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102-629: The name Motavita comes from the Chibcha language and means "washing place to prepare for growing crops", indicating a ceremonial use. Motavita is bordered to the north by Arcabuco and Cómbita , to the east and south by Tunja , and to the west by Sora and Chíquiza . In the time before the Spanish conquest of the Muisca , Motavita was inhabited by the Muisca , organised in their loose Muisca Confederation . Motavita

204-494: A ction"; izhe – "street" i – open "i" as in "' i nca" – sié – "water" or "river" o – short "o" as in "b o x" – to – "dog" u – "ou" as in "y ou " – uba – "face" y – between "i" and "e"; "a" in action – ty – "singing" b – as in " b ed", or as in Spanish "ha b a"; – bohozhá – "with" ch – "sh" as in " sh ine", but with the tongue pushed backwards – chuta – "son" or "daughter" f – between

306-729: A "b" and "w" using both lips without producing sound, a short whistle – foï – "mantle" g – "gh" as in " g ood", or as in Spanish "abo g ado"; – gata – "fire" h – as in " h ello" – huïá – "inwards" ï – "i-e" as in Beelzebub – ïe – "road" or "prayer" k – "c" as in " c old" – kony – "wheel" m – "m" as in " m an" – mika – "three" n – "n" as in " n ice" – nyky – "brother" or "sister" p – "p" as in " p eople" – paba – "father" s – "s" as in " s orry" – sahawá – "husband" t – "t" as in " t ext" – yta – "hand" w – "w" as in " w ow!" – we – "house" zh – as in " ch orizo", but with

408-515: A "people's constituent assembly" on September 6. The FARC, who claimed to support a dialogue with the government, contended that the government's constitutional assembly would merely serve to pass reforms which had failed in Congress and reiterated their demands for an "autonomous and sovereign constituent assembly" which would draft a new constitution. Demobilized groups such as the PRT, MAQL and some fronts of

510-500: A 'silent march' ( Marcha del silencio ) organized by university students in Bogotá. The organizers' original objective was to express their rejection of indiscriminate violence, which had claimed the lives of an average of 11 people per day in 1988. One of the factors which made constitutional change difficult was that the 1886 Constitution could only be amended by the Congress . Article 218 of

612-476: A 1957 ruling on that year's plebiscite which said that the power to modify the constitution did not stem from the constitution itself but rather from 'the revolution' or the "exercise of the latent sovereignty in the people as constituent will.". Secondly, it looked at a 1987 ruling, also concerning the constitutionality of the 1957 plebiscite, in which it had declared that "when the people, exercising its sovereign and inalienable power, decides to pronounce itself on

714-545: A Colombia . Pro-constituent assembly groups instead proposed a constituent assembly to write a new constitution, with extensive grassroots and guerrilla participation. On August 2, 1990, Gaviria oversaw the signing of a political agreement for a constitutional assembly by members of the Liberal Party, the two rival Conservative groups and the AD M-19. This agreement was the basis for Decree 1926, issued on August 24 and calling for

816-573: A Legislative Act, first discussed and adopted by Congress in its regular sessions; published by the Government, for final consideration at the next regular legislative session; by it again debated, and ultimately approved by the absolute majority of the individuals which compose each House. If the Government does not promptly publish the draft legislative act, the President of Congress will do so. The constitutional reforms which, among other things, set-up

918-450: A Spanish-Muysca vocabulary and a "Catheçismo en la lengua Mosca o Chipcha" [ sic ]. It was transcribed by María Stella González and published by the Caro y Cuervo Institute in 1987. According to the researcher, this manuscript "was written at times when the language was still spoken. " González's transcription has been one of the most consulted works by modern linguists interested in

1020-591: A State in which the exercise of political power is constrained by the law , and where the law is also just . The most important principles underpinning this doctrine are the supremacy of a written constitution, a separation of powers with all branches bound by laws, a hierarchy of laws, the guarantee of individual fundamental rights , legal certainty and the proportionality of state action. The social state denotes those who have incorporated, within their legal system and constitutional order, social rights (or second-generation rights ). These rights commonly include

1122-429: A constitutional assembly in an officially sanctioned vote, there was no agreement on the form that constitutional change should take. Large number of politicians from both major parties preferred to see constitutional reform done through Congress rather than a constituent assembly, while more marginal political and social forces pushed for a constituent rather than constitutional assembly. Gaviria undertook dialogues with

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1224-399: A dictionary of all the languages of the world This manuscript is made up of three books: the first titled "De la gramática breve de la lengua Mosca"; the second contains three titles: "Confesionarios en la Lengua Mosca chibcha" [ sic ], "Oraciones en Lengua Mosca chibcha" [ sic ] and "Catecismo breve en Lengua Mosca chibcha" [ sic ]; The third book

