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141-419: Libertarian Communist Party could refer to: Libertarian Communist Party (Brazil) Libertarian Communist Party (Spain) Topics referred to by the same term [REDACTED] This disambiguation page lists articles associated with the title Libertarian Communist Party . If an internal link led you here, you may wish to change the link to point directly to

282-614: A militarist and Arshinov as a Bolshevik . After years of defending the ideas of Platformism, in the early 1930s, Arshinov joined the Communist Party and defected to the Soviet Union , where he would disappear during the Great Purge . Nestor Makhno himself died in 1934, leaving the Platform without any prominent defenders. Nevertheless, both the opponents and remaining supporters of

423-487: A social revolution . The roots of platformism go back as far as the organizational principles of Mikhail Bakunin , particularly in his theory of "organisational dualism". Bakunin proposed that anarchists form their own revolutionary organisations that would encourage workers to rebel against the state and capitalism, and once a social revolution had replaced the state with a federation of voluntary associations , it would then agitate against any attempted reconstitution of

564-565: A General Union of Anarchists to educate the working class and raise class consciousness . This General Union was to be organised according to the principles of theoretical unity , tactical unity and collective responsibility , and would be governed by an executive committee that coordinated collective action and political policy. The Platform was first presented at a meeting of the Delo Truda group, with attendees also including Bulgarian , Chinese , French and Italian anarchists . At

705-596: A campaign in Portugal , Spain and Italy , to discourage emigration to Brazil. At the end of 1912, the COB Reorganizing Commission sent a circular to workers associations asking them to nominate delegates for the 2nd Brazilian Workers' Congress, to be held in Rio de Janeiro. The 2nd Brazilian Workers' Congress was held in Rio de Janeiro, during the second week of September, at the headquarters of Centro Cosmopolita, by

846-483: A conflict broke out between the strikers and the military brigade. The strikers sought refuge wherever doors were open. Some of those who were already safe closed a door, hurriedly, to a worker. The soldiers killed him with a gunshot. On the 8th, troops from the military brigade, under the orders of the governor, invaded the headquarters of FORGS, the Union of Light Workers and União Metalúrgica; its leaders were imprisoned and by

987-402: A day—with little time for rest and leisure. These workers lived in precarious housing or, in the case of company towns , in residences subject to employer control. They suffered from transportation and infrastructure problems. In the case of illness, disability, or unemployment, workers without a charitable fund from the company or a subscription to an aid society were completely unassisted due to

1128-402: A frank decline in 1921, with the end of several publications and the reduction of the periodicity of others. A Plebe went from June to September with no publication. At the same time, the workers' movement was going through an ideological crisis. The federative model and the strategies of revolutionary syndicalism came to be criticized by some militants, such as Astrogildo Pereira, who defend

1269-413: A general secretariat, comprising a secretary general (Edgard Leuenroth), treasurer and five itinerant secretaries, responsible for the five geographic areas into which the country was divided. The itinerant secretaries were Domingos Passos (Center), José Elias da Silva (North), Jorge Adalberto de Jesus (Far North), Teófilo Ferreira (South) and Alberto Lauro (Far South). The Congress also decided to instruct

1410-471: A general strike, nor to form a commission to manage any type of strike, even though several categories were paralyzed. These striker categories then demobilized as they achieved some results. In Rio Grande do Sul, significant movements were triggered in Porto Alegre and Pelotas . In the capital of Rio Grande do Sul, the general strike broke out between the end of July and the beginning of August. Following

1551-463: A great influence on the workers' movement, especially at workers' congresses and in the strikes of the period. Anarchists also contributed to the creation of a series of periodicals for the workers' press and founded several Modern Schools around the country. Anarchism ceased to be hegemonic in Brazil's workers' movement from the 1920s, when the Communist Party of Brazil (PCB) was created and, mainly, due to

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1692-618: A law from taking effect". In October 1915, the COB called for an International Peace Congress, in Rio de Janeiro, in which two delegates from Argentine libertarian associations participated, in addition to representatives from five Brazilian states and the Federal District. This event resulted in the creation of the Committee of International Relations, with the aim of organizing a South American confederation of union entities for future membership of

1833-474: A loose-knit organization, developed into a tightly organized structure with a unified policy and an executive committee, in what a member would later describe as a precursor to platformism. After their flight into exile, Russian and Ukrainian anarchists began to call for the reorganization of the anarchist movement, considering that chronic disorganization had led to their defeat during the Revolution . Among

