Defunct
104-718: Mellismo ( Spanish: [meˈʎismo] ) was a political practice of Spanish ultra- Right of the early 20th century. Born within Carlism , it was designed and championed by Juan Vázquez de Mella , who became its independent political leader after the 1919 breakup. The strategy consisted of an attempt to build a grand ultra-Right party, which in turn would ensure transition from liberal democracy of Restauración to corporative Traditionalist monarchy. Following secession from Carlism Mellismo assumed formal shape of Partido Católico-Tradicionalista , but it failed as an amalgamating force and decomposed shortly afterwards. Mellismo refers both to
208-437: A Traditionalist one, had little to do with Mellism. Vázquez de Mella withdrew into privacy; his last public appearance was in 1924 and he died in 1928. In 1931-1932 many former Vázquez de Mella followers re-united with mainstream Carlism joining Comunión Tradicionalista ; this is probably the last moment to which some historians apply the term Mellists, though others are more cautious and prefer to refer to post-mellistas. Within
312-638: A call to stage a grand assembly. Though he explicitly referred to Carlism and Traditionalism, some scholars claim that at that point he already acknowledged that the struggle to control Jaimist structures was pointless; they interpret this appeal as decision to walk out and build a new party. The showdown lasted no longer than two weeks. By the end of February 1919 the Mellistas opted for an own organization, setting Centro de Acción Tradicionalista as their temporary headquarters in Madrid. Many Carlist deputies and senators of
416-579: A daughter together, many of whom have been prominent in Spanish politics. He was elected a Congressman at Spain's Cortes Generales ( Congress of Deputies ) for Palma de Mallorca in 1881, which he would represent until 1923 in successive legislatures. His political career was marked by rapid advancements, including an initial appointment as a Vice-president of the Royal Academy of Jurisprudence and Legislation from 1882 to 1884, and later as Vice President of
520-459: A decentralised economy based on economic freedom and holds property rights , free markets , and free trade to be the most important kinds of freedom. Political theorist Russell Kirk believed that freedom and property rights were interlinked. In France, nationalism was originally a left-wing and republican ideology. After the period of boulangisme and the Dreyfus affair , nationalism became
624-409: A decorative role or whether he consciously aimed at a secession. It remains to be traced how a question of foreign policy, usually of secondary importance for most political parties, managed to trigger a schism, especially given in 1919 the war was over and Carlism has always demonstrated little interest, if not indeed contempt , for anything beyond the borders of Spain. One may ask how come that Mellism
728-555: A few right-wing movements—notably the French Nouvelle Droite , CasaPound , and American paleoconservatism —are often in opposition to capitalist ethics and the effects they have on society. These forces see capitalism and industrialism as infringing upon or causing the decay of social traditions or hierarchies that are essential for social order. In modern times, "right-wing" is sometimes used to describe laissez-faire capitalism . In Europe, capitalists formed alliances with
832-409: A letter, boiling down to his political last will. Once again reasserting his anti-system views he confirmed Traditionalist monarchy as an ultimate goal and declared himself committed to work towards it as theorist and ideologue, though not as a politician any more. Members of the presidency acknowledged the letter and politely declared themselves looking forward to reversal of Vázquez de Mella's decision;
936-553: A period of rare stability that earned the nickname "Long Government". He fell from power after his suppression of an uprising in Barcelona in 1909, called the Tragic Week . Maura was a hero of a youth movement, the Mauristas , that wanted him as a new head of state of Spain at a time of substantial resentment of King Alfonso XIII . That and Maura's ambition caused him to fall out with
1040-513: A problem for both the claimant and the then political leader, Matías Barrio y Mier , appointed to keep the Cerralbistas in check. On orders of Carlos VII Barrio pursued cautious policy of electoral alliances, confronting possibilist vision of malmenorismo -guided coalitions and trying to curb Vázquez de Mella's influence in Correo . As one of his last political decisions in 1909 the claimant appointed
1144-455: A relatively unknown academic, Bartolomé Feliú y Pérez , as successor of the ailing Barrio; the decision came as a blow to supporters of de Mella, considering him obvious candidate for leadership. Following death of Carlos VII his son as the new Carlist king Jaime III found himself pressed by the Cerralbistas to dismiss Feliú; he opted for a compromise, confirming the nomination but appointing Mella as his own personal secretary. After few months
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#17328632271641248-586: A standstill once Primo de Rivera dictatorship was declared and all political organizations were dissolved; likewise, Partido Católico-Tradicionalista ceased to exist. Some Mellistas engaged in primoderiverista structures: few of them assumed high administrative positions and Pradera emerged even as dictatorship's iconic figure, but scholars do not agree whether that activity had anything to do with Mellismo. There are students who claim that Mellistas "headed by Pradera" engaged in Unión Patriotica and reconciled with
1352-704: A strong national military force, the right to individual gun ownership, cutting taxes, reducing government spending, and balancing the budget. In Indonesia, Islamic populism has a significant impact on right-wing politics. This largely due to the historical context which Islamic organizations had during the 1960s in destroying the Indonesian Communist Party. Whilst the party is adopting democratic processes with neo-liberal market economies, socially pluralist positions aren't necessarily adopted. The Islamic populism in Indonesia has boosted its influence in 1998 after
