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Matrilineality

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In anthropology , kinship is the web of social relationships that form an important part of the lives of all humans in all societies, although its exact meanings even within this discipline are often debated. Anthropologist Robin Fox says that the study of kinship is the study of what humans do with these basic facts of life – mating , gestation , parenthood , socialization , siblingship etc. Human society is unique, he argues, in that we are "working with the same raw material as exists in the animal world, but [we] can conceptualize and categorize it to serve social ends." These social ends include the socialization of children and the formation of basic economic, political and religious groups.

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161-431: Matrilineality is the tracing of kinship through the female line. It may also correlate with a social system in which each person is identified with their matriline, their mother's lineage , and which can involve the inheritance of property and titles. A matriline is a line of descent from a female ancestor to a descendant of either gender in which the individuals in all intervening generations are mothers. In

322-480: A "heavy dose" of their pre-existing beliefs including matrilineality. Tuareg women enjoy high status within their society, compared with their Arab counterparts and with other Berber tribes: Tuareg social status is transmitted through women, with residence often matrilocal . Most women could read and write, while most men were illiterate, concerning themselves mainly with herding livestock and other male activities. The livestock and other movable property were owned by

483-779: A classificatory terminology groups many different types of relationships under one term. For example, the word brother in English-speaking societies indicates a son of one's same parent; thus, English-speaking societies use the word brother as a descriptive term referring to this relationship only. In many other classificatory kinship terminologies, in contrast, a person's male first cousin (whether mother's brother's son, mother's sister's son, father's brother's son, father's sister's son) may also be referred to as brothers. The major patterns of kinship systems that are known which Lewis Henry Morgan identified through kinship terminology in his 1871 work Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of

644-517: A comma, and items are alphabetized by the last name. In France, Italy, Spain, Belgium and Latin America, administrative usage is to put the surname before the first on official documents. In most Balto-Slavic languages (such as Latvian, Lithuanian, Bulgarian, Macedonian, Russian, Polish, Slovak, Czech, etc.) as well as in Greek , Irish, Icelandic , and Azerbaijani , some surnames change form depending on

805-533: A different household. According to this source of further information about the Akan, "A man is strongly related to his mother's brother (wɔfa) but only weakly related to his father's brother. This must be viewed in the context of a polygamous society in which the mother/child bond is likely to be much stronger than the father/child bond. As a result, in inheritance, a man's nephew (sister's son) will have priority over his own son. Uncle-nephew relationships therefore assume

966-531: A different pattern, however: Example 1. Members of the (matrilineal) clan culture Minangkabau do not even have a surname or family name , see this culture's own section below. In contrast, members do have a clan name , which is important in their lives although not included in the member's name. Instead, one's name is just one's given name . Example 2. Members of the (matrilineal) clan culture Akan , see its own section below, also do not have matrilineal surnames and likewise their important clan name

1127-438: A dominant position." Certain other aspects of the Akan culture are determined patrilineally rather than matrilineally. There are 12 patrilineal Ntoro (which means spirit) groups, and everyone belongs to their father's Ntoro group but not to his (matrilineal) family lineage and abusua . Each patrilineal Ntoro group has its own surnames, taboos, ritual purifications, and etiquette. A recent (2001) book provides this update on

1288-560: A famous ancestor, or the place of origin; but they were not universal. For example, Hunayn ibn Ishaq (fl. 850 AD) was known by the nisbah "al-'Ibadi", a federation of Arab Christian tribes that lived in Mesopotamia prior to the advent of Islam . In Ancient Greece, as far back as the Archaic Period clan names and patronymics ("son of") were also common, as in Aristides as Λῡσῐμᾰ́χου –

1449-421: A father and his brothers. Kinship terminologies include the terms of address used in different languages or communities for different relatives and the terms of reference used to identify the relationship of these relatives to ego or to each other. Kin terminologies can be either descriptive or classificatory . When a descriptive terminology is used, a term refers to only one specific type of relationship, while

1610-470: A father in relation to a child) or reflect an absolute (e.g. the difference between a mother and a childless woman). Degrees of relationship are not identical to heirship or legal succession. Many codes of ethics consider the bond of kinship as creating obligations between the related persons stronger than those between strangers, as in Confucian filial piety . In a more general sense, kinship may refer to

1771-403: A feature of humans, but also of many other primates , was yet to emerge and society was considered to be a uniquely human affair. As a result, early kinship theorists saw an apparent need to explain not only the details of how human social groups are constructed, their patterns, meanings and obligations, but also why they are constructed at all. The why explanations thus typically presented

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1932-424: A flexible philopatry or practice multilocality, which in turn leads to a more egalitarian society, since both men and women have the right to choose with whom to live. According to some data, pastoralists and farmers strongly gravitate towards patrilocality, so patrilocality is a common phenomenon among non-Pygmies. But among some hunter-gatherers, patrilocality is less common than among farmers. So for example, among

2093-460: A genitive singular form meaning son of Lysimachus. For example, Alexander the Great was known as Heracleides , as a supposed descendant of Heracles , and by the dynastic name Karanos / Caranus , which referred to the founder of the dynasty to which he belonged . These patronymics are already attested for many characters in the works of Homer . At other times formal identification commonly included

2254-406: A kind of relation on all peoples, insisting that kinship consists in relations of consanguinity and that kinship as consanguinity is a universal condition.(Schneider 1984, 72) Schneider preferred to focus on these often ignored processes of "performance, forms of doing, various codes for conduct, different roles" (p. 72) as the most important constituents of kinship. His critique quickly prompted

2415-684: A language, both in the uses of terms for kin but also in the fluidities of language, meaning, and networks. His field studies criticized the ideas of structural-functional stability of kinship groups as corporations with charters that lasted long beyond the lifetimes of individuals, which had been the orthodoxy of British Social Anthropology . This sparked debates over whether kinship could be resolved into specific organized sets of rules and components of meaning, or whether kinship meanings were more fluid, symbolic, and independent of grounding in supposedly determinate relations among individuals or groups, such as those of descent or prescriptions for marriage. From

2576-421: A man and a woman such that children born to the woman are the recognized legitimate offspring of both partners." Edmund Leach argued that no one definition of marriage applied to all cultures, but offered a list of ten rights frequently associated with marriage, including sexual monopoly and rights with respect to children (with specific rights differing across cultures). There is wide cross-cultural variation in

2737-420: A maternal grandfather and his sister are referred to as paanth ngan-ngethe and addressed with the vocative ngethin. In Bardi , a father and his sister are irrmoorrgooloo ; a man's wife and his children are aalamalarr. In Murrinh-patha , nonsingular pronouns are differentiated not only by the gender makeup of the group, but also by the members' interrelation. If the members are in a sibling-like relation,

2898-436: A matrilineal descent system , an individual is considered to belong to the same descent group as their mother. This ancient matrilineal descent pattern is in contrast to the currently more popular pattern of patrilineal descent from which a family name is usually derived. The matriline of historical nobility was also called their enatic or uterine ancestry, corresponding to the patrilineal or "agnatic" ancestry. In

3059-400: A more or less literal basis. Kinship can also refer to a principle by which individuals or groups of individuals are organized into social groups , roles, categories and genealogy by means of kinship terminologies . Family relations can be represented concretely (mother, brother, grandfather) or abstractly by degrees of relationship (kinship distance). A relationship may be relative (e.g.

