44-574: Marchi is an Italian surname. According to one source, Marchi is a Spanish cognate of the English Mark , as derived from St. Mark the Evangelist. Notable people with this surname include: Cognate In historical linguistics , cognates or lexical cognates are sets of words that have been inherited in direct descent from an etymological ancestor in a common parent language . Because language change can have radical effects on both
88-529: A calque based on the word " Tupâ ", meaning God. In modern Paraguayan Guarani, the same word is rendered " komuño ". Following the out-migration from the reductions, these two distinct dialects of Guarani came into extensive contact for the first time. The vast majority of speakers abandoned the less colloquial, highly regulated Jesuit variant in favor of the variety that evolved from actual use by speakers in Paraguay. This contemporary form of spoken Guarani
132-617: A common origin, but which in fact do not. For example, Latin habēre and German haben both mean 'to have' and are phonetically similar. However, the words evolved from different Proto-Indo-European (PIE) roots: haben , like English have , comes from PIE *kh₂pyé- 'to grasp', and has the Latin cognate capere 'to seize, grasp, capture'. Habēre , on the other hand, is from PIE *gʰabʰ 'to give, to receive', and hence cognate with English give and German geben . Likewise, English much and Spanish mucho look similar and have
176-614: A demographic shift that brought about a decidedly one-sided shift away from the Jesuit dialect that the missionaries had curated in the southern and eastern territories of the colony. By and large, the Guarani of the Jesuits shied away from direct phonological loans from Spanish. Instead, the missionaries relied on the agglutinative nature of the language to formulate new precise translations or calque terms from Guarani morphemes. This process often led
220-487: A nasal vowel, and if the consonant is voiced, it takes its nasal allophone. If a stressed syllable is nasal, the nasality spreads in both directions until it bumps up against a stressed syllable that is oral. This includes affixes , postpositions , and compounding. Voiceless consonants do not have nasal allophones, but they do not interrupt the spread of nasality. For example, However, a second stressed syllable, with an oral vowel, will not become nasalized: That is, for
264-426: A predicative possessive reading. Furthermore, the conjugations vary slightly according to the stem being oral or nasal. Negation is indicated by a circumfix n(d)(V)-...-(r)i in Guarani. The preverbal portion of the circumfix is nd- for oral bases and n- for nasal bases. For 2nd person singular, an epenthetic -e- is inserted before the base, for 1st person plural inclusive, an epenthetic -a-
308-412: A similar meaning, but are not cognates: much is from Proto-Germanic *mikilaz < PIE *meǵ- and mucho is from Latin multum < PIE *mel- . A true cognate of much is the archaic Spanish maño 'big'. Cognates are distinguished from other kinds of relationships. An etymon , or ancestor word, is the ultimate source word from which one or more cognates derive. In other words, it
352-548: A spectrum in which more Spanish is used for official and business-related matters, and more Guarani is used in art and in everyday life. Guarani is also an official language of Bolivia and of Corrientes Province in Argentina. Guarani became a written language relatively recently. Its modern alphabet is a subset of the Latin script (with "J", "K" and "Y" but not "W"), complemented with two diacritics and six digraphs . Its orthography
396-450: A vowel. The glottal stop , called puso in Guarani, is only written between vowels, but occurs phonetically before vowel-initial words. Because of this, some words have several glottal stops near each other that consequently undergo a number of different dissimilation techniques. For example, "I drink water" ʼaʼyʼu is pronounced hayʼu . This suggests that irregularity in verb forms derives from regular sound change processes in
440-501: A word with a single stressed vowel, all voiced segments will be either oral or nasal, while voiceless consonants are unaffected, as in oral /ᵐbotɨ/ vs nasal /mõtɨ̃/ . Guarani is a highly agglutinative language , often classified as polysynthetic . It is a fluid-S type active language , and it has been classified as a 6th class language in Milewski's typology . It uses subject–verb–object (SVO) word order usually, but object–verb when
484-414: Is a present somewhat aorist : Upe ára resẽ reho mombyry , "that day you got out and you went far". These two suffixes can be added together: ahátama , "I'm already going". This suffix can be joined with -ma , making up -páma : ñande jaikuaapáma nde remimoʼã , "now we came to know all your thought". These are unstressed suffixes: -ta, -ma, -ne, -vo, -mi ; so the stress goes upon