1456-492: A tannery, and Margarita, who devoted herself entirely to the care of her family. He moved to study law in Madrid . There, he met the brothers Trifino and Honorio Gamazo Calvo. This connection provided him an opportunity to intern at the law firm of Mr. Germán Gamazo , setting the stage for his future career in law and politics. In 1878, Maura married Constancia Gamazo y Calvo, the sister of Germán Gamazo. They had several sons and
1560-417: A trait of the right-wing. Right-wing nationalists sought to define and defend a "true" national identity from elements which they believed were corrupting that identity. Some were supremacists , who in accordance with scientific racism and social Darwinism applied the concept of " survival of the fittest " to nations and races . Right-wing nationalism was influenced by Romantic nationalism in which
1664-413: Is not applied to it, used only as reference to political strategy pursued by Vázquez de Mella and his followers; as such, it generated far lesser interest. In historiography until the late 20th century the Mellistas were acknowledged mostly in works dealing with different dimensions of Carlism. The authors tended to focus on the 1919 breakup, sometimes portrayed as another one in long history of ruptures in
1768-513: Is unjust, limits personal freedom, and leads to social uniformity and mediocrity. In the view of philosopher Jason Stanley in How Fascism Works , the "politics of hierarchy" is one of the hallmarks of fascism , which refers to a "glorious past" in which members of the rightfully dominant group sat atop the hierarchy, and attempt to recreate this state of being. According to The Cambridge History of Twentieth-Century Political Thought ,
1872-716: The 1919 elections and intended as a stepping stone towards an ultra-Right alliance dominated by the Traditionalists. Not constrained by dynastic Carlist bounds any more though rejecting also the Alfonsist monarchy as corrupted by Liberalism, CCT was an attempt to use Catholic platform to lure right-wing offshoots from the Conservative Party, mostly the Mauristas and the Ciervistas . Other potential alliances reported were those with
1976-988: The Bible . The term family values has been used by right-wing parties—such as the Republican Party in the United States, the Family First Party in Australia, the Conservative Party in the United Kingdom, and the Bharatiya Janata Party in India—to signify support for traditional families and opposition to the changes the modern world has made in how families live. Supporters of "family values" may oppose abortion , euthanasia , and birth control . Outside
2080-664: The Biscay Archanda (August 1919) and in the Catalan Badalona (April 1920). However, as the new 1920 electoral campaign unfolded it was getting evident that like before, different groupings of the Right were ready to conclude circumstantial deals, but none was willing to enter integration path towards a new party of ultra derecha. Different Mellista personalities were getting inclined to pursue alliance talks on their own, usually purely pragmatic basis: some like Pradera negotiated with
2184-631: The British Conservative Party , which responded supporting capitalism. The people of English-speaking countries did not apply the terms right and left to their politics until the 20th century. The term right-wing was originally applied to traditional conservatives , monarchists , and reactionaries; a revision of this which occurred sometime between the 1920s and 1950s considers the far-right to denote fascism , Nazism , and racial supremacy . Rightist regimes were common in Europe in
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#17328632271642288-577: The Cold War , postcolonial governments in Asia , Africa , and Latin America turned to the United States for political and economic support. Communists were also enemies of capitalism, portraying Wall Street as the oppressor of the masses. The United States made anti-communism the top priority of its foreign policy, and many American conservatives sought to combat what they saw as communist influence at home. This led to
2392-643: The French Revolution . Some prelates of the Church of England –established by Henry VIII and headed by the current sovereign—are given seats in the House of Lords (as Lords Spiritual ), but they are considered politically neutral rather than specifically right- or left-wing. American right-wing media outlets oppose sex outside marriage and same-sex marriage , and they sometimes reject scientific positions on evolution and other matters where science tends to disagree with
2496-527: The Great War , the Mellistas took almost full control of the party; the Carlist Cortes campaigns of 1914 , 1916 and 1918 were visibly marked by Mellista-nurtured long-term strategy. With dramatically declining turnover at the polls and growing fragmentation of two partidos turnistas , it was becoming evident that political system of Restauración was crumbling. Mella nurtured a plan for minimalist alliance of
2600-498: The Integrists and Unión Monárquica Nacional . The elections produced 4 mandates; Mella himself failed to gain a ticket. Since the summer of 1919 the Mellistas started to gear up for a grand Asamblea Nacional, supposed to launch a new party and set its political course; though "Católico Nacional" was considered as the party name, it eventually materialized as Partido Católico-Tradicionalista . Regional Mellista gatherings were staged in
2704-969: The Interwar period , 1919–1938. Among Kuomintang (KMT)'s conservatives during the Republic of China , Dai Jitao Thought supporters formed the Western Hills Group in the 1920s . Chiang Kai-shek initially claimed himself as a 'centrist' in the KMT left-right conflict, but became an anti-communist right-wing after Shanghai massacre . Chiangism (or 'Chiang Kai-shek Thought') was related to Confucianism , state capitalism , paternalistic conservatism , and Chinese nationalism (which included fascistic elements). The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) describes itself as Marxist , and has not officially abandoned leftist ideology, Marxism–Leninism , or socialism with Chinese characteristics . Christer Pursiainen has characterized