3220-458: A new generation of anthropologists to reconsider how they conceptualized, observed and described social relationships ('kinship') in the cultures they studied. Family name A surname , family name , or last name is the mostly hereditary portion of one's personal name that indicates one's family. It is typically combined with a given name to form the full name of a person, although several given names and surnames are possible in

3381-619: A number of sources, was an English nickname meaning "effeminate". A group of nicknames look like occupational ones: King , Bishop , Abbot , Sheriff , Knight , etc. but it is rather unlikely that a person with surname King was a king or descended from a king. Bernard Deacon suggests that the first nickname/surname bearer may have acted as a king or bishop, or was corpulent as bishop. etc. A considerable group of surname-producing nicknames may be found among ethnonymic surnames . Ornamental surnames are made up of names, not specific to any attribute (place, parentage, occupation, caste) of

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3542-476: A particular ancestress. Several lineages are grouped into a political unit headed by a chief and a council of elders, each of whom is the elected head of a lineage – which itself may include multiple extended-family households. Public offices are thus vested in the lineage, as are land tenure and other lineage property. In other words, lineage property is inherited only by matrilineal kin. "The principles governing inheritance stress sex, generation and age – that

3703-462: A relationship between two entities (e.g. the word 'sister' denotes the relationship between the speaker or some other entity and another feminine entity who shares the parents of the former), trirelational kin-terms—also known as triangular, triadic, ternary, and shared kin-terms—denote a relationship between three distinct entities. These occur commonly in Australian Aboriginal languages with

3864-412: A similarity or affinity between entities on the basis of some or all of their characteristics that are under focus. This may be due to a shared ontological origin, a shared historical or cultural connection, or some other perceived shared features that connect the two entities. For example, a person studying the ontological roots of human languages ( etymology ) might ask whether there is kinship between

4025-462: A social actuality of sexual equality." According to LeBow (based on Schlegel's work), in the Hopi, "gender roles ... are egalitarian .... [and] [n]either sex is inferior." LeBow concluded that Hopi women "participate fully in ... political decision-making." According to Schlegel, "the Hopi no longer live as they are described here" and "the attitude of female superiority is fading". Schlegel said

4186-445: A social relationship as created, constituted and maintained by a process of interaction, or doing (Schneider 1984, 165). Schneider used the example of the citamangen / fak relationship in Yap society, that his own early research had previously glossed over as a father / son relationship, to illustrate the problem; The crucial point is this: in the relationship between citamangen and fak

4347-457: A society who are not close genealogical relatives may nevertheless use what he called kinship terms (which he considered to be originally based on genealogical ties). This fact was already evident in his use of the term affinity within his concept of the system of kinship . The most lasting of Morgan's contributions was his discovery of the difference between descriptive and classificatory kinship terms, which situated broad kinship classes on

4508-425: A species (e.g. as in kin selection theory). It may also be used in this specific sense when applied to human relationships, in which case its meaning is closer to consanguinity or genealogy . Family is a group of people affiliated by consanguinity (by recognized birth), affinity (by marriage), or co-residence/shared consumption (see Nurture kinship ). In most societies, it is the principal institution for

4669-718: A surname tradition. Ornamental surnames are more common in communities that adopted (or were forced to adopt) surnames in the 18th and 19th centuries. They occur commonly in Scandinavia, and among Sinti and Roma and Jews in Germany and Austria. During the era of the Trans-Atlantic slave trade many Africans were given new names by their masters. Many of the family names of many African-Americans have their origins in slavery ( i.e. slave name ). Some freed slaves later created family names themselves. Another category of acquired names

4830-440: A systemic cultural model that can be elicited in fieldwork, but also when allowing considerable individual variability in details, such as when they are recorded through relative products. In trying to resolve the problems of dubious inferences about kinship "systems", George P. Murdock (1949, Social Structure) compiled kinship data to test a theory about universals in human kinship in the way that terminologies were influenced by

4991-456: A third pronoun (SIB) will be chosen distinct from the Masculine (MASC) and Feminine/Neuter (FEM). In many societies where kinship connections are important, there are rules, though they may be expressed or be taken for granted. There are four main headings that anthropologists use to categorize rules of descent. They are bilateral , unilineal , ambilineal and double descent. A descent group

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5152-519: A version of male-preference matrilineal seniority , favoring brothers over sisters in the current generation (but allowing sisters to inherit if no brothers remained), but passing to the next generation through the eldest female line. In A Map of Virginia John Smith of Jamestown explains: His [ Chief Powhatan 's] kingdome descendeth not to his sonnes nor children: but first to his brethren, whereof he hath 3 namely Opitchapan, Opechancanough , and Catataugh; and after their decease to his sisters. First to

5313-465: A wide array of lineage-based societies with a classificatory kinship system , potential spouses are sought from a specific class of relatives as determined by a prescriptive marriage rule. Insofar as regular marriages following prescriptive rules occur, lineages are linked together in fixed relationships; these ties between lineages may form political alliances in kinship dominated societies. French structural anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss developed

5474-602: Is Velbienė , and his unmarried daughter, Velbaitė . Many surnames include prefixes that may or may not be separated by a space or punctuation from the main part of the surname. These are usually not considered true compound names, rather single surnames are made up of more than one word. These prefixes often give hints about the type or origin of the surname (patronymic, toponymic, notable lineage) and include words that mean from [a place or lineage], and son of/daughter of/child of. The common Celtic prefixes "Ó" or "Ua" (descendant of) and "Mac" or "Mag" (son of) can be spelled with

5635-521: Is foundlings names. Historically, children born to unwed parents or extremely poor parents would be abandoned in a public place or anonymously placed in a foundling wheel . Such abandoned children might be claimed and named by religious figures, the community leaders, or adoptive parents. Some such children were given surnames that reflected their condition, like (Italian) Esposito , Innocenti , Della Casagrande , Trovato , Abbandonata, or (Dutch) Vondeling, Verlaeten, Bijstand. Other children were named for

5796-512: Is a social group whose members talk about common ancestry. A unilineal society is one in which the descent of an individual is reckoned either from the mother's or the father's line of descent. Matrilineal descent is based on relationship to females of the family line. A child would not be recognized with their father's family in these societies, but would be seen as a member of their mother's family's line. Simply put, individuals belong to their mother's descent group. Matrilineal descent includes

5957-600: Is a descent group composed of three or more clans each of whose apical ancestors are descended from a further common ancestor. If a society is divided into exactly two descent groups, each is called a moiety , after the French word for half . If the two halves are each obliged to marry out, and into the other, these are called matrimonial moieties . Houseman and White (1998b, bibliography) have discovered numerous societies where kinship network analysis shows that two halves marry one another, similar to matrimonial moieties, except that

6118-533: Is also customary for the Baltic Finnic peoples and the Hungarians , but other Uralic peoples traditionally did not have surnames, perhaps because of the clan structure of their societies. The Samis , depending on the circumstances of their names, either saw no change or did see a transformation of their name. For example: Sire in some cases became Siri, and Hætta Jáhkoš Ásslat became Aslak Jacobsen Hætta – as

6279-749: Is also matrilocal , a man will exercise guardianship rights not over the children he fathers but over his sisters' children, who are viewed as 'his own flesh'. These children's biological father – unlike an uncle who is their mother's brother and thus their caregiver – is in some sense a 'stranger' to them, even when affectionate and emotionally close. According to Steven Pinker , attributing to Kristen Hawkes, among foraging groups matrilocal societies are less likely to commit female infanticide than are patrilocal societies. Some 20 million Akan live in Africa, particularly in Ghana and Ivory Coast . (See as well their subgroups,

6440-541: Is also the name of one of Japan's prefectures ), Yamamoto (山本) means "the base of the mountain", and Inoue (井上) means "above the well". Arabic names sometimes contain surnames that denote the city of origin. For example, in cases of Saddam Hussein al Tikriti, meaning Saddam Hussein originated from Tikrit , a city in Iraq . This component of the name is called a nisbah . The meanings of some names are unknown or unclear. The most common European name in this category may be