1326-417: A field with a university degree for at least five years were eligible for election, although the decree created exceptions for those who had been undergraduate students for at least one year, indigenous leaders for at least one year, social leaders for at least one year or those who had received a pardon as part of a peace process. The agreement/decree set an agenda to which the assembly would be limited. On

1428-453: A grammar, a confessional in Spanish and a confessional in Muysca. For the elaboration of his work, Lugo devised a sort or type in order to express a vowel that was not part of the phonetic inventory of Spanish and that was necessary to capture if a correct pronunciation was wanted, he called it "Inverse Ipsilon" and today we know it as "The Lugo's y". In other sources it appears simply expressed with

1530-511: A just order. The article also stipulates that the authorities of the State are established in order to protect all residents of Colombia and to ensure the fulfillment of the social duties of the State and individuals. According to Article 3, " Sovereignty resides exclusively in the people, from whom public power emanates." They exercise it directly or through their representatives . The forms of democratic participation are presented in title four of

1632-464: A la anhelada paz, no puede la Corte cerrar esa posibilidad. Therefore, both for philosophic and jurisprudential reasons, to determine whether Decree 1926 of August 24, 1990 is constitutional, it is insufficient to compare it with the articles 218 of the Constitution and 13 of the plebiscite of December 1, 1957 without taking into account its potential for peace. Although it is impossible to ensure that

1734-496: A large variety of civil and political rights and economic, social and cultural rights , and establishes judicial mechanisms to guarantee them. In sentence T-406/92, the Constitutional Court noted that the concept of the estado social de derecho encompassed not only individual rights but also the entire organizational apparatus of the State. It further added that the 'organic part' of the constitution (that establishing

1836-537: A new Congress be elected in 1991 following the approval of the new constitution. In a compromise between the three main forces in the assembly mediated by Gaviria and former president Alfonso López Michelsen, it was agreed that the 1990 Congress would be dismissed and new elections to Congress would be held under the rules of the new constitution in October 1991, but the members of the constitutional assembly would be ineligible to run in these elections. The three presidents of

1938-475: A new constitution without being subject to the requirements imposed by the constitution in force until then. It cited as precedent the modification of the 1886 constitution by plebiscite in 1957, or the adoption of the very constitution of 1886 through other means than those set by the Colombian Constitution of 1863 . The judgement also referenced prior constitutional jurisprudence. Firstly, it mentioned

2040-738: A new constitution, but did not demobilize. The left-wing Patriotic Union (UP), created in 1985 as the FARC and the Communist Party 's legal political wing, also supported a new constitution. A student-led movement called Todavía podemos salvar a Colombia ("We can still save Colombia"), born from the August 1989 'silent march' and predominantly spearheaded by student and faculty from the most prestigious private universities of Bogotá ( Universidad Externado de Colombia , Universidad del Rosario , Pontificia Universidad Javeriana , Universidad de los Andes ), proposed

2142-421: A perder vitalidad y aceptación. In few but transcending words, the primary constituent power represents a moral and political power of ultimate resort, capable, even in times of the greatest darkness, of setting the historical course of the State, rebelling with all its essence and creative vigour. For this reason, it knows how to open blocked channels of expression, or establish those that had been denied, or, in

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2244-660: A political party, known as the Democratic Alliance M-19 (AD M-19), in 1990. In 1991, the Workers' Revolutionary Party (PRT), most fronts of the Popular Liberation Army (EPL) and the Movimiento Armado Quintin Lame (MAQL) all demobilized. One of the terms for their demobilization was their (limited) participation in a constituent assembly. The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) supported

2346-419: A referendum on the creation of a constitutional assembly on the basis of the political agreement and simultaneous elections to the constitutional assembly. Like decree 927, decree 1926 was issued as a state of siege decree under article 121 of the 1886 constitution, and justified the creation of a constitutional assembly with the need to solve the country's conflicts by reforming the country's institutions. As per

2448-439: A semivocalic extension of bilabial consonants, as Adolfo Constenla presented it at the time, for example in cusmuy *[kusmʷɨ], */kusmɨ/, she considers it a phonetic characteristic and not a phonological one. The Myska alphabet consists of around 20 letters. Myska didn't have an "L" in their language. The letters are pronounced more or less as follows: a – as in Spanish "casa"; ka – "enclosure" or "fence" e – as in "

2550-430: A state of siege decree ordering the official counting of the seventh ballot papers. On 10 March, a day before the election, President Barco gave his personal support to the séptima papeleta . Most Liberal factions also supported the séptima papeleta , with the only significant Liberal opposition coming from former president Turbay and Liberal presidential candidate Hernando Durán Dussán . Álvaro Gómez Hurtado , leader of

2652-589: Is a language spoken by the Muisca people of the Muisca Confederation , one of the many indigenous cultures of the Americas . The Muisca inhabit the Altiplano Cundiboyacense of what today is the country of Colombia . The name of the language Muysc cubun in its own language means "language of the people", from muysca ("people") and cubun ("language" or "word"). Despite the disappearance of