2808-515: The Second Estate , generally sat to the right. In the successive legislative assemblies , monarchists who supported the Old Regime were commonly referred to as rightists because they sat on the right side. A major figure on the right was Joseph de Maistre , who argued for an authoritarian form of conservatism . Throughout France in the 19th century , the main line dividing the left and right
2912-539: The Second World War . Theoretical work of Mella served as point of reference for generations and was studied far beyond Spain, from Chile or the United States to Poland . However, it is universally approached as intrinsic part of Traditionalist doctrine, not infrequently presented as its most refined, in-depth, and systematic component, in fact the climax of Traditionalist political philosophy. The term "Mellismo"
3016-509: The Teutonic Order , educational organizations such as the emerging universities and learned societies , the chartered towns and cities , and most notably the guild system which dominated the economics of population centers in Europe . In post-revolutionary France, the Right fought against the rising power of those who had grown rich through commerce, and sought to preserve the rights of
3120-589: The decline of the Western Roman Empire corporatism became limited to religious orders and to the idea of Christian brotherhood, especially in the context of economic transactions. From the High Middle Ages onwards corporatist organizations became increasingly common in Europe, including such groups as religious orders, monasteries , fraternities , military orders such as the Knights Templar and
3224-554: The 1890s or 1900s; finally, in regions with strong local identity some party militants grumbled that fuerismo might suffer in a hypothetical ultra-Right alliance. Following outbreak of the Great War earlier demonstrated pro-German Mellist sympathies turned into a full-blown campaign. Though booklets or lectures technically supported Spanish neutrality, they raised sentiment favoring Central Powers and aimed against Britain . After 1916, when pro- Entente feelings were gaining strength,
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3328-618: The 1890s, initially lured by his charismatic oratory skills rather than by his theoretical vision or specific political strategy. In fact, his stand might have seemed puzzling: he declared himself enemy of the Restoration system but advocated political alliances with established parties, enthusiastically took part in electoral game but was engaged in conspiracy to stage military coup in 1898–1900, supported minimalist electoral coalitions but preached maximalist objectives, claimed doctrinal Traditionalist orthodoxy but remained in uneasy relationship with
3432-503: The 1916 campaign Vázquez de Mella for the first time explicitly referred to a future union of extrema derecha, new terms like "mauro-mellistas", "mauro-jaimistas" or "carlomauristas" entered into circulation and Maura started to make vague anti-system references of altering "ambiente de la vida pública". The strategy, however, demonstrated its limitations. Alliances did not outlive electoral campaigns; Jaimist candidates kept winning around 10 mandates, hardly an impressive improvement compared to
3536-528: The 21st century, neo-nationalism came to prominence after the Cold War in the Western world . It is typically associated with cultural conservatism, populism , anti-globalization , and nativism and is opposed to immigration . The ideology takes historical association in determining membership in a nation, rather than racial concepts . Right-wing politics typically justifies a hierarchical society based on natural law or tradition . Traditionalism
3640-604: The Alfonsine monarchy, pointing to gradual demise of the group only after the Vázquez de Mella's death. Other authors consider Mellismo defunct as political grouping and at best refer to "seudotradicionalismo" or "mellistas praderistas", underlining only loose association with original "mellismo ortodoxo". Some dub the co-operative strategy “Praderismo” and note that co-operation with the Primo regime, deprived of any ideological backbone let alone
3744-504: The BJP, populism is a core part of the party's ideology. The main populist idea is that the ordinary, "good" individuals are continuously under attack from the "bad" political forces, media, etc. Since Narendra Modi became the leader of the BJP, it has increasingly been associated as a populist radical right party (PRR), however, traditionally the party was viewed as a Hindu nationalist party. Philosopher and diplomat Joseph de Maistre argued for
3848-567: The CCP as a right-wing political party, pointing to an ideological change within the party under Jiang Zemin 's leadership during the 1990s. The political term right-wing was first used during the French Revolution , when liberal deputies of the Third Estate generally sat to the left of the presiding officer's chair, a custom that began in the Estates General of 1789. The nobility, members of
3952-651: The Comunión structures the former Mellists did not form any visible grouping or faction, though there are scholars who claim that during the Second Spanish Republic and the Spanish Civil War some of the Mellist-Jaimist divisions got reproduced as a pattern. In non-scholarly public dispute the term "mellistas" is at times used in most arbitrary and whimsical circumstances, e.g. to denote pro- Nazi Spaniards of
4056-483: The Congress of Deputies in 1886. His political influence expanded significantly when he rejected a ministerial position in a Sagastino cabinet in 1888, only to accept the role of Minister of Overseas Territories under President Práxedes Mateo Sagasta from December 1892 to March 1894. He went served as Minister of Grace and Justice from November 1894 to March 1895 under the same administration. During this period, he