6601-641: Is also the case in Cambodia and among the Hmong of Laos and Thailand . The Telugu people of south India also place surname before personal name. There are some parts of Europe, in particular Hungary , where the surname is placed before the personal name. Since family names are normally written last in European societies, the terms last name or surname are commonly used for the family name, while in Japan (with vertical writing)

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6762-523: Is called onomastics . While the use of given names to identify individuals is attested in the oldest historical records, the advent of surnames is relatively recent. Many cultures have used and continue to use additional descriptive terms in identifying individuals. These terms may indicate personal attributes, location of origin, occupation, parentage, patronage, adoption, or clan affiliation. In China, according to legend, family names started with Emperor Fu Xi in 2000 BC. His administration standardised

6923-475: Is considered most significant differs from culture to culture. A clan is generally a descent group claiming common descent from an apical ancestor. Often, the details of parentage are not important elements of the clan tradition. Non-human apical ancestors are called totems . Examples of clans are found in Chechen , Chinese , Irish , Japanese , Polish , Scottish , Tlingit , and Somali societies. A phratry

7084-576: Is discussed in the subsection Role of the Tokoor of one of the above-listed main articles. The Tuareg (Arabic:طوارق, sometimes spelled Touareg in French, or Twareg in English) are a large Berber ethnic confederation found across several nations in north Africa, including Niger , Mali and Algeria . The Tuareg are clan -based, and are (still, in 2007) "largely matrilineal". The Tuareg are Muslim , but mixed with

7245-524: Is fronted, however, the term nakurrng now incorporates the male speaker as a propositus ( P i.e. point of reference for a kin-relation) and encapsulates the entire relationship as follows: Many Australian languages also have elaborate systems of referential terms for denoting groups of people based on their relationship to one another (not just their relationship to the speaker or an external propositus like 'grandparents'). For example, in Kuuk Thaayorre ,

7406-403: Is not included in their name. However, members' names do commonly include second names which are called surnames but which are not routinely passed down from either father or mother to all their children as a family name . Note well that if a culture did include one's clan name in one's name and routinely handed it down to all children in the descent group then it would automatically be

7567-488: Is not the only function of the family; in societies with a sexual division of labor , marriage , and the resulting relationship between two people, it is necessary for the formation of an economically productive household . Different societies classify kinship relations differently and therefore use different systems of kinship terminology – for example some languages distinguish between affinal and consanguine uncles, whereas others have only one word to refer to both

7728-452: Is one criterion for membership of many social groups. But it may not be the only criterion; birth, or residence, or a parent's former residence, or utilization of garden land, or participation in exchange and feasting activities or in house-building or raiding, may be other relevant criteria for group membership."(Barnes 1962,6) Similarly, Langness' ethnography of the Bena Bena also emphasized

7889-413: Is placed before personal / first name and in most cases it is only shown as an initial (for example 'S.' for Suryapeth). In English and other languages like Spanish—although the usual order of names is "first middle last"—for the purpose of cataloging in libraries and in citing the names of authors in scholarly papers, the order is changed to "last, first middle," with the last and first names separated by

8050-491: Is principally an institution in which interpersonal relationships, usually intimate and sexual, are acknowledged. When defined broadly, marriage is considered a cultural universal . A broad definition of marriage includes those that are monogamous , polygamous , same-sex and temporary. The act of marriage usually creates normative or legal obligations between the individuals involved, and any offspring they may produce. Marriage may result, for example, in "a union between

8211-503: Is that when sisters and their mothers help each other with childcare, the descent line tends to be matrilineal rather than patrilineal. Biological anthropologists are now widely agreed that cooperative childcare was a development crucial in making possible the evolution of the unusually large human brain and characteristically human psychology. Although others refute the claims of supporters of the universality of matrilocality or patrilocality , pointing out that hunter-gatherer societies have

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8372-624: Is the case in many societies practicing totemic religion where society is divided into several exogamous totemic clans, such as most Aboriginal Australian societies. Marriages between parents and children, or between full siblings, with few exceptions, have been considered incest and forbidden. However, marriages between more distant relatives have been much more common, with one estimate being that 80% of all marriages in history have been between second cousins or closer. Systemic forms of preferential marriage may have wider social implications in terms of economic and political organization. In

8533-461: Is the order of succession to the position of the Rain Queen in a culture of matrilineal primogeniture : not only is dynastic descent reckoned through the female line, but only females are eligible to inherit. In some traditional societies and cultures, membership in their groups was – and, in the following list, still is if shown in italics  – inherited matrilineally. Examples include

8694-430: Is to say, men come before women and seniors before juniors." When a woman's brothers are available, a consideration of generational seniority stipulates that the line of brothers be exhausted before the right to inherit lineage property passes down to the next senior genealogical generation of sisters' sons. Finally, "it is when all possible male heirs have been exhausted that the females" may inherit. Each lineage controls

8855-1064: The Ainu of Japan , the Akan including the Ashanti , Bono , Akwamu , Fante of Ghana ; most groups across the so-called " matrilineal belt " of south-central Africa; the Nubians of Southern Egypt & Sudan and the Tuareg of west and north Africa; the Serer of Senegal , The Gambia and Mauritania . Most of the example cultures in this article are based on (matrilineal) clans . Any clan might possibly contain from one to several or many descent groups or family groups – i.e., any matrilineal clan might be descended from one or several or many unrelated female ancestors. Also, each such descent group might have its own family name or surname , as one possible cultural pattern. The following two example cultures each follow

9016-664: The Arab world , the use of patronymics is well attested. The famous scholar Rhazes ( c.  865–925 AD ) is referred to as "al-Razi" (lit. the one from Ray) due to his origins from the city of Ray , Iran. In the Levant , surnames were in use as early as the High Middle Ages and it was common for people to derive their surname from a distant ancestor, and historically the surname would be often preceded with 'ibn' or 'son of'. Arab family names often denote either one's tribe , profession ,

9177-501: The Ashanti , also called Asante, Akyem , Bono , Fante , Akwamu .) Many but not all of the Akan still (2001) practice their traditional matrilineal customs, living in their traditional extended family households, as follows. The traditional Akan economic, political and social organization is based on maternal lineages, which are the basis of inheritance and succession. A lineage is defined as all those related by matrilineal descent from

9338-606: The Cegandum and Kagaw , whose historical account is enshrined in Serer religion, mythology and traditions . In Serer culture, inheritance is both matrilineal and patrilineal. It all depends on the asset being inherited – i.e. whether the asset is a paternal asset – requiring paternal inheritance ( kucarla ) or a maternal asset – requiring maternal inheritance ( den yaay or ƭeen yaay ). The actual handling of these maternal assets (such as jewelry, land, livestock, equipment or furniture, etc.)