1974-649: A new wave of strikes that lasted until the economic recession of 1914. In their first months, the workers obtained a series of victories, as was the case of a salary increase granted to shoemakers in Rio de Janeiro. On several occasions, the strikers agreed to return to work under the employers' promise to partially comply with their demands. The most important of these strikes occurred in Minas Gerais , in Juiz de Fora , where, in August, several circumstances paralyzed their activities and

2115-560: A reduction in wages, even though striking outbreaks extended until July. Other generalized strike movements were triggered in Salvador , Recife and Porto Alegre. The strike in Salvador, declared in early June 1919 by fabric and construction workers, spread within a few days, paralyzing the city. After a five-day strike, the Bahian workers won an agreement that granted them the eight-hour day without

2256-498: A reduction in wages; the contract tables were recalculated based on an additional 20%. The moderate action of the police, one of the features of the general strike in Salvador, was also noted as a characteristic of the general strike in Recife. In Porto Alegre, the strike acquired a more violent character. Initiated by the workers of the Light & Power Company on September 4, the movement soon

2397-757: A resolution in which it welcomed the Russian Revolution and the initiatives taken carried out by the Communist International. Finally, an Executive Committee of the Third Congress (CETC) was appointed in order to coordinate activities for the execution of the Resolutions taken, being assigned a mandate that would go on until the meeting of the Four Brazilian Workers' Congress, scheduled for 1921 and that did not end up. Rio de Janeiro would host

2538-548: A series of demands were presented at a rally convened by the Union of Various Crafts (SOV). Among the demands were the establishment of the 8-hour day, the equalization of wages between men and women, hygiene measures in the workplace, the decrease in rents, food prices and land transport fees and fluvial. The strike spread, including the action of the strike commission created from the SOV meetings, which were coordinated by militants linked to revolutionary syndicalism. The state government, in

2679-578: A specifically anarcho-communist federation, coordinated by a central secretariat, which would participate in trade unions and prepare for a social revolution. In 1953, the French anarchist Georges Fontenis published his Manifesto of Libertarian Communism , which attacked the prevailing synthesist orientation of the French anarchist movement, becoming the founding document for the Libertarian Communist Federation (FCL). Drawing from aspects of

2820-548: A syndicalism along the lines of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), organized in a more centralized way, forming “one big union of all workers, with a single secretariat, a single source of propaganda, a single coordination center.” Some anarchists, realizing the lack of a methodical and systematic action in the work of propaganda and organization, started to stimulate the formation of libertarian affinity groups. As news of

2961-475: A threat of mass layoffs at the Corcovado fabric factory. The Chief of Police, Aurelino de Araújo Leal  [ pt ] , informed that the speakers, at rallies, had advised depredations and attacks on the police itself, launched a circular banning workers' rallies. On May 11, more than 2,500 people, disrespecting the order of the police chief, moved towards the Corcovado fabric factory, where violent clashes with

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3102-520: A type of political entrepreneur, including Giovanni Rossi 's anarchist commune , the Cecília Colony , which lasted few years but at one point consisted of 200 individuals. The working conditions and the oligarchic political system of the First Republic, which made it difficult for workers to participate, meant that anarchism quickly gained strength among workers. Revolutionary syndicalism exerted

3243-438: A union of employees in hotels, cafes, restaurants and the like. 117 delegates represented two state federations, five municipal federations, 52 unions, societies, leagues and four journals. Congress decided that cooperative associations that did not agree with direct action methods should not be admitted to the COB federative system. Within this system, unions would organize themselves by industry or profession. For its constitution,

3384-567: The International Workers' Association . In the same month and year, and with similar points of discussion, anarchists, taking advantage of the presence of militants in the Federal District, started the South American Anarchist Congress, which sought to define common strategies for libertarians on the continent, whose deliberations did not distance themselves much of those held at workers' congresses. The prolongation of

3525-575: The Platform managed to reconcile at Makhno's funeral. Volin himself took up the publication of Makhno's memoirs, which were published in the years after his death. During the Spanish Revolution of 1936 , a number of revolutionary anarchist hard-liners formed the Friends of Durruti Group in opposition to the state's militarisation of the confederal militias . After the Revolution was suppressed ,

