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Museo Mitre

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The Mitre Museum ( Spanish : Museo Mitre ) in Buenos Aires , Argentina , is a museum dedicated to Argentine history , as well as to the legacy of former President of Argentina, Bartolomé Mitre . The museum building is a Spanish colonial house built in 1785. It first appears in Argentine history as the refuge of the last Viceroy of Río de la Plata , Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros , following the May Revolution of 1810. In 1860 the house was rented by General Bartolomé Mitre in 1860, and was his residence during his tenure as the 6th President of Argentina between 1862 and 1868.

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39-570: In 1868 the house was purchased and donated to Mitre by a group of local citizens in recognition of his term as president, as well as for his contributions to national unity; he lived there until his death in 1906. La Nación , one of the nation's oldest and most influential dailies, was published here from its establishment in 1870, until 1895. The house was purchased by the National Government via Law 4,943, in June of that year, and on June 3, 1907,

78-476: A Nación in Argentina has been and is very rich. Fundamental to the culture of the country, a field in which it has performed an unimaginable work. According to Julio Maria Sanguinetti , a daily collaborator of La Nacion, “it has been a space for coexistence and a forum of ideas for conservative liberals , progressive liberals , social democrats , Christian democrats or even open-minded nationalists , that there

117-529: A change in its printing format, with weekday editions now being printed as tabloids and weekend editions retaining the traditional broadsheet format. In 2019, the Society for News Design named La Nación as the World's Best Designed Newspaper, sharing the award together with The Sunday Times and The New York Times . La Nación' s daily circulation averaged 165,166 in 2012, and still represented nearly 20% of

156-508: A consortium led by banker and developer David Graiver who, through partner Rafael Ianover, became the firm's largest private shareholder. Secretly, however, Graiver acted as the investment banker for the Montoneros guerrilla group. He reportedly laundered US$ 17 million in funds that the Montoneros had received from illicit activities, principally kidnapping . These investments included

195-475: A number of times until, in 1929, a Plateresque headquarters on Florida Street was inaugurated. The publishing group today is headquartered in the Bouchard Plaza Tower, a 26-storey Post-modern office building developed between 2000 and 2004 over the news daily's existing, six-storey building. The director of La Nación , Bartolomé Mitre (the founder's great-great-grandson), shares control of ADEPA ,

234-519: A period into a comma, and by adding "and the existence of a single buyer imposed or chosen by the national authorities." These controversies coincided with a highly politicized six-month work stoppage at the San Pedro plant amid accusations of abnormally high pay for managerial staff. The strike ended following wage increases agreed to in early December. Magnetto, Mitre and Noble were declared innocent in 2016. Judge Julián Ercolini ruled that there

273-551: A variety of interests in both Argentina and overseas, and by 1976, Graiver owned a significant stake in Jacobo Timerman 's La Opinión (one of the leading newspapers and the leading magazine publisher in Argentina), as well as numerous other businesses and banks in Argentina, New York City , and elsewhere. Graiver contracted US$ 67 million in debts, however, and reportedly died in a plane crash near Acapulco on August 7, 1976. He

312-424: Is all of this in our political life, distributed in diverse parties or expression of individualities." Always conservative in tendency, La Nación accompanied the resistance of the ruling classes to the changes that reality imposed. The newspaper continues to call the two periods of Perón 's constitutional government "dictatorship" and does not use the same term to name the military governments installed after

351-501: Is an Argentine daily newspaper. As the country's leading conservative newspaper, La Nación ' s main competitor is the more liberal Clarín . It is regarded as a newspaper of record for Argentina. Its motto is: " La Nación will be a tribune of doctrine." It is the second most read newspaper in print, behind Clarín , and the third in digital format, behind Infobae and Clarín . In addition, it has an application for Android and iOS phones. The newspaper's printing plant