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#1733084981176528-637: Is inserted. The postverbal portion is -ri for bases ending in -i , and -i for all others. However, in spoken Guarani, the -ri portion of the circumfix is frequently omitted for bases ending in -i . The negation can be used in all tenses, but for future or irrealis reference, the normal tense marking is replaced by moʼã , resulting in n(d)(V) -base- moʼã-i as in Ndajapomoʼãi , "I won't do it". There are also other negatives, such as: ani , ỹhỹ , nahániri , naumbre , naʼanga . The verb form without suffixes at all
572-457: Is known as Jopará , meaning "mixture" in Guarani. Widely spoken, Paraguayan Guarani has nevertheless been repressed by Paraguayan governments throughout most of its history since independence. It was prohibited in state schools for over 100 years. However, populists often used pride in the language to excite nationalistic fervor and promote a narrative of social unity. During the autocratic regime of Alfredo Stroessner , his Colorado Party used
616-586: Is largely phonemic , with letter values mostly similar to those of Spanish . The tilde is used with many letters that are considered part of the alphabet. In the case of Ñ/ñ , it differentiates the palatal nasal from the alveolar nasal (as in Spanish), whereas it marks stressed nasalisation when used over a vowel (as in Portuguese ): ã, ẽ, ĩ, õ, ũ, ỹ . (Nasal vowels have been written with several other diacritics: ä, ā, â, ã .) The tilde also marks nasality in
660-502: Is often translated as "ex-", "former", "abandoned", "what was once", or "one-time". These morphemes can even be combined to express the idea of something that was going to be but did not end up happening. So for example, paʼirãgue is "a person who studied to be a priest but didn't actually finish", or rather, "the ex-future priest". Some nouns use -re instead of -kue and others use -guã instead of -rã . Guarani distinguishes between inclusive and exclusive pronouns of
704-492: Is regular. Paradigms of conjugations or declensions, the correspondence of which cannot be generally due to chance, have often been used in cognacy assessment. However, beyond paradigms, morphosyntax is often excluded in the assessment of cognacy between words, mainly because structures are usually seen as more subject to borrowing. Still, very complex, non-trivial morphosyntactic structures can rarely take precedence over phonetic shapes to indicate cognates. For instance, Tangut ,
748-477: Is the source of related words in different languages. For example, the etymon of both Welsh ceffyl and Irish capall is the Proto-Celtic * kaballos (all meaning horse ). Descendants are words inherited across a language barrier, coming from a particular etymon in an ancestor language. For example, Russian мо́ре and Polish morze are both descendants of Proto-Slavic * moře (meaning sea ). A root
792-444: Is the source of related words within a single language (no language barrier is crossed). Similar to the distinction between etymon and root , a nuanced distinction can sometimes be made between a descendant and a derivative . A derivative is one of the words which have their source in a root word, and were at some time created from the root word using morphological constructs such as suffixes, prefixes, and slight changes to
836-789: The Paraguayan Guarani panambi , the Eastern Bolivian Guarani panapana , the Cocama and Omagua panama , and the Sirionó ana ana are cognates, derived from the Old Tupi panapana , 'butterfly', maintaining their original meaning in these Tupi languages . Cognates need not have the same meaning, as they may have undergone semantic change as the languages developed independently. For example English starve and Dutch sterven 'to die' or German sterben 'to die' all descend from
880-478: The Jesuits to employ complicated, highly synthetic terms to convey European concepts. By contrast, the Guarani spoken outside of the missions was characterized by a free, unregulated flow of Hispanicisms; frequently, Spanish words and phrases were simply incorporated into Guarani with minimal phonological adaptation. A good example of that phenomenon is found in the word "communion". The Jesuits, using their agglutinative strategy, rendered this word " Tupârahava ",
924-549: The Paraguayan people and neighboring communities. This is unique among American languages; language shift towards European colonial languages (in this case, the other official language of Spanish ) has otherwise been a nearly universal phenomenon in the Western Hemisphere , but Paraguayans have maintained their traditional language while also adopting Spanish. Jesuit priest Antonio Ruiz de Montoya , who in 1639 published
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#1733084981176968-706: The Proto-Indo-European *nókʷts 'night'. The Indo-European languages have hundreds of such cognate sets, though few of them are as neat as this. The Arabic سلام salām , the Hebrew שלום shalom , the Assyrian Neo-Aramaic shlama and the Amharic selam 'peace' are cognates, derived from the Proto-Semitic *šalām- 'peace'. The Brazilian Portuguese panapanã , (flock of butterflies in flight),