3666-654: The Platform , Fontenis' Manifesto called for an anarchist revolutionary vanguard to work within existing mass organizations in order to develop a mass movement , with the eventual aim of dissolving itself into the movement and achieving a social revolution. In the years that followed, the FCL united together with the North African Libertarian Movement (MLNA) to establish the Libertarian Communist International (ICL), but their suppression by

3807-583: The Republican Party of São Paulo (PRP), denounced in 1893 the entry of anarchist immigrants into the country, classifying them as dangerous individuals, heads of "a terrible destructive sect", which aimed to "implant disorder and a fratricidal struggle, incompatible with the abundance and excellence of our living resources." During the activities of the 1898 May Day, several anarchists were arrested in São Paulo. Anarchist experiments took place in Brazil during

3948-432: The coffee cycle . Industrial establishments, however, tripled in Brazil during the 1880s, and many immigrants went to the nascent industrial centers after disastrous experiences in coffee plantations. The industrial centers also received new waves of European immigrants, now coming from urban areas, having previous experiences with union organization. In this context, anarchism started to spread among Brazilian workers in

4089-421: The demonstrations against the 2014 World Cup . Historiography normally attributes the roots of Brazilian anarchism to European immigration . After the abolition of slavery in Brazil during second half of the 19th century, political elites were convinced that the arrival of European workers would bring advantages to the country's economy. Brazilian intellectuals agreed that this would have a beneficial effect on

4230-470: The "whitening" of the Brazilian population. Very stimulated by Brazilian government propaganda, waves of Europeans came to Brazil between 1870 and the beginning of World War I , mostly Italians, Portuguese and Spaniards. Most of the initial immigrants were of rural origin and without previous political or union experience. They often intended to work in agriculture, especially São Paulo coffee farms during

4371-476: The 11th the strike was over, with the restoration of services offered by the Light & Power Company. In the same year, the anarchists, still under the impact of the Russian Revolution, founded the Libertarian Communist Party, believing in the need to form a political nucleus that could lead, more clearly, anarchist actions in different sectors of society. The First Communist Conference in Brazil

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4512-794: The 12th of a meeting of industrialists from São Paulo, heard Rodolfo Crespi agree to grant his workers a wage increase, followed by other industrialists the very next day. At the time, the Proletarian Defense Committee had already prepared a list of 11 common claims. A working-class crowd, gathered at the former hippodrome in Mooca, decided that the strike movement would only end when such demands were met. Among them, they included: salary increase; eight-hour day, with increased pay for all overtime work; guarantee of "permanent work"; abolition of night work for women and children under 18; and abolition of work in factories for those under 14 years old. On

4653-404: The 14th, through a committee of journalists gathered at the headquarters of O Estado de S. Paulo , the Proletarian Defense Committee negotiated with the employers and the state government the agenda of demands. The industrialists maintained their agreement to grant increased wages; they were willing to respect the workers' right to form associations, not to dismiss any employee for taking part in

4794-450: The 1890s through propaganda groups and periodicals. Among the pioneers were: Gli Schiavi Bianchi (1892), L'Asno Umano (1894) and L'Avvenire (1894–1895), published in São Paulo by groups composed mostly of Italian immigrants; O Despertar (1898) and O Protesto (1898–1900), published in Rio de Janeiro by groups that brought together Brazilians, Spaniards and Portuguese. In the last decade of

4935-577: The 1890s, such as the Cecília Colony , undertaken by the Italian Giovanni Rossi . The experimental rural community, formed in 1890 in Palmeira, Paraná , sought to put libertarian (anarchist) principles into practice, such as collectivized work, a communal income fund, and sanctioned free love . The experiment ended in 1894, buffeted by sectors of the local elite and internal problems, such as material poverty and some settlers' difficulty adapting to

5076-478: The 19th century, anarchist action was guided by mainly informal propaganda groups, who published periodicals, educated workers, and participated in various working class associations. As early as 1892, anarchists organized the first May Day activities in Brazil and were soon the target of repression. In Rio de Janeiro, the police reported meetings of foreigners who sought to spread libertarian ideas among workers. The newspaper Correio Paulistano , official body of