390-414: Is an Argentine manufacturing company, being the largest producer of newsprint in the country. The company furnishes 58% of the local market in the staple. The public–private partnership became the focus of one of a series of controversies between Clarín and Kirchnerism (the ruling Argentine political faction) in 2010. The company is currently owned by Clarín Group (49%), La Nación (22,49%), and

429-646: Is in the City of Buenos Aires and its newsroom is in Vicente López , Province of Buenos Aires . The newsroom also acts as a studio for the newspaper's TV channel , LN+ . The paper was founded on 4 January 1870 (replacing the former publication Nación Argentina ), by former Argentine President Bartolomé Mitre and associates. Until 1914, the managing editor was José Luis Murature , Foreign Minister of Argentina from 1914-1916. Enjoying Latin America's largest readership until

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468-467: The 1930 coup d'état led by José Félix Uriburu , though it later condemned the electoral fraud that dominated the country between 1931 and 1943, during the so-called " Infamous Decade ". According to members of the newspaper's board of directors, La Nación had two pillars since its foundation in 1870: being an expression of the national culture and a support for the Argentine countryside . It has been

507-534: The 1930s, its daily circulation averaged around 350,000, and exceeded only by Crítica , a Buenos Aires tabloid . The 1945 launch of Clarín created a new rival, and following the 1962 closure of Crítica , and the 1975 suspension of Crónica , La Nación secured its position as the chief market rival of Clarín . Originally published in Bartolomé Mitre's home (today, the Museo Mitre ), its offices were moved

546-551: The Argentine State (28,08%). . Papel Prensa (literally "Press Paper," loosely "newsprint") originated in the establishment of the Paper and Cellulose Production Development Fund in 1969 by the then de facto President Juan Carlos Onganía . The plan envisaged the establishment of a public-private newsprint manufacturing facility that could substitute imports of the staple which, excluding Papelera Tucumán , accounted for practically

585-539: The Argentine government maintained its 27.5% share. Clarín and La Nación together accounted for 71% of the company's sales in 2011. Newspaper circulation declined in Argentina after the 1970s, but production at Papel Prensa remained below local market needs for the nation's 170 dailies and newsprint imports remained at around 80,000 tons annually in 2011. Production at Papel Prensa, moreover, continued to decline. The San Pedro facility produced 170,000 tons of newsprint (75% of

624-464: The Argentine market) in 2009, and 145,000 tons (58% of the market) by 2011. Amid a series of political controversies between Clarín and Kirchnerism , Papaleo testified in 2010 to having been personally threatened by Clarín executive Héctor Magnetto during the sale, and subsequently tortured by police to forfeit further payment, as well as her remaining shares in La Opinión . Charges were filed to

663-531: The Argentine newspaper industry trade group, and of Papel Prensa , the nation's leading newsprint manufacturer, with Grupo Clarín . The newspaper was part of the conflict between Kirchnerism and the media , when Lidia Papaleo denounced, endorsed by the Kirchners, that they would have been forced to sell Papel Prensa under torture during the Dirty War . Judge Julián Ercolini acquitted him in 2016, pointing that there

702-401: The Argentine newspaper that is most involved with the development of the agriculture , the most efficient sector of the national economy. Victoria Ocampo , Adolfo Bioy Casares and Ernesto Sabato found in a journal of liberal and also conservative ideas, the appropriate environment to express their thoughts. Mario Vargas Llosa , historic contributor, said: The role of the newspaper

741-645: The Mitre Museum opened its doors to the public. The museum's first director, Alejandro Rosa, had founded the Western Hemisphere Historic and Numismatic Society with Mitre in 1893, and following the classification of Mitre's extensive ethnolinguistic library, numismatic and other collections, the society was located in the museum from 1918 until 1971 (it was rechartered as the National Academy of History of Argentina in 1938). The historic archive of

780-401: The country. Self-proclaimed a "platform of doctrine" of liberalism , he is considered the official spokesman of the oligarchy . Mitre inspired an editorial policy opposed to discrimination and openly in favor of full equality between Argentines and foreigners. In the 19th century, La Nación underwent four closures. The final closure suffered was ordered by Julio Argentino Roca , amidst