2754-533: Is an agglutinative language , characterized by roots that are usually monosyllabic or bisyllabic (to a lesser extent longer), which combine to form extensive expressions. Typologically, it is a final core language. In addition, it is an inflectional language , which means that the roots receive prefixes and suffixes. The closest living language to Muysca is Uwa . Compared to other northern Chibcha languages, Muysca presents more recent innovations. The following greetings have been taken directly from written sources from

2856-412: Is individually responsible before the authorities for violations of the Constitution and the laws, with civil servants further responsible for omission and abuse in the exercise of their duties. The fifth article establishes the primacy of the inalienable rights of the individual, without any discrimination, and protects the family as the basic institution of society. Article 7 recognizes and protects

2958-585: Is part of the Chibcha linguistic family , which in turn belongs to the macro-Chibchan group. The Chibcha linguistic family includes several indigenous languages of Central America and Northwestern South America. In prehistorical times, in the Andean civilizations called preceramic , the population of northwestern South America migrated through the Darién Gap between the isthmus of Panama and Colombia. Other Chibchan languages are spoken in southern Central America and

3060-633: Is the Constitution of the Republic of Colombia . It was promulgated in Constitutional Gazette number 114 on Sunday, July 7, 1991, and is also known as the Constitution of Human Rights . It replaced the Political Constitution of 1886 and was issued during the presidency of the liberal César Gaviria , with ideas from the also liberal Luis Carlos Galán . In the late 1980s, Colombia

3162-457: Is titled "Bocabulario de la Lengua Chibcha o Mosca" [ sic ]. It was transcribed by Diego Gómez and Diana Girlado between 2012 and 2013. These manuscripts are actually a single vocabulary, one copies the other. The first was transcribed by Quesada Pacheco in 1991 and the second by Gómez y Giraldo between 2012 and 2013 It was published in Madrid, Spain, in the year 1619. It consists of

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3264-581: The Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany , which in its article 20 proclaims Germany to be a "democratic and social federal state" ( demokratischer und sozialer Bundesstaat ) and the Spanish Constitution of 1978 which established Spain as a "social and democratic State, subject to the rule of law" ( Estado social y democrático de Derecho ). The Rechtsstaat or estado de derecho refers to

3366-677: The Medellín Cartel of Pablo Escobar ). Politically, the National Front arrangement (1958–1974) between Colombia's two dominant parties, the Conservatives and the Liberals was widely seen as delegitimizing the political system by severely limiting third parties and other movements' political participation. Although the strict application of the National Front ended with the 1974 election,

3468-478: The National Registrar informed students that while he could not order the counting of the votes for a constituent assembly, neither could he ban the seventh ballot from being deposited. In short, the séptima papeleta would not affect the validity of votes for the six official contests. The unofficial count showed over 2.2 million votes in favour of a constituent assembly, out of over 7.6 million votes cast in

3570-590: The New Kingdom of Granada and although their orthography is inconsistent and a little different from the known ones, these pamphlets are associated with the variety spoken in Santafé and its surroundings Because Muysc Cubun is an extinct language, various scholars as Adolfo Constenla (1984), González de Pérez (2006) and Willem Adelaar with the collaboration of Pieter Muysken (2007) have formulated different phonological systems taking into account linguistic documents from

3672-530: The ethnic and cultural diversity of Colombia, while the following article obliges the State and individuals to protect the cultural and natural assets of the country. The 1991 constitution was a major break with the unitary and exclusionary view of the Nation which had existed in Colombia until that time. The Colombian nation, like most other Hispanoamerican countries, had hitherto been defined in exclusionary terms as

3774-447: The right to work , social security , the right to education , the right to health . The first constitution to explicitly establish social rights was the 1919 Weimar Constitution of Germany, followed by the Spanish Constitution of 1931 and, in Colombia, the 1936 constitutional reform of President Alfonso López Pumarejo . Colombian legal scholar Luis Villar Borda identified German legal scholar and philosopher Hermann Heller as

3876-450: The séptima papeleta in March, stated that the popular will should be recognized and warned that thwarting the "popular movement in favour of institutional change" would weaken the country's political institutions. The government claimed that it was acting to facilitate the expression of the popular will. The contents of the decree were largely the fruit of conversations between the government,

3978-444: The "democratic opening" (liberalization) that left-wing movements and guerrillas had been incessantly demanding, the Congress passed a constitutional amendment allowing for the direct election of mayors (hitherto appointed by departmental governors). There was growing clamour to reform the 1886 constitution, accused of 'closing' political institutions, limiting opportunities for the political participation of minorities and not permitting