9499-711: The Cherokee , Choctaw , Gitksan , Haida , Hopi , Iroquois , Lenape , Navajo and Tlingit of North America ; the Cabécar and Bribri of Costa Rica; the Naso and Kuna people of Panama; the Kogi , Wayuu and Carib of South America; the Minangkabau people of West Sumatra , Indonesia and Negeri Sembilan , Malaysia ; the Trobrianders , Dobu and Nagovisi of Melanesia;

9660-599: The Joos matriclan which also became a dynasty in Waalo (Senegal). Some matriclans or maternal clans form part of Serer medieval and dynastic history, such as the Guelowars . The most revered clans tend to be rather ancient and form part of Serer ancient history . These proto-Serer clans hold great significance in Serer religion and mythology . Some of these proto-Serer matriclans include

9821-572: The Nair community or Aliyasantana in the Bunt and the Billava community, and both communities were subdivided into clans . This system was exceptional in the sense that it was one of the few traditional systems in western historical records of India that gave women some liberty and the right to property. Kinship Kinship can refer both to the patterns of social relationships themselves, or it can refer to

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9982-831: The Nairs , some Thiyyas & Muslims of Kerala and the Mogaveeras , Billavas & the Bunts of Karnataka in south India ; the Khasi , Jaintia and Garo of Meghalaya in northeast India and Bangladesh ; the Ngalops and Sharchops of Bhutan ; the Mosuo of China ; the Kayah of Southeast Asia, the Picti of Scotland , the Basques of Spain and France ;

10143-453: The U.S. became a nation, operated by The Great Binding Law of Peace , a constitution by which women retained matrilineal-rights and participated in the League's political decision-making, including deciding whether to proceed to war, through what may have been a matriarchy or "gyneocracy". The dates of this constitution's operation are unknown: the League was formed in approximately 1000–1450, but

10304-677: The abusua framework presented above. The Berber inhabitants of Gran Canaria island had developed a matrilineal society by the time the Canary Islands and their people, called Guanches , were conquered by the Spanish. The Serer people of Senegal , the Gambia and Mauritania are patrilineal ( simanGol in Serer language ) as well as matrilineal ( tim ). There are several Serer matriclans and matriarchs . Some of these matriarchs include Fatim Beye (1335) and Ndoye Demba (1367) – matriarchs of

10465-556: The alliance theory to account for the "elementary" kinship structures created by the limited number of prescriptive marriage rules possible. Claude Lévi-Strauss argued in The Elementary Structures of Kinship (1949), that the incest taboo necessitated the exchange of women between kinship groups. Levi-Strauss thus shifted the emphasis from descent groups to the stable structures or relations between groups that preferential and prescriptive marriage rules created. One of

10626-471: The family name or surname for one's descent group (as well as for all other descent groups in one's clan). While a mother normally takes care of her own children in all cultures, in some matrilineal cultures an "uncle-father" will take care of his nieces and nephews instead: in other words social fathers here are uncles. There is not a necessary connection between the role of father and genitor. In many such matrilineal cultures, especially where residence

10787-464: The national Constitution as Scheduled Tribes, "some ... [are] matriarchal and matrilineal" "and thus have been known to be more egalitarian." Several Hindu communities in South India practiced matrilineality, especially the Nair (or Nayar ) and Tiyyas in the state of Kerala , and the Bunts and Billava in the states of Karnataka . The system of inheritance was known as Marumakkathayam in

10948-468: The " House of Windsor ". The concept of a house society was originally proposed by Claude Lévi-Strauss who called them " sociétés à maison ". The concept has been applied to understand the organization of societies from Mesoamerica and the Moluccas to North Africa and medieval Europe. Lévi-Strauss introduced the concept as an alternative to 'corporate kinship group' among the cognatic kinship groups of

11109-595: The -is suffix will have the -i suffix. Latvian, like Lithuanian, uses strictly feminized surnames for women, even in the case of foreign names. The function of the suffix is purely grammatical. Male surnames ending -e or -a need not be modified for women. Exceptions are: In Iceland, surnames have a gender-specific suffix (-dóttir = daughter, -son = son). This was also the case in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, until they were abolished by law in 1856, 1923, and 1966 respectively. Finnish used gender-specific suffixes up to 1929 when

11270-470: The 11th century by the barons in England. English surnames began as a way of identifying a certain aspect of that individual, such as by trade, father's name, location of birth, or physical features, and were not necessarily inherited. By 1400 most English families, and those from Lowland Scotland, had adopted the use of hereditary surnames. The study of proper names (in family names, personal names, or places)

11431-506: The 1950s onwards, reports on kinship patterns in the New Guinea Highlands added some momentum to what had until then been only occasional fleeting suggestions that living together (co-residence) might underlie social bonding, and eventually contributed to the general shift away from a genealogical approach (see below section). For example, on the basis of his observations, Barnes suggested: [C]learly, genealogical connexion of some sort

11592-460: The Akan: Some families are changing from the above abusua structure to the nuclear family . Housing, childcare, education, daily work, and elder care etc. are then handled by that individual family rather than by the abusua or clan, especially in the city. The above taboo on marriage within one's abusua is sometimes ignored, but "clan membership" is still important, with many people still living in

11753-464: The Batek people of Malaysia recognize kinship ties through both parents' family lines, and kinship terms indicate that neither parent nor their families are of more or less importance than the other. Some societies reckon descent patrilineally for some purposes, and matrilineally for others. This arrangement is sometimes called double descent. For instance, certain property and titles may be inherited through

11914-545: The Bribri people of Costa Rica and Panama is matrilineal; that is, a child's clan is determined by the clan his or her mother belongs to. Only women can inherit land. The social organization of the Cabécar people of Costa Rica is predicated on matrilineal clans in which the mother is the head of household. Each matrilineal clan controls marriage possibilities, regulates land tenure, and determines property inheritance for its members. In

12075-518: The Eastern Roman Empire, however it was not until the 11th century that surnames came to be used in West Europe. Medieval Spain used a patronymic system. For example, Álvaro, a son of Rodrigo, would be named Álvaro Rodríguez. His son, Juan, would not be named Juan Rodríguez, but Juan Álvarez. Over time, many of these patronymics became family names, and they are some of the most common names in

12236-505: The English word seven and the German word sieben . It can be used in a more diffuse sense as in, for example, the news headline " Madonna feels kinship with vilified Wallis Simpson ", to imply a felt similarity or empathy between two or more entities. In biology , "kinship" typically refers to the degree of genetic relatedness or the coefficient of relationship between individual members of

12397-503: The Hopi "were and still are matrilinial" and "the household ... was matrilocal". Schlegel explains why there was female superiority as that the Hopi believed in "life as the highest good ... [with] the female principle ... activated in women and in Mother Earth ;... as its source" and that the Hopi "were not in a state of continual war with equally matched neighbors" and "had no standing army" so that "the Hopi lacked

12558-459: The Human Family are: There is a seventh type of system only identified as distinct later: The six types (Crow, Eskimo, Hawaiian, Iroquois, Omaha, Sudanese) that are not fully classificatory (Dravidian, Australian) are those identified by Murdock (1949) prior to Lounsbury's (1964) rediscovery of the linguistic principles of classificatory kin terms. While normal kin-terms discussed above denote

12719-570: The Irish name Ryan , which means 'little king' in Irish. Also, Celtic origin of the name Arthur, meaning ' bear '. Other surnames may have arisen from more than one source: the name De Luca , for instance, likely arose either in or near Lucania or in the family of someone named Lucas or Lucius; in some instances, however, the name may have arisen from Lucca, with the spelling and pronunciation changing over time and with emigration. The same name may appear in different cultures by coincidence or romanization;

12880-549: The Iroquois proper are specifically matrilineal. In a society which reckons descent bilaterally (bilineal), descent is reckoned through both father and mother, without unilineal descent groups. Societies with the Eskimo kinship system, like the Inuit , Yupik , and most Western societies, are typically bilateral. The egocentric kindred group is also typical of bilateral societies. Additionally,

13041-470: The Lenape prevented permanent settlement beyond what is now Jersey City. "Early Europeans who first wrote about these Indians found matrilineal social organization to be unfamiliar and perplexing. As a result, the early records are full of 'clues' about early Lenape society, but were usually written by observers who did not fully understand what they were seeing." The Mandan people of the northern Great Plains of