819-504: The daily newspaper circulation in Buenos Aires; the paper is also distributed nationwide and around the world. According to third-party web analytics providers Alexa and SimilarWeb , La Nación's website is the 9th and 17th most visited in Argentina respectively, as of August 2015. SimilarWeb rates the site as the 4th most visited news website in Argentina, attracting almost 32 million visitors per month. In its origins, La Nación

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858-407: The debates on the unification of the public debt. During the two world wars, La Nación' s editorial stance was clearly oriented in favour of the allied cause, and critical, in both cases, of the neutrality policy of the Argentine government. Georges Clemenceau , David Lloyd George , Woodrow Wilson , Winston Churchill , Franklin D. Roosevelt , and Charles De Gaulle were constantly portrayed on

897-476: The defendants of all charges. Papaleo and the other private partners negotiated the sale of their shares on November 2 with the three most important Argentine newspaper publishers at the time ( Clarín , La Nación , and La Razón ). Papaleo, however, had collected but U$ S 7,000 when, on March 14, 1977, she was illegally detained by the Buenos Aires Province Police . Papel Prensa, which at

936-744: The defense of a minimum order without which an organized society is not possible, the defense of the republican institutions that the constituents of 1853-60 gave us. And we are liberals in the broadest sense of the word. We are not liberal economists , but as long as we are in favor of the possibility that in all areas of knowledge the reader has a plural informative offer. Some of the most famous writers in Latin America have appeared regularly in its columns. Today, it has prominent columnists and journalists. 34°36′03″S 58°22′08″W  /  34.60083°S 58.36889°W  / -34.60083; -58.36889 Papel Prensa Papel Prensa S.A.

975-579: The effect of the sale's alleged illegality by the federal government in August 2010, a decision the company's directors claimed was a government attempt to control the still-significant newspaper media. Papaleo, however, recanted her testimony within days, affirming simply that she had been pressured to sell her shares, though never under duress. This latter assertion was echoed by Isidoro Graiver (her brother-in-law) and by María Sol Graiver (the couple's daughter). Her brother, Osvaldo Papaleo, reiterated claims that

1014-462: The entire annual demand of over 340,000 metric tons ; the nation's 179 news dailies had a combined circulation of nearly 4.3 million in 1970, the second-largest in Latin America, and the highest on a per capita basis. The fund stipulated the enactment of a 10% excise tax on all imported newsprint for a ten-year period, during which the state would retain a share in the company. A bidding process

1053-507: The government of Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear . In 1920 the direction of the literary supplement that he had decided to include in the Sunday editions was left in the hands of Arturo Cancela, a nationalist catholic. For this, the newspaper featured articles authored by Benito Mussolini . So did Leon Trotsky , as he fled the world when the Stalinists who were chasing him. The newspaper supported

1092-721: The museum is among the largest archives in Argentina due to its historic relevance, with about 53,200 files. Most of them were part of the Bartolomé Mitre's private collection. The library has about 100,000 items including books, magazines, CDs, DVDs, and microfilms. The museum was declared a National Historic Monument on May 21, 1942, and is maintained by the National Secretariat of Culture . The museum can be seen on some Argentine two peso bills. 34°36′15″S 58°22′26″W  /  34.604106°S 58.373969°W  / -34.604106; -58.373969 La Naci%C3%B3n La Nación ( transl.  "The Nation" )

1131-486: The original copy to suggest favoritism by the Junta for the benefit of their newspapers. A line in the original document, for instance, that said "The problem with the price, however, is intrascendent to the scope of this body, and besides, it was accepted by the sellers -The Gravier Group- and has only been mentioned to prove the hurry to negotiate" was claimed by Mitre and Magnetto to have been amended by surreptitiously turning