4080-432: The "democratic opening" which would guarantee the reincorporation to civilian life of armed rebel groups. In 1986 , Liberal candidate Virgilio Barco was elected to the presidency on a platform of national reconciliation. In January 1988, Barco unexpectedly revived the idea of substantial constitutional change by proposing the organization of a plebiscite, alongside the March 1988 local elections, to repeal article 13 of

4182-460: The 17th century and comparative linguistics. The proposal of Adolfo Constenla , Costa Rican teacher of the Chibcha languages, has been the basis of the other proposals and his appreciations are still valid, even more so because they were the result of the use of the comparative method with other Chibcha languages and lexicostatistics. In fact, Constenla's classification of the Chibcha languages remains

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4284-507: The 17th century when the language was alive. In Muysca, the noun lacks morphemes of gender, number and case. In nouns denoting sex, it is necessary to add the corresponding name "fucha~fuhucha" or "cha". fulano fulano muysca person cha male cho good guy COP fulano muysca cha cho guy fulano person male good COP Colombian Constitution of 1991 The Political Constitution of Colombia of 1991 ( Spanish : Constitución Política de Colombia de 1991 ),

4386-599: The 1957 plebiscite. The president hoped that a plebiscite would give legitimacy to the repeal of this article (which had also been approved by plebiscite). However, Barco was forced to shelve the idea because of the lack of political consensus around his proposal. Instead, in February 1988, Barco signed a bipartisan agreement with leaders of the Liberal and Conservative parties (the Acuerdo de la Casa de Nariño ) which included agreement on

4488-559: The 1991 constitution. The concept combines two common doctrines in continental European legal thinking - that of the Rechtsstaat (state of law or rule of law, known as estado de Derecho in Spanish), borrowed from German jurisprudence ; and that of the "social state" ( estado social ), similar to the related concept of the Welfare state . The Colombian Constitution of 1991 was inspired by

4590-527: The August 1990 political agreement. It also struck down a requirement for a deposit of COL$ 5,000,000 from candidates. Elections to the Constitutional Assembly were held on December 9, simultaneously with the referendum authorizing the convening of said assembly for February 5, 1991. The elections were overshadowed by the massive abstention - of the country's 14,237,110 eligible voter, just 26% of them (or some 3.7 million) turned out. The referendum

4692-458: The Colombian State - democratic; participatory; pluralistic; based on the respect of human dignity, on the work and solidarity of the individuals who belong to it, and the prevalence of the general interest. The definition of Colombia as a "social state under the rule of law", or estado social de derecho in Spanish, is one of the most important legal and philosophical changes associated with

4794-787: The Constitution of 1886, as it stood in 1990, stated that the Constitution could only be amended by a law (legislative act, or Acto Legislativo ) passed by Congress: ARTICULO 218. La Constitución, salvo lo que en materia de votación ella dispone en otros artículos, sólo podrá ser reformada por un Acto Legislativo, discutido primeramente y aprobado por el Congreso en sus sesiones ordinarias; publicado por el Gobierno, para su examen definitivo en la siguiente legislatura ordinaria; por ésta nuevamente debatido, y, últimamente, aprobado por la mayoría absoluta de los individuos que componen cada Cámara. Si el Gobierno no publicare oportunamente el proyecto de Acto Legislativo, lo hará el Presidente del Congreso. ARTICLE 218. The Constitution, [...] may only be amended by

4896-424: The Constitution, from article 103 onwards. In the 1886 constitution, sovereignty was said to reside "essentially and exclusively" in the Nation. Article 4 establishes the Constitution as the supreme law of the country, the supremacy of the Constitution in case of incompatibility with any law and citizens' and resident foreigners' obligation to abide by the Constitution and the laws. According to Article 6, each person

4998-592: The EPL cautiously welcomed some aspects of the decree but sought modifications in certain areas. Decree 1926 was brought to the Supreme Court by several plaintiffs. The decree's advocates argued that it pertained to the organization of an electoral event and claimed that the Nation , the source of sovereignty under article 2 of the 1886 constitution, could exercise its constituent power notwithstanding articles 218 and 13. Critics of

5100-492: The Liberal Party elected the most members, at 25, with over 31% of the popular vote. The most successful of the various Liberal lists was led by Horacio Serpa and won 138,662 and 3 seats. The government appointed four non-voting members from demobilized guerrilla groups - two from the EPL, and one apiece from the PRT and MAQL. During the assembly, the MSN and AD M-19 demanded that the Congress elected in March 1990 be recalled and that

5202-670: The Liberal party and the two rival factions of the Conservative party. The parliamentary left was excluded from the talks, but they nevertheless welcomed decree 927. On the other hand, the decree was criticized by the Movimiento Estudiantil por la Constituyente (Student Movement for the Constituent), a rival of the Todavía podemos salvar a Colombia student movement, this one largely led by students from public universities. They criticized