13202-509: The Marriage Act forced women to use the husband's form of the surname. In 1985, this clause was removed from the act. Until at least 1850, women's surnames were suffixed with an -in in Tyrol. Some Slavic cultures originally distinguished the surnames of married and unmarried women by different suffixes, but this distinction is no longer widely observed. Some Czech dialects (Southwest-Bohemian) use

13363-714: The Netherlands (1795–1811), Japan (1870s), Thailand (1920), and Turkey (1934). The structure of the Japanese name was formalized by the government as family name + given name in 1868. In Breslau Prussia enacted the Hoym Ordinance in 1790, mandating the adoption of Jewish surnames. Napoleon also insisted on Jews adopting fixed names in a decree issued in 1808. Names can sometimes be changed to protect individual privacy (such as in witness protection ), or in cases where groups of people are escaping persecution. After arriving in

13524-479: The Old English element tūn may have originally meant "enclosure" in one name, but can have meant "farmstead", "village", "manor", or "estate" in other names. Location names, or habitation names, may be as generic as "Monte" (Portuguese for "mountain"), "Górski" (Polish for "hill"), or "Pitt" (variant of "pit"), but may also refer to specific locations. "Washington", for instance, is thought to mean "the homestead of

13685-644: The Pacific region. The socially significant groupings within these societies have variable membership because kinship is reckoned bilaterally (through both father's and mother's kin) and comes together for only short periods. Property, genealogy and residence are not the basis for the group's existence. Marriage is a socially or ritually recognized union or legal contract between spouses that establishes rights and obligations between them, between them and their children, and between them and their in-laws. The definition of marriage varies according to different cultures, but it

13846-688: The Rosenkrantz ("rose wreath") family took their surname from a wreath of roses comprising the torse of their arms, and the Gyldenstierne ("golden star") family took theirs from a 7-pointed gold star on their shield. Subsequently, many middle-class Scandinavian families desired names similar to those of the nobles and adopted "ornamental" surnames as well. Most other naming traditions refer to them as "acquired". They might be given to people newly immigrated, conquered, or converted, as well as those with unknown parentage, formerly enslaved, or from parentage without

14007-549: The Spanish-speaking world today. Other sources of surnames are personal appearance or habit, e.g. Delgado ("thin") and Moreno ("dark"); geographic location or ethnicity, e.g. Alemán ("German"); and occupations, e.g. Molinero ("miller"), Zapatero ("shoe-maker") and Guerrero ("warrior"), although occupational names are much more often found in a shortened form referring to the trade itself, e.g. Molina ("mill"), Guerra ("war"), or Zapata (archaic form of zapato , "shoe"). In England

14168-523: The United States historically lived in matrilineal extended family lodges. The Naso (Teribe or Térraba) people of Panama and Costa Rica describe themselves as a matriarchal community, although their monarchy has traditionally been inherited in the male line. The Navajo people of the American southwest are a matrilineal society in which kinship, children, livestock and family histories are passed down through

14329-567: The United States, European Jews who fled Nazi persecution sometimes anglicized their surnames to avoid discrimination. Governments can also forcibly change people's names, as when the National Socialist government of Germany assigned German names to European people in the territories they conquered. In the 1980s, the People's Republic of Bulgaria forcibly changed the first and last names of its Turkish citizens to Bulgarian names. These are

14490-831: The Western Pacific) described patterns of events with concrete individuals as participants stressing the relative stability of institutions and communities, but without insisting on abstract systems or models of kinship. Gluckman (1955, The judicial process among the Barotse of Northern Rhodesia) balanced the emphasis on stability of institutions against processes of change and conflict, inferred through detailed analysis of instances of social interaction to infer rules and assumptions. John Barnes , Victor Turner , and others, affiliated with Gluckman's Manchester school of anthropology, described patterns of actual network relations in communities and fluid situations in urban or migratory context, as with

14651-675: The Western Roman Empire in the 5th century, family names were uncommon in the Eastern Roman Empire . In Western Europe, where Germanic culture dominated the aristocracy, family names were almost non-existent. They would not significantly reappear again in Eastern Roman society until the 10th century, apparently influenced by the familial affiliations of the Armenian military aristocracy. The practice of using family names spread through

14812-443: The actual bonds of blood relationship had a force and vitality of their own quite apart from any social overlay which they may also have acquired, and it is this biological relationship itself which accounts for what Radcliffe-Brown called "the source of social cohesion". (Schneider 1984, 49) Schneider himself emphasised a distinction between the notion of a social relationship as intrinsically given and inalienable ( from birth ), and

14973-437: The attempts to break out of universalizing assumptions and theories about kinship, Radcliffe-Brown (1922, The Andaman Islands ; 1930, The social organization of Australian tribes) was the first to assert that kinship relations are best thought of as concrete networks of relationships among individuals. He then described these relationships, however, as typified by interlocking interpersonal roles. Malinowski (1922, Argonauts of

15134-619: The background. Originally, Chinese surnames were derived matrilineally, although by the time of the Shang dynasty (1600 to 1046 BCE ) they had become patrilineal. Archaeological data supports the theory that during the Neolithic period (7000 to 2000 BCE ) in China, Chinese matrilineal clans evolved into the usual patrilineal families by passing through a transitional patrilineal clan phase. Evidence includes some "richly furnished" tombs for young women in

15295-460: The basis of imputing abstract social patterns of relationships having little or no overall relation to genetic closeness but instead cognition about kinship, social distinctions as they affect linguistic usages in kinship terminology , and strongly relate, if only by approximation, to patterns of marriage. Source: A more flexible view of kinship was formulated in British social anthropology . Among

15456-405: The behavioral similarities or social differences among pairs of kin, proceeding on the view that the psychological ordering of kinship systems radiates out from ego and the nuclear family to different forms of extended family . Lévi-Strauss (1949, Les Structures Elementaires), on the other hand, also looked for global patterns to kinship, but viewed the "elementary" forms of kinship as lying in

15617-476: The boundaries of incest . A great deal of inference was necessarily involved in such constructions as to "systems" of kinship, and attempts to construct systemic patterns and reconstruct kinship evolutionary histories on these bases were largely invalidated in later work. However, anthropologist Dwight Read later argued that the way in which kinship categories are defined by individual researchers are substantially inconsistent. This not only occurs when working within

15778-458: The cities and the need for new arrivals to choose a defining surname. In Portuguese-speaking countries , it is uncommon, but not unprecedented, to find surnames derived from names of countries, such as Portugal, França, Brasil, Holanda. Surnames derived from country names are also found in English, such as "England", "Wales", "Spain". Some Japanese surnames derive from geographical features; for example, Ishikawa (石川) means "stone river" (and

15939-623: The constitution was oral until written in about 1880. The League still exists. Other Iroquoian-speaking peoples such as the Wyandot and the Meherrin , that were never part of the Iroquois League, nevertheless have traditionally possessed a matrilineal family structure. The Kogi people of northern Colombia practice bilateral inheritance, with certain rights, names or associations descending matrilineally. Occupied for 10,000 years by Native Americans ,

16100-402: The context of Australian Aboriginal kinship . In Bininj Kunwok , for example, the bi-relational kin-term nakurrng is differentiated from its tri-relational counterpart by the position of the possessive pronoun ke . When nakurrng is anchored to the addressee with ke in the second position, it simply means 'brother' (which includes a broader set of relations than in English). When the ke

16261-508: The early 20th century. Kinship systems as defined in anthropological texts and ethnographies were seen as constituted by patterns of behavior and attitudes in relation to the differences in terminology, listed above, for referring to relationships as well as for addressing others. Many anthropologists went so far as to see, in these patterns of kinship, strong relations between kinship categories and patterns of marriage, including forms of marriage, restrictions on marriage, and cultural concepts of