1170-501: The pages as heroes of the cause for freedom . Jorge Adolfo Mitre, director of the newspaper for twenty years with a liberal profile, urged the newspaper to follow the laws of common, free and compulsory education, secularization of cemeteries and civil marriage. Hipólito Yrigoyen , twice president for the Radical Civic Union , was tried with manifest severity in his governments. La Nación found reasons to win sympathy with

1209-518: The sale of Graiver's Papel Prensa shares was arranged under pain of death, and that ulterior motives explained the recent retractions. A joint declaration by Clarín and La Nación dismissed these reports, pointing out that the kidnappings and the Papel Prensa sale had already been investigated after the restoration of democracy in 1983. The courts at the time found no link between the Gravier kidnapping and

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1248-489: The sale, nor any irregularities in the sale itself. Lidia and Osvaldo Papaleo and Rafael Ianover testified in court at the time regarding the abuses made against them by the dictatorship, and did not report any of the incidents they reported in 2010. Bartolomé Mitre (director of La Nación) and Héctor Magnetto (CEO of Clarín) accused the Secretary of Human Rights of tampering with the 1988 judicial ruling, adding new lines absent in

1287-438: The successive coups d'état. José Claudio Escribano , historical Deputy Director of the newspaper and member of its Editorial Board, declared that he is simultaneously liberal and conservative : La Nación is simultaneously a liberal and conservative newspaper... and we feel good in that place. We are conservative regarding the defense of values that are highly representative of Argentine society . The defense of freedom ,

1326-605: The time was not operational, received a significant injection of capital during a period of state receivership that ended in January 1978, and on September 27, its San Pedro facility was inaugurated, substituting around US$ 90 million annually in newsprint imports. The private shareholders of Papel Prensa, including Graiver's widow, were ultimately indemnified by President Raúl Alfonsín 's administration in 1985. The Clarín Media Group acquired La Razón and its underlying shares in Papel Prensa in 2000, raising its stake to 49 percent;

1365-632: Was indicted for embezzlement in 1978 by Manhattan district attorney Robert Morgenthau , who believed the elusive banker possibly to be alive. His widow, Lidia Papaleo, returned to Argentina on September 16, and was enjoined by the newly installed dictatorship to sell her family's stake in Papel Prensa, as was Ianover. She was also coerced by the Montoneros, who sought to recover the US$ 17 million investment managed by Graiver. A military tribunal sentenced Papaleo and Graiver's brother and father to 15 years' imprisonment, though an appeals court later cleared

1404-495: Was born as a partisan newspaper, to sustain the action of Bartolomé Mitre , former President of Argentina . It was one of the most influential in the country's political life until the first half of the century. Mitre had just closed the Argentine Nation and decided to replace it with this other newspaper that he conceived as a platform of doctrine. It would be destined to propagate the liberal ideology that he dreamed of for

1443-491: Was launched in 1971 for the plant's development, though none of the bids met the capacity requirements, and its construction was assigned to the Ministry of Industry. The company itself was formally established on July 12, 1972, with a 27% ownership by the state, and the remainder by a consortium led by publisher César Civita and the company he directed, Editorial Abril. Civita and Editorial Abril sold their shares in late 1973 to

1482-499: Was no evidence to support the claim. The decline of La Nación has run parallel with the loss of political and economic power of the landowning upper middle class . It is still a medium for its interests, but its circulation has been cut in half and sales are decreasing at an average of 8% per year. In early 2012, La Nación bought ImpreMedia, the publisher of El Diario-La Prensa , La Opinión and other US-based Spanish-language newspapers. On October 30, 2016, La Nación announced

1521-472: Was not enough evidence of any wrongdoing to accuse them. The FPV won the 2011 election by a wide margin, and obtained a majority of both houses of Congress. With this majority, the FPV presented a bill to expropriate the company from Clarín and La Nación, by declaring the production and distribution of newsprint of national interest. This would allow the government to increase its holdings of company stock, purchasing

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