are paired with markers that can appear throughout the word, depending again on emphasis; animacy in particular can appear fluidly throughout verbs. In short, while a few specific aspects of Miꞌkmaq can be predicted, its syntax in general

2900-550: The same to ev ("house") forms evlerine (to their houses). However, there are other features of the Turkish language that could be considered fusional, such as the suffixes for the simple present tense. This is the only tense where, rather than having a suffix did negation which can be included before the temporal suffix, there are two different suffixes – one for affirmative and one for negative. Giving examples using sevmek ("to love" or "to like"): Agglutinative languages tend to have

2958-508: The south of Cree-speaking regions in Canada. The exact number of current Saulteaux dialect speakers is unknown. However, there are several Saulteaux communities found in southern Manitoba and southern Saskatchewan. Saulteaux has twenty-four phonemic segments – seventeen consonants and seven vowels. The consonants are four resonants and thirteen obstruents . The resonant nasals are labial /m/ and alveolar /n/. The resonant glides are labio-velar /w/ and palatal /y/ . Western Ojibwa has

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3016-483: The straight apostrophe ⟨ꞌ⟩ or acute accent ⟨´⟩ instead of the colon ⟨:⟩ to mark vowel length. When the Francis-Smith orthography was first developed, the straight apostrophe (often called a "tick") was the designated symbol for vowel length, but since software applications incorrectly autocorrected the tick to a curly apostrophe, a secondary means of indicating vowel length

3074-707: The varying related words for the color 'white': wapeꞌt in Miꞌkmaq, wapi [wapi] in Maliseet, waapii [wapi] in Munsee, wôbi [wɔ̃bɪ] in Abenaki and wòpe [wɔpe] in Unami. Even outside of the Eastern Algonquian subgroup, there exist similar cognates within the larger Algic family, such as the Cree wāpiskāw [wɔ:bɪska:w] and the Miami-Illinois waapi [wa:pi] . Like many Native American languages, Miꞌkmaq uses

3132-401: The word for 'Sun', naꞌguꞌset , and the word for 'Earth', ugsꞌtqamu , are animate, and parallel cultural knowledge regarding astronomy cannot be gleaned through the language. Much like grammatical gender , the core concept of animacy is shared across similar languages while the exact connotations animacy has within Miꞌkmaq are unique. Many Acadian French and Chiac words are rooted in

3190-421: Was able to reconstruct the phonology system and some of the morphology of Proto-Algonquian through the comparison of cognates from four languages: Fox, Cree, Menomini, and Ojibwa. In comparison to other eastern tribes, the Ojibwa have suffered the least population loss at the time of European contact. With the number of their peoples and early acquisition of rifles, the Ojibwa were a powerful political force during

3248-621: Was formally accepted, the acute accent. The barred-i ⟨ɨ⟩ for schwa is sometimes replaced by the more common circumflex-i ⟨î⟩ . In Listuguj orthography, an apostrophe marks long vowels as well as schwa, and the letter ⟨g⟩ is used instead of the letter ⟨k⟩ . The 19th-century Pacifique orthography omits ⟨w⟩ and ⟨y⟩ , using ⟨o⟩ and ⟨i⟩ for these. It also ignores vowel length. The 19th-century orthography of Silas Tertius Rand , using characters from Isaac Pitman 's Phonotypic Alphabet ,

3306-561: Was introduced by Wilhelm von Humboldt to classify languages from a morphological point of view. It is derived from the Latin verb agglutinare , which means "to glue together". For example, the English word antidisestablishmentarianism can be broken up into anti- "against", dis- "to deprive of", establish (here referring to the formation of the Church of England), -ment "the act of", -arian "a person who", and -ism "the ideology of". On

3364-506: Was one of the few Native American languages to have a writing system before European contact. Linguist Peter Bakker identified two Basque loanwords in Miꞌkmaq, presumably because of extensive trade contact between Basque sailors and Native Americans in the 16th century. The overall friendly exchanges starting in mid-16th century between the Miꞌkmaqs and the Basque whalers provided the basis for

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