4160-678: The King. Aside from his political work, he served in major roles in Spanish Society, including as Director of Royal Spanish Academy from 1913 to 1925, and as President of the Royal Academy of Jurisprudence and Legislation from 1916 to 1918. He was also elected to the Moral and Political Sciences Academy, and the Fine Arts of San Fernando, in recognition of his gifts as a watercolorist. In 1920 he
4264-488: The King. Maura later headed coalition cabinets with other parties but his time in power was limited. He was President between March and November of 1918, again in 1919, and between August 1921 and March 1922, following the Disaster of Annual . Disillusioned by the advent of Miguel Primo de Rivera 's regime in 1923, he retired from politics. During Primo de Rivera's dictatorship, he remained aloof from both Primo de Rivera and
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4368-664: The Mauristas, some like Chicharro talked to the Ciervistas, some were approaching the social-Catholic initiative of former Vázquez de Mella sympathizers Aznar and Minguijón and some neared a monarchist Catholic idea advocated by El Debate . The elections produced mere 2 Mellista mandates; Vázquez de Mella, who lost again, soon launched his bid for seat in Tribunal Supremo, but failed to mount sufficient support among conservative parties and suffered prestigious defeat. In late 1920 it
4472-610: The Mellistas, like it was the case of Tirso Olazábal. Right-wing politics This is an accepted version of this page Right-wing politics is the range of political ideologies that view certain social orders and hierarchies as inevitable, natural, normal, or desirable, typically supporting this position based on natural law , economics , authority , property , religion , biology , or tradition . Hierarchy and inequality may be seen as natural results of traditional social differences or competition in market economies . Right-wing politics are considered
4576-525: The Right during their conflicts with workers after 1848. In France, the Right's support of capitalism can be traced to the late nineteenth century. The so-called neoliberal Right, popularised by US President Ronald Reagan and UK Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher , combines support for free markets , privatisation , and deregulation with traditional right-wing support for social conformity. Right-wing libertarianism (sometimes known as libertarian conservatism or conservative libertarianism ) supports
4680-530: The Right has gone through five distinct historical stages: The political terms Left and Right were first used in the 18th century, during the French Revolution , referencing the seating arrangement of the French parliament . Those who sat to the right of the chair of the presiding officer ( le président ) were generally supportive of the institutions of the monarchist Old Regime . The original "Right" in France
4784-572: The Right, leading in turn to emergence of a maximalist ultra-Right party, possibly a new incarnation of Traditionalism. That formation was supposed to do away with liberal democracy – a strategy dubbed by some scholars as "catastrofismo" – and ensure passage to Traditionalist, corporative system, with dynastical question parked in obscurity. Though in 1914 provincial jefes were largely left free to conclude any electoral alliances that might produce best possible results, Vázquez de Mella and Maura kept working that they took form of Carlist-Maurist accords. During
4888-497: The West, the Hindu nationalist movement has attracted privileged groups which fear encroachment on their dominant positions, as well as "plebeian" and impoverished groups which seek recognition around a majoritarian rhetoric of cultural pride, order, and national strength. In Israel, Meir Kahane advocated that Israel should be a theocratic state , where non- Jews have no voting rights, and
4992-546: The adoption of several domestic policies that are collectively known under the term McCarthyism . While both liberals and conservatives were anti-communist, the followers of Senator McCarthy were called right-wing and those on the right called liberals who favored free speech, even for communists, leftist . Early forms of corporatism would be developed in Classical Greece and used in Ancient Rome . Plato would develop
5096-547: The assembly ended in favor of setting up a new Catholic party. The Zaragoza assembly was effectively the funeral of Mellismo, even though in the last Restauración elections of 1923 there were two candidates successfully running on the Catholic-Traditionalist ticket. During almost a year following the Zaragoza meeting further Vázquez de Mella followers joined other political initiatives. In 1923 national party life came to
5200-546: The balance in his favor. His men reclaimed control over El Correo Español and he replaced San Escartín with former germanophile politicians who seemed pro-Mellistas but turned loyal to the royal house, first Pascual Comín and then Luis Hernando de Larramendi . When Alfonsist and Liberal press cheered anticipated demise of conflict-ridden Carlism, many party members earlier demonstrating unease about Don Jaime started to have second thoughts. Vázquez de Mella, conscious of his strong position among MPs and local jefes, responded with
5304-426: The church, the family, the state, and business. Right-wing populism is a combination of civic-nationalism , cultural-nationalism and sometimes ethno-nationalism , localism , along with anti-elitism , using populist rhetoric to provide a critique of existing political institutions. According to Margaret Canovan, a right-wing populist is "a charismatic leader, using the tactics of politicians' populism to go past
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#17328632271645408-589: The claimant was released from his house arrest in Austria, arrived in Paris and after 2 years of almost total silence came out with 2 manifestos. In somewhat unclear circumstances published in early February in Correo Español , they explicitly denounced disobedience of unnamed Carlist leaders failing to sustain neutral policy and indicated that command structures of the party would be re-organized. The Mellistas concluded that