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5304-449: The Muisca and related indigenous groups took their language with them into the heart of Colombia where they comprised the Muisca Confederation , a cultural grouping. As early as 1580 the authorities in Charcas, Quito , and Santa Fe de Bogotá mandated the establishment of schools in native languages and required that priests study these languages before ordination. In 1606 the entire clergy

5406-660: The National Front, were approved by a national plebiscite in 1957. However, the text approved by voters in the 1957 plebiscite reiterated that any future constitutional amendments could only be passed by Congress in the manner prescribed by article 218. Article 13 of the Legislative Decree 0247 of 1957 ( Decreto Legislativo Numero 0247 de 1957 ) read: ARTICULO 13. En adelante las reformas constitucionales sólo podrán hacerse por el Congreso, en la forma establecida por el artículo 218 de la Constitución. ARTICLE 13. Henceforth constitutional reforms may only be passed by Congress, in

5508-463: The administration of justice, public prosecutions and the process of judicial review by the Supreme Court. Following a tortuous court challenge, the Supreme Court rendered a controversial ruling on the constitutional amendments in November 1981, striking down the entire project because of procedural defects in the legislative procedure. In 1986, faced with the urgency of presenting some tangible proof of

5610-432: The agreement, it was criticized by the director of El Espectador who denounced the heavy participation of Congress in the future assembly and the limited room for citizens' input. Others - such as the pro-constituent assembly groups on the left - blasted the fairly rigid eligibility conditions and the exclusion of students, guerrillas, social leaders and indigenous peoples. These left-wing groups organized demonstrations for

5712-540: The agreement/decree, the referendum for and parallel election of a constitutional assembly would be held on December 9, 1990 and the assembly would convene a period of 150 days beginning on February 5, 1991. The assembly would be composed of 70 members elected in a single multi-member national constituency, with a minimum of two additional seats reserved for non-voting delegates from demobilized guerrilla groups. Only citizens who had held high political office, had been university professors for at least three years or had worked in

5814-422: The assembly were Alvaro Gómez Hurtado (MSN), Horacio Serpa (Liberal) and Antonio Navarro Wolff (AD M-19). The 1991 Constitution of Colombia was promulgated on July 7, 1991. In Article 1, Colombia is defined as a "social state under the rule of law ", or estado social de derecho , organized as a "decentralized unitary republic, with autonomy of its territorial units." It cites other fundamental principles defining

5916-450: The assembly, although 10 members of Congress would also be allowed to present their projects. The list of topics on the agenda included reforms to Congress, the legislative process, the judiciary , public prosecutions, public administration, human rights, local government, the status of political parties , popular participation, the state of siege and economic matters. While former President Carlos Lleras Restrepo and El Tiempo praised

6018-403: The basis of the agenda, preparatory commissions made up of experts, social and political leaders would hold debates and public hearings. An advisory commission to the presidency, with six members appointed by the president, would be tasked with drawing up the final draft and submitting it to the assembly. The agreement gave the government the initiative for presenting projects to the deliberation of

6120-415: The conclusions of a 1988 government report prepared by Manuel José Cepeda, the son of then-communications minister Fernando Cepeda, for President Barco. Based on a detailed analysis of the constitutional jurisprudence of the Supreme Court, Cepeda had concluded that the 1886 constitution could be reformed through a plebiscite or constituent assembly, as long as it was convened by the people. On March 1, 1990,

6222-448: The conservative National Salvation Movement (MSN), initially opposed constitutional reform. The strongest support for the séptima papeleta came from the legal left-wing parties, the UP and the new AD M-19. The FARC, for their part, proposed an entirely new constitution written by a constituent assembly, which would be convened by a plebiscite. The idea of the séptima papeleta was similar to

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6324-532: The constitution only as it pertained to departmental/municipal administration and the judiciary (courts, public prosecution, constitutional jurisdiction). On May 5, 1978, the Supreme Court of Justice ruled the project unconstitutional. In its verdict, the court argued that Congress' power to amend the constitution under article 218 was an exclusive power which it could not delegate. In December 1979, Congress approved President Julio César Turbay 's constitutional reform initiative. The reform made substantial changes to

6426-808: The constitutional text that will govern their destiny, it is not and cannot be subject to the legal regulations which precede its decision." The 1987 decision had also called the 'primary constituent act' "the expression of the highest political will", free from any judicial limitations. Summarizing its opinion, the majority wrote: En pocas pero trascendentes palabras, el Poder Constituyente Primario, representa una potencia moral y política de última instancia, capaz, aun en las horas de mayor tiniebla, de fijar el curso histórico del Estado, insurgiendo como tal con toda su esencia y vigor creativos. Por esto mismo, sabe abrir canales obstruidos de expresión, o establecer los que le han sido negados, o, en fin, convertir en eficaz un sistema inidoneo que, por factores diversos, ha llegado