1012-565: The Spanish and IPA equivalents, although sometimes the open-mid allophones [ ɛ ] , [ ɔ ] are used more frequently. The grapheme ⟨y⟩ represents the vowel / ɨ / (as in Polish ). Considering nasality, the vowel system is perfectly symmetrical, each oral vowel having its nasal counterpart (most systems with nasals have fewer nasals than orals). Guarani displays an unusual degree of nasal harmony . A nasal syllable consists of
1056-507: The blind. Guarani syllables consist of a consonant plus a vowel or a vowel alone; syllables ending in a consonant or two or more consonants together do not occur. This is represented as (C)V . In the below table, the IPA value is shown. The orthography is shown in angle brackets below, if different. The voiced consonants have oral allophones (left) before oral vowels, and nasal allophones (right) before nasal vowels . The oral allophones of
1100-613: The case of G̃/g̃ , used to represent the nasalized velar approximant by combining the velar approximant G with the nasalising tilde . The letter G̃/g̃ , which is unique to this language, was introduced into the orthography relatively recently during the mid-20th century and there is disagreement over its use. It is not a precomposed character in Unicode , which can cause typographic inconveniences – such as needing to press "delete" twice in some setups – or imperfect rendering when using computers and fonts that do not properly support
1144-430: The complex layout feature of glyph composition. Only stressed nasal vowels are written as nasal. If an oral vowel is stressed, and it is not the final syllable, it is marked with an acute accent: á, é, í, ó, ú, ý . That is, stress falls on the vowel marked as nasalized, if any, else on the accent-marked syllable, and if neither appears, then on the final syllable. Guarani Braille is the braille alphabet used for
1188-410: The first person plural. Reflexive pronoun: je : ahecha ("I look"), ajehecha ("I look at myself") Guarani stems can be divided into a number of conjugation classes, which are called areal (with the subclass aireal ) and chendal . The names for these classes stem from the names of the prefixes for 1st and 2nd person singular. The areal conjugation is used to convey that
1232-528: The first written grammar of Guarani in a book called Tesoro de la lengua guaraní (Treasure/ Thesaurus of the Guarani Language) , described it as a language "so copious and elegant that it can compete with the most famous [of languages]". The name "Guarani" is generally used for the official language of Paraguay. However, this is part of a dialect chain , most of whose components are also often called Guarani. While Guarani, in its Classical form ,
1276-424: The history of Guarani. There also seems to be some degree of variation between how much the glottal stop is dropped (for example aruʼuka > aruuka > aruka for "I bring"). It is possible that word-internal glottal stops may have been retained from fossilized compounds where the second component was a vowel-initial (and therefore glottal stop–initial) root. /a/, /e/, /i/, /o/, /u/ correspond more or less to
1320-521: The language of the Xixia Empire, and one Horpa language spoken today in Sichuan , Geshiza, both display a verbal alternation indicating tense, obeying the same morphosyntactic collocational restrictions. Even without regular phonetic correspondences between the stems of the two languages, the cognatic structures indicate secondary cognacy for the stems. False cognates are pairs of words that appear to have
1364-404: The language to appeal to common Paraguayans although Stroessner himself never gave an address in Guarani. Upon the advent of Paraguayan democracy in 1992, Guarani was established in the new constitution as a language equal to Spanish. Jopará, the mixture of Spanish and Guarani, is spoken by an estimated 90% of the population of Paraguay. Code-switching between the two languages takes place on
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1408-530: The language. Variants of the language are spoken by communities in neighboring countries including parts of northeastern Argentina , southeastern Bolivia and southwestern Brazil , and is a second official language of the Argentine province of Corrientes since 2004. Guarani is also one of the three official languages of Mercosur , alongside Spanish and Portuguese . Guarani is the most widely spoken Native American language and remains commonly used among
1452-484: The last syllable of the verb or the last stressed syllable. The close and prolonged contact Spanish and Guarani have experienced has resulted in many Guarani words of Spanish origin. Many of these loans were for things or concepts unknown to the New World prior to Spanish colonization . Examples are seen below: English has adopted a small number of words from Guarani (or perhaps the related Tupi ) via Portuguese, mostly
1496-519: The names of animals or plants. " Jaguar " comes from jaguarete and " piraña " comes from pira aña ("tooth fish" Tupi: pirá 'fish', aña 'tooth'). Other words are: " agouti " from akuti , " tapir " from tapira , " açaí " from ĩwasaʼi ("[fruit that] cries or expels water"), " warrah " from aguará meaning "fox", and " margay " from mbarakaja'y meaning "small cat". Jacaranda , guarana and mandioca are words of Guarani or Tupi–Guarani origin. Ipecacuanha (the name of