5512-497: The counterpart to left-wing politics , and the left–right political spectrum is the most common political spectrum . The right includes social conservatives and fiscal conservatives , as well as right-libertarians . "Right" and "right-wing" have been variously used as compliments and pejoratives describing neoliberal , conservative , and fascist economic and social ideas. The following positions are typically associated with right-wing politics. Early communists used
5616-583: The country; in Madrid El Pensamiento Español was set up as the national press tribune and there were also attempts to build an affiliated youth and shirt organization, Juventudes y Requetés Tradicionalistas. Though Mella rejected a ministerial post in a new government of national unity, claiming he could never align himself with the 1876 constitution and its system, in May Mellismo assumed shape of Centro Católico Tradicionalista, set up before
5720-585: The demise of the Suharto authoritarian regime. Islamic populism in Indonesia has similar properties with Islamic populist regimes like in the Middle East, Turkey and North Africa (MENA). The emphasis on social justice, pluralism, equality and progressive agendas could be potentially mobilized by Islamic cultural resources. In India, Bharatiya Janata Party supporters have more authoritarian, nativist, and populist ideas than other Indian citizens. Under Narendra Modi,
5824-698: The early 20th century turned Mellados: apart from Vázquez de Mella also Luis Garcia Guijarro , Dalmacio Iglesias García , José Ampuero y del Rio , Cesáreo Sanz Escartín, Ignacio Gonzales de Careaga and Víctor Pradera Larumbe ; among regional leaders the key to be mentioned were Tirso de Olazábal , José María Juaristi , marqués de Valde-Espina and Luis and Manuel Lezama Leguizamón (Vascongadas), Antonio Mazarrasa (Alava), Doña Marina and Florida (New Castile), Teodoro de Mas , Miguel Salellas Ferrer , Tomás Boada Borrell and duque de Solferino (Catalonia), Manuel Simó Marín and Jaime Chicharro Sánchez-Guió (Valencia) and José Díez de la Cortina (Andalusia);
5928-527: The era started to use this term as late as 1919. When discussing internal groupings within Carlism in the early years of the 20th century, scholars refer to the faction more inclined towards alliances with other parties as "posibilistas", while those tending to side with a deposed leader marqués de Cerralbo are dubbed "cerralbistas"; this is also how Vázquez de Mella preferred to refer to himself. However, he started to gain supporters and admirers of his own already in
6032-817: The far-right Lehava strictly opposes Jewish assimilation and the Christian presence in Israel. The Jewish Defence League (JDL) in the United States was classified as "a right wing terrorist group" by the FBI in 2001. Many Islamist groups have been called right-wing, including the Great Union Party , the Combatant Clergy Association /Association of Militant Clergy, and the Islamic Society of Engineers of Iran. Right-wing politics involves, in varying degrees,
6136-436: The focus of Mellistas shifted to preventing a would-be Spanish joining the Allies. The claimant, during most of the war unreachable in his Austrian residence , remained ambiguous; officially he supported neutrality, in private leaning towards Entente and sending notes not disavowing pro-German tones of the Mellistas. Scholars differ as to how the World War One issue related to Mellismo. Very few consider it central and even reduce
6240-416: The group was completed by two prolific journalists, Miguel Fernández (Peñaflor) and Claro Abánades Lopez . Most of the breakaways came from 2 regions: Vascongadas (especially Gipuzkoa ) and Catalonia. Some of regional Jaimist dailies adhered to Mella, though the most important ones, El Correo Español , El Pensamiento Navarro and El Correo Catalán , stood by the claimant. The impact on the rank-and-file
6344-411: The grouping envisaged was supposed to consist of three tiers: complete amalgamation based on common program, federation with those who accepted it partially, and circumstantial co-operation with other groups. Apart from origins of the 1919 rupture, there are questions pertaining to other issues which remain unanswered. It is not clear whether Mella intended to take over Carlism by reducing the claimant to
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#17328632271646448-573: The hereditary nobility. They were uncomfortable with capitalism, the Enlightenment, individualism, and industrialism, and fought to retain traditional social hierarchies and institutions. In Europe's history, there have been strong collectivist right-wing movements, such as in the social Catholic right , that have exhibited hostility to all forms of liberalism (including economic liberalism ) and have historically advocated for paternalist class harmony involving an organic-hierarchical society where workers are protected while class hierarchy remains. In
6552-502: The ideas of totalitarian and communitarian corporatist systems of natural based classes and social hierarchies that would be organized based on function, such that groups would cooperate to achieve social harmony by emphasizing collectives interests over individual interests. Corporatism as a political ideology advocates the organization of society by corporate groups —such as agricultural, labour, military, scientific, or guild associations—based on their common interests. After
6656-420: The indirect authority of the Pope over temporal matters. According to Maistre, only governments which were founded upon Christian constitutions—which were implicit in the customs and institutions of all European societies, especially the Catholic European monarchies—could avoid the disorder and bloodshed that followed the implementation of rationalist political programs, such as the chaos which occurred during