6528-410: The country. El Tiempo , Colombia's largest newspaper, enthusiastically supported the movement and later provided some of the material support necessary to print the ballots. Liberal presidential candidate César Gaviria supported the idea and was the first presidential contender to speak about it publicly. Former President López Michelsen supported the idea, and further proposed that the government issue

6630-474: The creator of the concept of the estado social de derecho , formulated in the 1930s in the face of the perceived limitations of the Rechtsstaat to make the principle of equality a reality. The new definition of the Colombian State meant that the State transcended its traditional role as an administrator to serve and guarantee the country's development. The Colombian constitution, under its second title, lists

6732-509: The death of 70 people. In 1990, two other presidential candidates were assassinated - Bernardo Jaramillo of the Patriotic Union (UP) was killed March 22, 1990, and Carlos Pizarro of the AD M-19 was shot on April 26, 1990. The August 1989 assassination of Luis Carlos Galán, who was the early favourite to win the 1990 elections, shocked public opinion in Colombia and led, seven days later, to

6834-418: The decree (as it was a 'political act') or rule it unconstitutional. On October 9, in sentence number 138, the Supreme Court of Justice narrowly ruled decree 1926 to be constitutional with specific exceptions. The ruling created deeper divisions between the judges than their May ruling on decree 927, ultimately being approved with 15 votes in favour and 12 dissents ( salvamentos de voto ). The court found that

6936-647: The decree violated article 218 were based on false assumptions on the real scope of the decree. The vote went ahead on May 27, and the affirmative option in favour of a constitutional assembly carried over 95% of the votes cast, although only 43% of voters participated. Liberal candidate César Gaviria was elected president on the same day as the vote on the constitutional assembly was held. Gaviria had served as interior minister in Barco's government, actively involved in constitutional affairs. Although Colombian voters - those who participated - had overwhelmingly voted in favour of

7038-435: The decree, taken in its entirety, had sufficient connections to the state of siege, for reasons similar to those presented in its May 24 ruling on decree 927. Considering article 218, the majority opined that the judge needed to consider the social reality (an argument already made in their May ruling), specifically looking to societal values and reflecting on the usefulness of legal norms to certain purposes deemed valuable to

7140-427: The decree, the court's record stated, hit it from several angles - those who claimed the anticipated reforms were elitist and limited in scope; and those who claimed that the decree was unconstitutional as it violated articles 218 and 13 (they also rejected preeminence could be established between articles 2 and 218). As with decree 927, the public ministry opined that the court should either inhibit itself from ruling on

7242-452: The election. On May 3, 1990, President Barco issued Decree 927, ordering the electoral authorities to count the votes for an official (but non-binding) vote convening a constitutional assembly, to be held alongside the May 27 presidential election . The decree claimed that intensified violence had created "a popular clamour for institutions to be strengthened". It made reference to the success of

7344-456: The end, make efficient a system, which, for various reasons, had come to lose vitality and acceptance. Based on these arguments, the court ruled that the agenda set by the political agreement was unconstitutional as it placed undue limits on the powers of the primary constituent. The court's sentence removed, from the December 9 referendum question, any reference to limits imposed on the assembly by

7446-555: The face of the wave of extreme violence. 1989 witnessed the assassination of 12 judicial officers, the assassination of Liberal presidential candidate Luis Carlos Galán on August 18 in Soacha , the bombing of the El Espectador newspaper's offices in Bogotá on September 2, the in-flight explosion of Avianca Flight 203 on November 27 and the bombing of the DAS headquarters on December 6 causing

7548-416: The first to use the term séptima papeleta and explaining the objectives of his idea. Carrillo argued that the unofficial vote would "create a political fact" and "set the record that public opinion wants a constituent assembly", while the expression of popular sovereignty would keep the courts from invalidating it. Carrillo's idea immediately received substantial support from the political and media elites of

7650-518: The formation of a constituent assembly . In 1989, the movement had gathered over 30,000 signatures for an unsuccessful petition asking the president to convene a plebiscite to reform the constitution. Some months later, the students promoted the so-called séptima papeleta , or 'seventh ballot paper', as an unofficial plebiscite for a constituent assembly to be held alongside the March 1990 legislative election . The name séptima papeleta meant to indicate that

7752-445: The government itself in December 1988, after a group of congressmen had tried to add a question banning extradition . Meanwhile, Barco's policy of national reconciliation had been successful - four guerrilla groups demobilized between 1989 and 1990. The M-19 was the first group to accept the government's offer to dialogue in 1988, culminating in the movement surrendering their weapons in March 1990. The M-19's demobilized members became

7854-618: The grapheme y . Recently, a couple of doctrinal texts of the Muysca language were discovered in the Bodleian Library, which were sewn into the final part of an anonymous grammar of the Quechua language, published in Seville in 1603. The first of them is a brief Grammar, and the second a brief Christian Doctrine. These pamphlets are considered the earliest known texts of the General Language of