1540-460: The nasal allophone is always [ ɲ ] . The dorsal fricative is in free variation between [ x ] and [ h ] . ⟨g⟩ , ⟨gu⟩ are approximants, not fricatives, but are sometimes transcribed [ ɣ ] , [ ɣʷ ] , as is conventional for Spanish. ⟨gu⟩ is also transcribed [ɰʷ] , which is essentially identical to [ w ] . All syllables are open, viz. CV or V, ending in
1584-665: The participant is actively involved , whereas the chendal conjugation is used to convey that the participant is the undergoer . However, the areal conjugation is also used if an intransitive verb expresses an event as opposed to a state , for example manó 'die', and even with a verb such as ké 'sleep'. In addition, all borrowed Spanish verbs are adopted as areal as opposed to borrowed adjectives, which take chendal . Intransitive verbs can take either conjugation, transitive verbs normally take areal , but can take chendal for habitual readings. Nouns can also be conjugated, but only as chendal . This conveys
1628-517: The primary variety known as Paraguayan Guarani ( avañeʼẽ [ʔãʋãɲẽˈʔẽ] "the people's language"), is a South American language that belongs to the Tupi–Guarani branch of the Tupian language family . It is one of the official languages of Paraguay (along with Spanish ), where it is spoken by the majority of the population, and where half of the rural population are monolingual speakers of
1672-983: The same Indo-European root are: night ( English ), Nacht ( German ), nacht ( Dutch , Frisian ), nag ( Afrikaans ), Naach ( Colognian ), natt ( Swedish , Norwegian ), nat ( Danish ), nátt ( Faroese ), nótt ( Icelandic ), noc ( Czech , Slovak , Polish ), ночь, noch ( Russian ), ноќ, noć ( Macedonian ), нощ, nosht ( Bulgarian ), ніч , nich ( Ukrainian ), ноч , noch / noč ( Belarusian ), noč ( Slovene ), noć ( Serbo-Croatian ), nakts ( Latvian ), naktis ( Lithuanian ), nos ( Welsh/Cymraeg ), νύξ, nyx ( Ancient Greek ), νύχτα / nychta ( Modern Greek ), nakt- ( Sanskrit ), natë ( Albanian ), nox , gen. sg. noctis ( Latin ), nuit ( French ), noche ( Spanish ), nochi ( Extremaduran ), nueche ( Asturian ), noite ( Portuguese and Galician ), notte ( Italian ), nit ( Catalan ), nuet/nit/nueit ( Aragonese ), nuèch / nuèit ( Occitan ) and noapte ( Romanian ). These all mean 'night' and derive from
1716-452: The same Proto-Germanic verb, *sterbaną 'to die'. Cognates also do not need to look or sound similar: English father , French père , and Armenian հայր ( hayr ) all descend directly from Proto-Indo-European *ph₂tḗr . An extreme case is Armenian երկու ( erku ) and English two , which descend from Proto-Indo-European *dwóh₁ ; the sound change *dw > erk in Armenian
1760-442: The sound and the meaning of a word, cognates may not be obvious, and it often takes rigorous study of historical sources and the application of the comparative method to establish whether lexemes are cognate. Cognates are distinguished from loanwords , where a word has been borrowed from another language. The English term cognate derives from Latin cognatus , meaning "blood relative". An example of cognates from
1804-597: The subject is not specified. The language lacks gender and has no native definite article but, due to influence from Spanish, la is used as a definite article for singular reference and lo for plural reference. These are not found in Classical Guarani ( Guaraniete ). Guarani exhibits nominal tense: past, expressed with -kue , and future, expressed with -rã . For example, tetã ruvichakue translates to "ex-president" while tetã ruvicharã translates to "president-elect." The past morpheme -kue
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1848-405: The voiced stops are prenasalized . There is also a sequence /ⁿt/ (written ⟨nt⟩ ). A trill /r/ (written ⟨rr⟩ ), and the consonants /l/ , /f/ , and /j/ (written ⟨ll⟩ ) are not native to Guarani, but come from Spanish. Oral /ᵈj/ is often pronounced [ dʒ ] , [ ɟ ] , [ ʒ ] , [ j ] , depending on the dialect, but
1892-507: The vowels or to the consonants of the root word. For example unhappy , happily , and unhappily are all derivatives of the root word happy . The terms root and derivative are used in the analysis of morphological derivation within a language in studies that are not concerned with historical linguistics and that do not cross the language barrier. Guarani language Guarani ( / ˌ ɡ w ɑːr ə ˈ n iː , ˈ ɡ w ɑːr ən i / GWAR -ə- NEE , GWAR -ə-nee ), specifically
1936-484: Was the only language spoken in the expansive missionary territories, Paraguayan Guarani has its roots outside of the Jesuit Reductions . Modern scholarship has shown that Guarani was always the primary language of colonial Paraguay, both inside and outside the reductions. Following the expulsion of the Jesuits in the 18th century, the residents of the reductions gradually migrated north and west towards Asunción ,
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