6760-415: The internationalism of the communists. The 1920s and 1930s saw the decline of traditional right-wing politics. The mantle of conservative anti-communism was taken up by the rising fascist movements on the one hand and by American-inspired liberal conservatives on the other. When communist groups and political parties began appearing around the world, their opponents were usually colonial authorities and
6864-450: The king and revealed cautious penchant towards non-dynastical solutions. After " La Octubrada ", a series of minor Carlist 1900 revolts, Mella sought refuge in Portugal and remained there for a few years, estranged also by the claimant who officially dubbed those involved traitors. Having obtained royal pardon in 1903 he resumed parliamentarian career in 1905. As Carlist leaders were usually in their 60s or older, Vázquez de Mella emerged as
6968-545: The latter assumed actual command of party structures, while Carlist policy was increasingly formed by Mellismo. The parliamentarian contingent was clearly dominated by Vázquez de Mella's personality; nearly half of its members were Mellistas anyway, the other ones mostly vacillating and only Feliú and Llorens prepared to take a decisive stand. In the 30-member party top body, Junta Superior, around one third were leaning towards Mellismo, including regional jefes of Vascongadas , Catalonia and Valencia . As de Cerralbo re-organized
7072-407: The laws, but unequal in all else; hierarchy is the order of nature, and privilege is the reward of honourable service". American conservative Russell Kirk also rejected egalitarianism as imposing sameness, stating: "Men are created different; and a government that ignores this law becomes an unjust government for it sacrifices nobility to mediocrity". Kirk took as one of the "canons" of conservatism
7176-458: The left- and the right-wing. In British politics, the terms right and left came into common use for the first time in the late 1930s during debates over the Spanish Civil War . In the United States, following the Second World War , social conservatives joined with right-wing elements of the Republican Party to gain support in traditionally Democratic voting populations like white southerners and Catholics . Ronald Reagan's election to
7280-477: The lowest common denominator having been conservative anti-revolutionary Catholicism. Furthermore, Vázquez de Mella pursued an anti-system and non-dynastical strategy, at best ready to support an acceptable government from the outside, while Pradera was prepared to work within the Restoration Alfonsist framework and to accept jobs in governmental structures. Mellismo suffered another blow when many of its followers joined Partido Social Popular . In 1921 Vázquez de Mella
7384-405: The meantime, others lost enthusiasm following 2 unsuccessful electoral campaigns and disillusioned by the movement having been stuck with apparent loss of direction, little progress on path towards a Rightist alliance and Vázquez de Mella increasingly withdrawing into long periods of inactivity. The gathering was dominated by the Praderistas and Vázquez de Mella himself did not attend; instead he sent
7488-452: The most dynamic representative of mid-age generation and most charismatic Carlist politician at all, as a theorist presiding over general overhaul of Carlism. His position consolidated mostly thanks to harangues delivered both in the Cortes and at public gatherings; he did not hold official party positions except in its press tribune, El Correo Español . His personal prestige soon became sort of
7592-493: The movement; the secession was presented as resulting either from clash of personalities or from conflicting views on Spanish stand during the First World War. It was the first major monograph, published in 2000, which systematically re-defined Mellismo as a strategy to build an ultra-Right formation leading the transition from liberal democracy of late Restauración to corporative Traditionalist monarchy. According to this theory,
7696-473: The national executive forming 10 dedicated sections, Mella monopolized the ones of propaganda and press while other Mellistas dominated in electoral and organization ones. El Correo Español kept having been a battlefield with Don Jaime struggling to retain his influence, but it was getting increasingly dominated by Mellistas, especially Peñaflor . With Don Jaime hardly contactable in Austria following outbreak of
7800-610: The next 2 years the group already dubbed Mellistas sabotaged Jefe Delegado, their campaign directed against Feliú as incompetent leader and steering clear of the alliance question. In 1912 Mella accused Feliú of illegitimately holding the jefatura and demanded his deposition, threatening the claimant with rejecting his rule as deprived of "legitimacy of execution". Don Jaime gave in and by the end of 1912 he re-appointed de Cerralbo as president of Junta Superior. Some scholars claim that with de Cerralbo increasingly fascinated by Vázquez de Mella though also aging, tired of conflict and irresolute,
7904-448: The nineteenth century, the Right had shifted to support the newly rich in some European countries (particularly Britain) and instead of favouring the nobility over industrialists, favoured capitalists over the working class. Other right-wing movements—such as Carlism in Spain and nationalist movements in France, Germany, and Russia—remained hostile to capitalism and industrialism. Nevertheless,
8008-466: The outlook to pro-German stance. Most suggest that it stemmed from ideological Mellista vision, quote passages praising anti-Liberal German regime and lambasting Masonic , democratic, parliamentarian British and French systems. Some comments suggest that victory of the Central Powers was expected to facilitate takeover of Spanish political scene by extreme Right, while there are students who suggest that
8112-406: The party and – clear reference to his lack of offspring – behaved irresponsibly; all in all, his latest moves were nothing but a "Jaimada", a coup within and against Traditionalism. None of the conflicting parties referred to the question of political strategy as to the point of contention. Though initially it might have appeared that the strengths of both sides were comparable, Don Jaime soon tilted