7956-511: The language in the 17th century (approximately), several language revitalization processes are underway within the current Muisca communities. The Muisca people remain ethnically distinct and their communities are recognized by the Colombian state. Important scholars who have contributed to the knowledge of the Chibcha language include Juan de Castellanos , Bernardo de Lugo , José Domingo Duquesne and Ezequiel Uricoechea . The Muysca language

8058-633: The language. Three documents from the Biblioteca Real de Palacio are compendiums of the Muysca language and are part of the so-called Mutis Collection, a set of linguistic-missionary documents of several indigenous languages of the New Kingdom of Granada and the Captaincy General of Venezuela , collected by Mutis , due to the initial wishes of the Tsarina of Russia Catherine the Great , who wanted to create

8160-492: The major political parties and their leaders. In July 1990, Gaviria sent his draft proposal for a constitutional assembly to the largest political parties. His proposal planned for a small assembly, a rigid predetermined agenda and with guerrilla participation limited to those groups who had demobilized. Gaviria's draft was rejected by the guerrilla groups, smaller legal left-wing parties, the umbrella organization of pro-constituent assembly movements and even Todavía podemos salvar

8262-540: The manner prescribed by Article 218 of the Constitution Notwithstanding these legal difficulties, several presidents beginning attempted to reform parts of the constitution, but most saw their efforts rebuffed by the Supreme Court of Justice or political complications. In 1977, under President Alfonso López Michelsen , Congress passed a constitutional amendment convening a constitutional assembly to amend

8364-401: The measures it provided and that it violated article 218 of the constitution (as well as article 13 of the 1957 plebiscite). In the opinion of the public ministry, there was no relationship between the state of siege and the measures provided by the decree, given that the state of siege only allowed for measures to maintain , not change the institutional order. The legality of non-binding votes

8466-471: The mentioned decree would necessarily lead to the desired peace, the Court cannot close this possibility. Among its other considerations, the court emphasized the notions of sovereignty , popular sovereignty and the idea of the 'primary constituent' ( constituyente primario ), that is to say the Colombian nation (or people). The court's ruling declared that the 'primary constituent' can, at any time, give itself

8568-518: The most accepted. In The languages of the Andes they present a phonologic chart based on the orthography developed during the colonial period, which diverges in some aspects from that used in Spanish according to the needs of the language. In his book Aproximación al sistema fonológico de la lengua muisca , González presents the following phonological table (González, 2006:57, 65, 122). González does not present approximants, although she considers [w] as

8670-450: The organization of a "process of institutional readjustment" - the creation of a constituent body, originating in Congress, which would submit a proposal for constitutional reform to Congress. The process was suddenly halted by the Council of State 's ruling on April 4, 1988, which declared it to be unconstitutional. A later attempt to resuscitate the original idea of a plebiscite was rejected by

8772-637: The organization of the State's political institutions) only acquired meaning and rationale as the implementation and application of the rights and principles enshrined in its 'dogmatic part'. Article 2 lists the essential goals of the State: "serve the community, promote the general welfare, guaranteeing the effectiveness of the principles, rights, and duties stipulated by the Constitution;" facilitating popular participation in decisions of national importance, defending national independence, maintaining territorial integrity, and ensure peaceful coexistence and enforcement of

8874-414: The popular movement in favour of constitutional reform. In the Supreme Court's opinion, the decree did not entail any constitutional reform, plebiscite or referendum - it merely gave the 'legal possibility' for counting votes on the possibility of convening a constitutional assembly. Therefore, the judges could not comment on the possibility of convening a constitutional assembly, and wrote that claims that

8976-512: The power-sharing aspects of the system were dismantled only gradually - only in 1986 did President Virgilio Barco form a single-party Liberal government, after the Conservatives had rejected his offer of three ministries in his administration. A series of assassinations and terrorist attacks in 1988 and 1989 increased popular demands for political and constitutional reform, as the country's existing political institutions were seen as broken in

9078-577: The seats then attributed using the electoral quotient and largest remainders . The single most popular list was that of the AD M-19, led by Antonio Navarro Wolff , which won 992,613 votes and 19 seats. The list led by Álvaro Gómez Hurtado of the National Salvation Movement won 574,411 votes and elected 11 members. Misael Pastrana Borrero 's list for the Social Conservative Party won 236,794 votes and 5 seats. Overall, however,

9180-645: The society. The court made reference to peace, a value explicitly mentioned in the preamble of the 1886 constitution. In summary, the court declared that it was insufficient to consider only article 218 (and 13) in ruling on decree 1926's constitutionality: Así pues, tanto por razones filosóficas como jurisprudenciales, para definir si el Decreto 1926 de 24 de agosto de 1990 es constitucional no basta compararlo con los artículos 218 de la Constitución y 13 del plebiscito del 1° de diciembre de 1957 si no tener en cuenta su virtualidad para alcanzar la paz. Aunque es imposible asegurar que el mencionado decreto llevara necesariamente