16422-475: The early Neolithic Yangshao culture, whose multiple other collective burials imply a matrilineal clan culture. Toward the late Neolithic period, when burials were apparently of couples, "a reflection of patriarchy", an increasing elaboration of presumed chiefs' burials is reported. Relatively isolated ethnic minorities such as the Mosuo (Na) in southwestern China are highly matrilineal. Of communities recognized in

16583-675: The eldest sister, then to the rest: and after them to the heires male and female of the eldest sister; but never to the heires of the males. The Upper Kuskokwim people are the original inhabitants of the Upper Kuskokwim River basin. They speak an Athabaskan language more closely related to Tanana than to the language of the Lower Kuskokkwim River basin. They were traditionally hunter-gatherers who lived in matrilineal semi-nomadic bands. The Wayuu people of Colombia and Venezuela live in matrilineal clans, with paternal relationships in

16744-518: The fact of life in social groups ( which appeared to be unique to humans ) as being largely a result of human ideas and values. Morgan's explanation for why humans live in groups was largely based on the notion that all humans have an inherent natural valuation of genealogical ties (an unexamined assumption that would remain at the heart of kinship studies for another century, see below), and therefore also an inherent desire to construct social groups around these ties. Even so, Morgan found that members of

16905-457: The family name may be referred to as "upper name" ( ue-no-namae ( 上の名前 ) ). When people from areas using Eastern naming order write their personal name in the Latin alphabet , it is common to reverse the order of the given and family names for the convenience of Westerners, so that they know which name is the family name for official/formal purposes. Reversing the order of names for the same reason

17066-574: The family of Wassa", while "Lucci" means "resident of Lucca ". Although some surnames, such as "London", "Lisboa", or "Białystok" are derived from large cities, more people reflect the names of smaller communities, as in Ó Creachmhaoil , derived from a village in County Galway . This is thought to be due to the tendency in Europe during the Middle Ages for migration to chiefly be from smaller communities to

17227-626: The female form Nováková, the family name is Novákovi in Czech and Novákovci in Slovak. When the male form is Hrubý and the female form is Hrubá, the plural family name is Hrubí (or "rodina Hrubých"). In Greece, if a man called Papadopoulos has a daughter or wife, she will likely be named Papadopoulou, the genitive form, as if the daughter/wife is "of" a man named Papadopoulos. Likewise, the surnames of daughters and wives of males with surnames ending in -as will end in -a, and those of daughters and wives of males with

17388-647: The female. In marriage the groom moved to live with the brides family. Children also came from their mother's clan living in hogans of the females family. The Tanana Athabaskan people, the original inhabitants of the Tanana River basin in Alaska and Canada, traditionally lived in matrilineal semi-nomadic bands. The Powhatan and other tribes of the Tsenacommacah , also known as the Powhatan Confederacy, practiced

17549-411: The first person to acquire the name, and stem from the middle class's desire for their own hereditary names like the nobles. They were generally acquired later in history and generally when those without surnames needed them. In 1526, King Frederik I of Denmark-Norway ordered that noble families must take up fixed surnames, and many of them took as their name some element of their coat of arms; for example,

17710-585: The form "Novákojc" as informal for both genders. In the culture of the Sorbs (a.k.a. Wends or Lusatians), Sorbian used different female forms for unmarried daughters (Jordanojc, Nowcyc, Kubašec, Markulic), and for wives (Nowakowa, Budarka, Nowcyna, Markulina). In Polish, typical surnames for unmarried women ended -ówna, -anka, or -ianka, while the surnames of married women used the possessive suffixes -ina or -owa. In Serbia, unmarried women's surnames ended in -eva, while married women's surnames ended in -ka. In Lithuania, if

17871-457: The foundational works in the anthropological study of kinship was Morgan's Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family (1871). As is the case with other social sciences, Anthropology and kinship studies emerged at a time when the understanding of the Human species' comparative place in the world was somewhat different from today's. Evidence that life in stable social groups is not just

18032-539: The full name. In modern times the "hereditary" requirement is a traditional, although common, interpretation, since in most countries a person has a right for a name change . Depending on culture, the surname may be placed at either the start of a person's name, or at the end. The number of surnames given to an individual also varies: in most cases it is just one, but in Portuguese-speaking countries and many Spanish-speaking countries, two surnames (one inherited from

18193-458: The gender of the bearer. In Slavic languages, substantivized adjective surnames have commonly symmetrical adjective variants for males and females (Podwiński/Podwińska in Polish, Nový/Nová in Czech or Slovak, etc.). In the case of nominative and quasi-nominative surnames, the female variant is derived from the male variant by a possessive suffix (Novák/Nováková, Hromada/Hromadová). In Czech and Slovak,

18354-452: The group. Female praenomina were less common, as women had reduced public influence, and were commonly known by the feminine form of the nomen alone. Later with the gradual influence of Greek and Christian culture throughout the Empire, Christian religious names were sometimes put in front of traditional cognomina , but eventually people reverted to single names. By the time of the fall of

18515-482: The husband is named Vilkas, his wife will be named Vilkienė and his unmarried daughter will be named Vilkaitė. Male surnames have suffixes -as, -is, -ius, or -us, unmarried girl surnames aitė, -ytė, -iūtė or -utė, wife surnames -ienė. These suffixes are also used for foreign names, exclusively for grammar; Welby, the surname of the present Archbishop of Canterbury for example, becomes Velbis in Lithuanian, while his wife

18676-542: The inhabited location associated with the person given that name. Such locations can be any type of settlement, such as homesteads, farms, enclosures, villages, hamlets, strongholds, or cottages. One element of a habitation name may describe the type of settlement. Examples of Old English elements are frequently found in the second element of habitational names. The habitative elements in such names can differ in meaning, according to different periods, different locations, or with being used with certain other elements. For example,

18837-575: The introduction of family names is generally attributed to the preparation of the Domesday Book in 1086, following the Norman Conquest . Evidence indicates that surnames were first adopted among the feudal nobility and gentry, and slowly spread to other parts of society. Some of the early Norman nobility who arrived in England during the Norman conquest differentiated themselves by affixing 'de' (of) before

18998-454: The land that is present-day New Jersey was overseen by clans of the Lenape , who farmed, fished, and hunted upon it. The pattern of their culture was that of a matrilineal agricultural and mobile hunting society that was sustained with fixed, but not permanent, settlements in their matrilineal clan territories. Leadership by men was inherited through the maternal line, and the women elders held

19159-552: The late 19th century, almost all prehistorians and anthropologists believed, following Lewis H. Morgan 's influential book Ancient Society , that early human kinship everywhere was matrilineal. This idea was taken up by Friedrich Engels in The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State . The Morgan-Engels thesis that humanity's earliest domestic institution was not the family but

19320-456: The lineage land farmed by its members, functions together in the veneration of its ancestors, supervises marriages of its members, and settles internal disputes among its members. The political units above are likewise grouped into eight larger groups called abusua (similar to clans ), named Aduana, Agona, Asakyiri, Asenie, Asona, Bretuo, Ekuona and Oyoko. The members of each abusua are united by their belief that they are all descended from

19481-527: The male line, and others through the female line. Societies can also consider descent to be ambilineal (such as Hawaiian kinship ) where offspring determine their lineage through the matrilineal line or the patrilineal line . A lineage is a unilineal descent group that can demonstrate their common descent from a known apical ancestor . Unilineal lineages can be matrilineal or patrilineal, depending on whether they are traced through mothers or fathers, respectively. Whether matrilineal or patrilineal descent