8216-513: The political faction led by Mella and its strategy, and Mella's theoretical conception, which is nonetheless considered an integral component of Carlist ideology. In historiography its followers are usually referred to as Mellistas, though initially the term Mellados seemed to prevail. Occasionally they are also named Tradicionalistas, but the term is extremely ambiguous and might denote also other concepts. Generally historiographical works do not refer to Mellismo or to Mellistas prior to 1910; press of
8320-479: The politicians and intellectual elite and appeal to the reactionary sentiments of the populace, often buttressing his claim to speak for the people by the use of referendums". In Europe, right-wing populism often takes the form of distrust of the European Union , and of politicians in general, combined with anti-immigrant rhetoric and a call for a return to traditional, national values. Daniel Stockemer states,
8424-475: The presidency in 1980 cemented the alliance between the religious right in the United States and social conservatives. Antonio Maura Defunct Antonio Maura Montaner (2 May 1853 – 13 December 1925) was Prime Minister of Spain on five separate occasions. Maura was born in Palma , on the island of Mallorca , he was the seventh child in a family of ten siblings, His parents were Bartolomé, owner of
8528-414: The principle that "civilized society requires orders and classes". Italian scholar Norberto Bobbio argued that the right-wing is inegalitarian compared to the left-wing, as he argued that equality is a relative, not absolute, concept. Right libertarians reject collective or state-imposed equality as undermining reward for personal merit, initiative, and enterprise. In their view, such imposed equality
8632-554: The radical right is, "Targeting immigrants as a threat to employment, security and cultural cohesion." In the United States, the Tea Party movement stated that the core beliefs for membership were the primacy of individual liberties as defined by the Constitution of the United States, preference for a small federal government, and respect for the rule of law. Some policy positions included opposition to illegal immigration and support for
8736-492: The rejection of some egalitarian objectives of left-wing politics , claiming either that social or economic inequality is natural and inevitable or that it is beneficial to society. Right-wing ideologies and movements support social order . The original French right-wing was called "the party of order" and held that France needed a strong political leader to keep order. Conservative British scholar R. J. White, who rejects egalitarianism, wrote: "Men are equal before God and
8840-438: The state derives its political legitimacy from the organic unity of those who it governs. This generally includes the language, race, culture, religion, and customs of the nation, all of which were "born" within its culture. Linked with right-wing nationalism is cultural conservatism , which supports the preservation of the heritage of a nation or culture and often sees deviations from cultural norms as an existential threat. In
8944-625: The states of India. Multiple political parties however identify with terms and beliefs which are, by political consensus, right or left wing. Certain political parties such as the Bharatiya Janata Party , identify with conservative and nationalist elements. Some, such as the Indian National Congress , take a liberal stance. The Communist Party of India , Communist Party of India (Marxist) , and others, identify with left-wing socialist and communist concepts. Other political parties take differing stands, and hence cannot be clearly grouped as
9048-607: The strategy employed previously in struggle for domination in the party – cornering the claimant to elicit his conformity – would no longer work and that an ultimate all-out confrontation was imminent. They mounted a media counter-offensive, going public with charges disseminated privately in 1912 and presenting Don Jaime as a ruler who lost his legitimacy: for years he remained passive and inactive, pursued hypocritical policy declaring neutrality but in fact supporting Entente, departed from Catholic orthodoxy, ignored traditional Carlist collegial bodies embarking on Cesarist policy, toyed with
9152-405: The term right-wing came to be applied to colonialism . After World War II , communism became a global phenomenon and anti-communism became an integral part of the domestic and foreign policies of the United States and its NATO allies. Conservatism in the post-war era abandoned its monarchist and aristocratic roots, focusing instead on patriotism, religious values, and nationalism. Throughout
9256-431: The term "right-wing" in reference to conservatives, placing the conservatives on the right, the liberals in the centre and the communists on the left. Both the conservatives and the liberals were strongly anti-communist , although conservatives' anti-communism is much stronger than liberals'. The history of the use of the term right-wing about anti-communism is a complicated one. Early Marxist movements were at odds with
9360-487: The three most powerful monarchies in continental Europe before World War I . Many monarchists (except constitutional monarchists ) viewed inequality in wealth and political power as resulting from a divine natural order. The struggle between monarchists and communists was often described as a struggle between the Right and the Left. By World War I , in most European monarchies the divine right of kings had become discredited and
9464-624: The traditional monarchies that ruled over much of the European continent at the time. Many European monarchies outlawed the public expression of communist views and the Communist Manifesto , which began "[a] spectre [that] is haunting Europe", and stated that monarchs feared for their thrones. Advocacy of communism was illegal in the Russian Empire , the German Empire , and Austria-Hungary ,