9282-445: The tongue to the back – zhysky – "head" The accentuation of the words is like in Spanish on the second-last syllable except when an accent is shown: Bacata is Ba-CA-ta and Bacatá is Ba-ca-TA. In case of repetition of the same vowel, the word can be shortened: fuhuchá ~ fuchá – "woman". In Chibcha, words are made of combinations where sometimes vowels are in front of the word. When this happens in front of another vowel,

9384-548: The unofficial ballot for a constituent assembly would be in addition to the six other official ballot papers ( senators , representatives , departmental assemblies , mayors, municipal councils and the Liberal presidential primary). The séptima papeleta was the brainchild of Fernando Carillo, a young Harvard graduate and constitutional lawyer, who at the time was teaching law in Bogotá's three main private universities. In February 1990, Carrillo published an article in El Tiempo ,

9486-408: The use of the term 'constitutional assembly' rather than 'constituent assembly', fearing that the former was a way for Liberal party 'barons' to seize control of the process. Several Conservative politicians likewise criticized this aspect. The decree was challenged in court, with its opponents claiming that there was no relationship between the state of siege under which the decree was proclaimed and

9588-409: The vowel changes as follows: a - uba becomes oba – "his (or her, its) face" a - ita becomes eta – "his base" a - yta becomes ata – "his hand" (note: ata also means "one") Sometimes this combination is not performed and the words are written with the prefix plus the new vowel: a-ita would become eta but can be written as aeta , a-uba as aoba and a-yta as ayta Muysca

9690-404: Was also questioned. The Supreme Court, through sentence 59 of May 24, 1990, ruled the decree to be constitutional. Arguing that the country's political institutions had lost their effectiveness and become unsuitable in the face of greater violence, their 'redesign' was clearly necessary. The court argued that constitutional judges must take heed of the social reality, and made several references to

9792-533: Was an important settlement in the coca trade with surrounding indigenous groups , such as the Muzo people who populated the western parts of Boyacá. Motavita was ruled by the zaque of nearby Hunza . Conquistador Hernán Pérez de Quesada , brother of Gonzalo Jiménez de Quesada , reached Motavita in 1540. In 1776 the first evangelisation of the Catholic Church was established by friar Juan Pérez. Modern Motavita

9894-399: Was carried with an overwhelming majority, with nearly 98% in favour of convening the assembly. 116 lists or candidates ran for 70 seats in the constitutional assembly. The Liberal Party alone accounted for 49 of these lists, having decided to run several separate lists - unlike the other parties - to take advantage of electoral rules. Voters cast their votes for a single/list candidate, with

9996-491: Was facing a period of unprecedented violence. Although political violence had been commonplace in the country's history since the 19th century, and Colombia had been embroiled in an armed conflict primarily against guerrilla groups since the 1960s, in the 1980s the list of actors involved in the armed conflict became increasingly complex and the violence took on new forms. The conflict now involved new guerrilla movements, paramilitary groups and violent drug cartels (most famously

10098-456: Was founded on 23 December 1816 and its first mayor was Marino Monrroy. Motavita was divided into five cadastral vereda (townships): Centro, Carbonera, Ristá, Salvial and Sote Panelas; however, Sote Panelas had four more veredas split off from it, namely: Frutillal, Versalles, Quebrada Honda and Barro Hondo, thus making nine vereda. Chibcha language Chibcha , Mosca , Muisca , Muysca (*/ˈmɨska/ *[ˈmʷɨska] ), or Muysca de Bogotá

10200-651: Was much larger than previously thought and that in fact there was a Chibcha dialect continuum that extended throughout the Cordillera Oriental from the Sierra Nevada del Cocuy to the Sumapaz Páramo . The quick colonization of the Spanish and the improvised use of traveling translators reduced the differences between the versions of Chibcha over time. Since 2008 a Spanish–Muysc cubun dictionary containing more than 3000 words has been published online. The project

10302-403: Was ordered to provide religious instruction in Chibcha. The Chibcha language declined in the 18th century. In 1770, King Charles III of Spain officially banned use of the language in the region as part of a de-indigenization project. The ban remained in law until Colombia passed its constitution of 1991 . Modern Muisca scholars as Diego Gómez have claimed that the variety of languages

10404-515: Was partly financed by the University of Bergen , Norway. The sources of the Muysca language are seven documents prepared in the first decade of the 17th century and are considered a legitimate and reliable documentary set of the language. Manuscript 158 of the National Library of Colombia has a Grammar, an annex called "Modos de hablar en la lengua Mosca o Chipcha" [ sic ],

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