19642-441: The mandate to have a surname. During the modern era many cultures around the world adopted family names, particularly for administrative reasons, especially during the age of European expansion and particularly since 1600. The Napoleonic Code, adopted in various parts of Europe, stipulated that people should be known by both their given name(s) and a family name that would not change across generations. Other notable examples include

19803-798: The matrilineal clan soon became incorporated into communist orthodoxy . In reaction, most 20th century social anthropologists considered the theory of matrilineal priority untenable, although during the 1970s and 1980s, a range of feminist scholars often attempted to revive it. In recent years, evolutionary biologists , geneticists and palaeoanthropologists have been reassessing the issues, many citing genetic and other evidence that early human kinship may have been matrilineal after all. One crucial piece of indirect evidence has been genetic data suggesting that over thousands of years, women among sub-Saharan African hunter-gatherers have chosen to reside postmaritally not with their husbands' family but with their own mother and other natal kin. Another line of argument

19964-483: The mistake of assuming these particular cultural values of 'blood is thicker than water', common in their own societies, were 'natural' and universal for all human cultures (i.e. a form of ethnocentrism). He concluded that, due to these unexamined assumptions, the whole enterprise of 'kinship' in anthropology may have been built on faulty foundations. His 1984 book A Critique of The Study of Kinship gave his fullest account of this critique. Certainly for Morgan (1870:10)

20125-433: The mother and another from the father) are used for legal purposes. Depending on culture, not all members of a family unit are required to have identical surnames. In some countries, surnames are modified depending on gender and family membership status of a person. Compound surnames can be composed of separate names. Using names has been documented in even the oldest historical records. Examples of surnames are documented in

20286-475: The mother's brother, who in some societies may pass along inheritance to the sister's children or succession to a sister's son. Conversely, with patrilineal descent , individuals belong to their father's descent group. Children are recognized as members of their father's family, and descent is based on relationship to males of the family line. Societies with the Iroquois kinship system, are typically unilineal, while

20447-620: The name of their village in France. This is what is known as a territorial surname, a consequence of feudal landownership. By the 14th century, most English and most Scottish people used surnames and in Wales following unification under Henry VIII in 1536. A four-year study led by the University of the West of England , which concluded in 2016, analysed sources dating from the 11th to the 19th century to explain

20608-414: The naming system to facilitate census-taking, and the use of census information. Originally, Chinese surnames were derived matrilineally, although by the time of the Shang dynasty (1600 to 1046 BC) they had become patrilineal. Chinese women do not change their names upon marriage. In China, surnames have been the norm since at least the 2nd century BC. In the early Islamic period (640–900 AD) and

20769-412: The occupation of smith . There are also more complicated names based on occupational titles. In England it was common for servants to take a modified version of their employer's occupation or first name as their last name, adding the letter s to the word, although this formation could also be a patronymic . For instance, the surname Vickers is thought to have arisen as an occupational name adopted by

20930-658: The oldest and most common type of surname. They may be a first name such as "Wilhelm", a patronymic such as " Andersen ", a matronymic such as " Beaton ", or a clan name such as " O'Brien ". Multiple surnames may be derived from a single given name: e.g. there are thought to be over 90 Italian surnames based on the given name " Giovanni ". This is the broadest class of surnames, originating from nicknames, encompassing many types of origin. These include names based on appearance such as "Schwartzkopf", "Short", and possibly "Caesar", and names based on temperament and personality such as "Daft", "Gutman", and "Maiden", which, according to

21091-412: The origin describes the original bearer such as Brown, Short , or Thin – though Short may in fact be an ironic 'nickname' surname for a tall person." In the modern era, governments have enacted laws to require people to adopt surnames. This served the purpose of uniquely identifying subjects for taxation purposes or for inheritance. In the late Middle Ages in Europe, there were several revolts against

21252-637: The origins of the surnames in the British Isles . The study found that over 90% of the 45,602 surnames in the dictionary are native to Britain and Ireland, with the most common in the UK being Smith , Jones , Williams , Brown , Taylor , Davies , and Wilson . The findings have been published in the Oxford English Dictionary of Family Names in Britain and Ireland , with project leader Richard Coates calling

21413-709: The pattern most common among family names today. For clarity and for brevity, the scientific terms patrilineal surname and matrilineal surname are usually abbreviated as patriname and matriname . There appears to be some evidence for the presence of matrilineality in Pre-Islamic Arabia , in a very limited number of the Arabian peoples (first of all among the Amorites of Yemen, and among some strata of Nabateans in Northern Arabia); A modern example from South Africa

21574-490: The place of origin. Over the course of the Roman Republic and the later Empire, naming conventions went through multiple changes. ( See Roman naming conventions . ) The nomen , the name of the gens (tribe) inherited patrilineally, is thought to have already been in use by 650 BC. The nomen was to identify group kinship, while the praenomen (forename; plural praenomina ) was used to distinguish individuals within

21735-466: The power to remove leaders of whom they disapproved. Villages were established and relocated as the clans farmed new sections of the land when soil fertility lessened and when they moved among their fishing and hunting grounds by seasons. The area was claimed as a part of the Dutch New Netherland province dating from 1614, where active trading in furs took advantage of the natural pass west, but

21896-425: The primacy of residence patterns in 'creating' kinship ties: The sheer fact of residence in a Bena Bena group can and does determine kinship. People do not necessarily reside where they do because they are kinsmen: rather they become kinsmen because they reside there." (Langness 1964, 172 emphasis in original) In 1972 David M. Schneider raised deep problems with the notion that human social bonds and 'kinship'

22057-563: The pure possessive would be Novákova, Hromadova, but the surname evolved to a more adjectivized form Nováková, Hromadová, to suppress the historical possessivity. Some rare types of surnames are universal and gender-neutral: examples in Czech are Janů, Martinů, Fojtů, Kovářů. These are the archaic form of the possessive, related to the plural name of the family. Such rare surnames are also often used for transgender persons during transition because most common surnames are gender-specific. The informal dialectal female form in Polish and Czech dialects

22218-558: The pygmies of Aka, which includes Biaka and Benzene, a young couple usually settles in her husband's camp after the birth of their first child. However, the husband can stay in the wife's community, where one of his brothers or sisters can join him. This can happen in societies where the bride's service is practiced, or in any other societies. According to the data above, some scientists also say that kinship and residence in hunter-gatherer societies are complex and multifaceted. For example, when re-checking past data (which were not very reliable),

22379-415: The relationships that arise in one's group of origin, which may be called one's descent group. In some cultures, kinship relationships may be considered to extend out to people an individual has economic or political relationships with, or other forms of social connections. Within a culture, some descent groups may be considered to lead back to gods or animal ancestors ( totems ). This may be conceived of on

22540-427: The researchers note that about 40% of the groups were bilocal, 22.9% were matrilocal and 25% were patrilocal. A number of scientists also advocate multilocality, refuting the concepts of exceptional matrilocality (matrilineality) or patrilocality (patrilineality). Matrilineal surnames are names transmitted from mother to daughter, in contrast to the more familiar patrilineal surnames transmitted from father to son,

22701-493: The reversal of terms so that the old, dependent man becomes fak , to the young man, tam . The European and the anthropological notion of consanguinity, of blood relationship and descent, rest on precisely the opposite kind of value. It rests more on the state of being... on the biogenetic relationship which is represented by one or another variant of the symbol of 'blood' (consanguinity), or on 'birth', on qualities rather than on performance. We have tried to impose this definition of