9568-474: The two spent together in 1910 Vázquez de Mella ceased, disillusioned – rather mutually – with his new monarch. During the Cortes campaign of 1910 Mellismo first emerged as a strategy: while Feliú authorized local accords strictly conditioned by dynastic claims, Vázquez de Mella mounted an anti-revolutionary, ultra-conservative, Catholic coalition with Antonio Maura and his faction of the Conservatives . During
9672-485: The war issue was of no relevance at all. In 1918 Mellismo seemed to have been losing ground: electoral alliances failed to produce major gains, course of the Great War made pro-German attitude pointless and undermined position of its advocates, some regional jefaturas kept voicing dissent and de Cerralbo, increasingly tired of his own double-loyalty, finally managed to get his resignation accepted, temporarily replaced by another Mellista, Cesáreo Sanz Escartín . In early 1919
9776-422: The wealth redistribution measures characteristic of social democracy . The dominance of the political right of inter-war Hungary , after the collapse of a short-lived Communist regime, was described by historian István Deák : Although freedom fighters are favoured, the right-wing tendency to elect or appoint politicians and government officials based on aristocratic and religious ties is common to almost all
9880-458: Was advocated by a group of United States university professors (labelled the "New Conservatives" by the popular press) who rejected the concepts of individualism , liberalism , modernity , and social progress , seeking instead to promote what they identified as cultural and educational renewal and a revived interest in concepts perceived by traditionalists as truths that endure from age to age alongside basic institutions of western society such as
9984-412: Was already clear that Mellismo is stalled, failing to gain ground on national political scene and getting increasingly paralyzed by two competing strategies. While Vázquez de Mella stuck to his plan of grand extreme-Right federation, at least partially committed to maximalist Traditionalist vision, Pradera emerged as champion of another concept, namely that alliance should be concluded on a minimalist basis,
10088-530: Was already in doubt as to launching an own party and seemed pondering upon his role of an ideological pundit providing guidance from the back seat. The long overdue grand Mellist assembly eventually materialized in October 1922 in Zaragoza , though it was anything but what Vázquez de Mella had originally intended. Many Mellistas who broke with Don Jaime almost 4 years earlier had departed for other political initiatives in
10192-690: Was between supporters of the republic and those of the monarchy, who were often secularist and Catholic respectively. On the right, the Legitimists and Ultra-royalists held counter-revolutionary views, while the Orléanists hoped to create a constitutional monarchy under their preferred branch of the royal family, which briefly became a reality after the 1830 July Revolution . The centre-right Gaullists in post-World War II France advocated considerable social spending on education and infrastructure development as well as extensive economic regulation, but limited
10296-664: Was elected as an academician of the Royal Spanish Academy (R.A.E.), the official regulator of the Spanish language, with the seat "U". He first assumed the presidency of the Council of Ministers in December 1903. That premiership would be shortlived, and he would resign exactly one year later, in December 1904, in which Barcelona experienced its first terrorist attack. He was President again between January 1907 and October 1909, in
10400-548: Was elected served times as President of the Royal Academy of Jurisprudence and Legislation. Although he had started his political career as a liberal, after the death of his brother-in-law Germán Gamazo in 1901, he assumed leadership of Gamazo's group, which would merge with the Conservative Party He was appointed by President Francisco Silvela as Minister of the Interior from December 1902 to July 1903. In 1903, he
10504-479: Was far less material. In regions where Carlism was a minor force, like Old Castile or Valencia, the breakup added to confusion and further marginalisation of the movement, but in Vascongadas, Navarre and Catalonia the rural social base of Carlism remained mostly intact. During 1919 the Mellistas were busy institutionalizing the movement. Its backbone were local Centros de Acción Tradicionalista, emergent throughout
10608-475: Was formed in reaction to the "Left" and comprised those supporting hierarchy, tradition, and clericalism . The expression la droite ("the right") increased in use after the restoration of the monarchy in 1815 , when it was applied to the ultra-royalists . From the 1830s to the 1880s, the Western world 's social class structure and economy shifted from nobility and aristocracy towards capitalism . This shift affected centre-right movements such as
10712-470: Was potent enough to devastate one of the oldest European political movements but it proved entirely ineffective as a project on its own. There are questions pertaining to the time frame, namely whether Vázquez de Mella's grip on Carlism prior to 1919 and co-operation with primoderiverista institutions after 1923 count as Mellismo. Explanation is yet to be provided as to motives of personalities who were iconic for their loyalty to Carlist kings, but decided to join
10816-687: Was replaced by liberal and nationalist movements. Most European monarchs became figureheads, or they yielded some power to elected governments. The most conservative European monarchy, the Russian Empire, was replaced by the communist Soviet Union . The Russian Revolution inspired a series of other communist revolutions across Europe in the years 1917–1923 . Many of these, such as the German Revolution , were defeated by nationalist and monarchist military units. During this period, nationalism began to be considered right-wing, especially when it opposed
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