22862-414: The same ancient ancestress. Marriage between members of the same abusua is forbidden. One inherits or is a lifelong member of the lineage, the political unit, and the abusua of one's mother, regardless of one's gender and/or marriage. Note that members and their spouses thus belong to different abusuas , mother and children living and working in one household and their husband/father living and working in

23023-699: The servant of a vicar, while Roberts could have been adopted by either the son or the servant of a man named Robert. A subset of occupational names in English are names thought to be derived from the medieval mystery plays . The participants would often play the same roles for life, passing the part down to their oldest sons. Names derived from this may include King , Lord and Virgin . A Dictionary of English Surnames says that "surnames of office, such as Abbot , Bishop , Cardinal and King, are often nicknames". The original meaning of names based on medieval occupations may no longer be obvious in modern English. Location (toponymic, habitation) names derive from

23184-439: The social rules governing the selection of a partner for marriage. In many societies, the choice of partner is limited to suitable persons from specific social groups. In some societies the rule is that a partner is selected from an individual's own social group – endogamy , this is the case in many class and caste based societies. But in other societies a partner must be chosen from a different group than one's own – exogamy , this

23345-440: The socialization of children. As the basic unit for raising children, Anthropologists most generally classify family organization as matrifocal (a mother and her children); conjugal (a husband, his wife, and children; also called nuclear family ); avuncular (a brother, his sister, and her children); or extended family in which parents and children co-reside with other members of one parent's family. However, producing children

23506-641: The spur to masculine superiority" and, within that, as that women were central to institutions of clan and household and predominated "within the economic and social systems (in contrast to male predominance within the political and ceremonial systems)", the Clan Mother , for example, being empowered to overturn land distribution by men if she felt it was unfair, since there was no "countervailing ... strongly centralized, male-centered political structure". The Iroquois Confederacy or League , combining five to six Native American Haudenosaunee nations or tribes before

23667-547: The street/place they were found (Union, Liquorpond (street), di Palermo, Baan, Bijdam, van den Eyngel (shop name), van der Stoep , von Trapp), the date they were found ( Monday , Septembre, Spring, di Gennaio), or festival/feast day they found or christened (Easter, SanJosé). Some foundlings were given the name of whoever found them. Occupational names include Smith , Miller , Farmer , Thatcher , Shepherd , Potter , and so on, and analogous names in many other languages, see, e.g., various surnames associated with

23828-411: The stress in the definition of the relationship is more on doing than on being. That is, it is more what the citamangen does for fak and what fak does for citamangen that makes or constitutes the relationship. This is demonstrated, first, in the ability to terminate absolutely the relationship where there is a failure in the doing, when the fak fails to do what he is supposed to do; and second, in

23989-432: The study "more detailed and accurate" than those before. He elaborated on the origins: "Some surnames have origins that are occupational – obvious examples are Smith and Baker. Other names can be linked to a place , for example, Hill or Green, which relates to a village green . Surnames that are 'patronymic' are those which originally enshrined the father's name – such as Jackson , or Jenkinson . There are also names where

24150-679: The study of the patterns of social relationships in one or more human cultures (i.e. kinship studies). Over its history, anthropology has developed a number of related concepts and terms in the study of kinship, such as descent , descent group, lineage , affinity/affine , consanguinity/cognate and fictive kinship . Further, even within these two broad usages of the term, there are different theoretical approaches. Broadly, kinship patterns may be considered to include people related by both descent – i.e. social relations during development – and by marriage . Human kinship relations through marriage are commonly called "affinity" in contrast to

24311-654: The surname Lee is used in English culture, but is also a romanization of the Chinese surname Li . In the Russian Empire , illegitimate children were sometimes given artificial surnames rather than the surnames of their adoptive parents. In many cultures (particularly in European and European-influenced cultures in the Americas, Oceania, etc., as well as West Asia/North Africa, South Asia, and most Sub-Saharan African cultures),

24472-596: The surname or family name ("last name") is placed after the personal, forename (in Europe) or given name ("first name"). In other cultures the surname is placed first, followed by the given name or names. The latter is often called the Eastern naming order because Europeans are most familiar with the examples from the East Asian cultural sphere , specifically, Greater China , Korea (both North and South) , Japan , and Vietnam . This

24633-537: The symbolic meanings surrounding ideas of kinship in American Culture found that Americans ascribe a special significance to 'blood ties' as well as related symbols like the naturalness of marriage and raising children within this culture. In later work (1972 and 1984) Schneider argued that unexamined genealogical notions of kinship had been embedded in anthropology since Morgan's early work because American anthropologists (and anthropologists in western Europe) had made

24794-520: The traditional culture of the Guna people of Panama and Colombia, families are matrilinear and matrilocal, with the groom moving to become part of the bride's family. The groom also takes the last name of the bride. The Hopi (in what is now the Hopi Reservation in northeastern Arizona ), according to Alice Schlegel , had as its "gender ideology ... one of female superiority, and it operated within

24955-597: The two halves—which they call matrimonial sides —are neither named nor descent groups, although the egocentric kinship terms may be consistent with the pattern of sidedness, whereas the sidedness is culturally evident but imperfect. The word deme refers to an endogamous local population that does not have unilineal descent. Thus, a deme is a local endogamous community without internal segmentation into clans. In some societies kinship and political relations are organized around membership in corporately organized dwellings rather than around descent groups or lineages , as in

25116-406: The ways that families were connected by marriage in different fundamental forms resembling those of modes of exchange : symmetric and direct, reciprocal delay, or generalized exchange . Building on Lévi-Strauss's (1949) notions of kinship as caught up with the fluid languages of exchange, Edmund Leach (1961, Pul Eliya) argued that kinship was a flexible idiom that had something of the grammar of

25277-611: The women, whereas personal property is owned and inherited regardless of gender. In contrast to most other Muslim cultural groups, men wear veils but women do not. This custom is discussed in more detail in the Tuareg article's clothing section , which mentions it may be the protection needed against the blowing sand while traversing the Sahara desert . The Bororo people of Brazil and Bolivia live in matrilineal clans, with husbands moving to live with their wives' extended families. The clan system of

25438-634: The work of J. Clyde Mitchell (1965, Social Networks in Urban Situations). Yet, all these approaches clung to a view of stable functionalism , with kinship as one of the central stable institutions. More recently, under the influence of "new kinship studies", there has been a shift of emphasis from the being to the doing of kinship. A new generation of anthropologist study the processes of doing kinship in new contexts such as in migrant communities and in queer families. The concept of "system of kinship" tended to dominate anthropological studies of kinship in

25599-614: Was a natural category built upon genealogical ties and made a fuller argument in his 1984 book A Critique of the Study of Kinship which had a major influence on the subsequent study of kinship. Before the questions raised within anthropology about the study of 'kinship' by David M. Schneider and others from the 1960s onwards, anthropology itself had paid very little attention to the notion that kinship bonds were anything other than connected to consanguineal (or genealogical) relatedness (or its local cultural conceptions). Schneider's 1968 study of

25760-404: Was also -ka (Pawlaczka, Kubeška). With the exception of the -ski/-ska suffix, most feminine forms of surnames are seldom observed in Polish. Generally, inflected languages use names and surnames as living words, not as static identifiers. Thus, the pair or the family can be named by a plural form which can differ from the singular male and female form. For instance, when the male form is Novák and

25921-544: Was the norm . Recently, integration into the EU and increased communications with foreigners prompted many Samis to reverse the order of their full name to given name followed by surname, to avoid their given name being mistaken for and used as a surname. Indian surnames may often denote village, profession, and/or caste and are invariably mentioned along with the personal/first names. However, hereditary last names are not universal. In Telugu -speaking families in south India, surname

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