5217-851: The 19th century, there were several mutualist associations in Brazil that provided assistance to members in the event of illness, disability, unemployment, or death. During the early years of the labor movement, anarchist militants turned these associations into unionist bases with broader labor objectives such as the eight-hour day and a labor press. From 1900, multiple anarchist publications appeared in Brazil: O Libertário and A Terra Livre in Rio de Janeiro; O Amigo do Povo , A Lanterna and La Battaglia in São Paulo; A Luta in Porto Alegre ; O Despertar in Curitiba ; and O Regenerador in Ceará . Conditions in

5358-551: The 3rd Brazilian Workers 'Congress began a period of general dismantling of the workers' organization. The Brazilian economy retreated and two especially repressive laws were enacted by Epitácio Pessoa : Decree No. 4,247 of January 6, 1921, by Arnolfo Rodrigues de Azevedo  [ pt ] , which regulated the expulsions of foreigners who were in the country for less than five years, stipulating that they could be expelled from national territory if they were considered harmful to public order; and Decree No. 4,269, by Adolfo Gordo, with

5499-471: The CETC to enter into agreements with the associations of maritime and railway workers in order to obtain a formal commitment from them that they would refuse to transport the deported workers, and was instructed to promote a South American Workers' Congress and to maintain contact with international federations that agreed with the union orientation followed by the 3rd Brazilian Workers' Congress. The year following

5640-507: The COB since its founding. The COB also sent delegates to states where the workers' organization was at a critically low level. José Elias da Silva  [ pt ] was sent to Pernambuco, where he managed to transform most of the cooperative associations into unions fighting for a salary increase and the eight-hour workday, in addition to founding the Pernambuco Workers Resistance Federation, in 1914. However,

5781-513: The Catete Palace, where they would depose the President and proclaim a Soviet republic. On November 18, the strike was triggered and about 400 workers went to Campo de São Cristovão, but the movement did not have the support of the military, resulting in a violent confrontation between the army and the workers. The main leaders of the movement were arrested while meeting at the home of José Oiticica,

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5922-740: The Congress and the one that immediately followed it, coupled with the process of mobilization of various categories of workers with the increase in economic activity, gave a strong stimulus to the expansion of resistance associations, including where they were not yet taking place. Still in 1908, Bahian anarchists founded the Bahia Workers' Federation and the Alagoas Workers' Union joined the COB. In early November 1913, strikes by weaving workers broke out in Alagoas, Cachoeira and Rio Largo , which lasted until

6063-789: The Federation of Anarchist Communists (FdCA) in Italy, while the ORA itself would eventually be succeeded by the Libertarian Communist Union (UCL). Especifismo (English: Specifism ) was first developed in 1972 by the Uruguayan Anarchist Federation (FAU), with the publication of its text Huerta Grande , which proposed the creation of a unified political policy directly applicable to the material conditions in Uruguay. The collapse of

6204-604: The Federation of Vehicle Drivers, who declared a general strike on March 23. On March 24, metallurgists, members of the Cosmopolitan Center, tailors, bakers, stokers, shoemakers, taxi drivers, weavers and a large number of construction workers also went on strike. During the stoppage, the headquarters of the FTRJ and other unions were invaded by the police and a series of workers' leaders were arrested, including Mâncio Teixeira, Fábio Luz, José Oiticica and Octávio Brandão . Without

6345-475: The Federation of Workers and Leopoldina's employee unions. The Mogiana strike, which started on March 20 of the same year, was marked by open conflicts between workers and police. Shootings, sometimes fatal, took place at several railway stations serviced by the company. At the White House station, on March 31, police soldiers charged with a silent bayonet against more than 200 strikers, who entrenched themselves at

6486-465: The First World War. The anarchists of São Paulo, in a meeting with Pedro Augusto Motta, recognized that the military uprising had not been carried out by the people. However, they established a link between their character and popular desires. Examining the fact that they did not have sufficient strength, among the working and popular classes, to make their own revolution, they decided to participate in

6627-674: The French state forced the organization's dissolution in 1957. Platformism was revived in France during the events of May 68 , when the Revolutionary Anarchist Organization (ORA) was founded, although it would remain the minority tendency within the anarchist movement. The formation of the ORA accelerated the establishment of other anarchist federations throughout Europe, such as the Anarchist Federation (AF) in Britain and

6768-653: The General Union of Employees in Hotels and Restaurants called a meeting against the arrest of Pedro Maurini, an anarchist born abroad, the police raided the headquarters of the entity; shortly afterwards, the police also closed the headquarters of the Union of Workers in Civil Construction, where they arrested Florentino de Carvalho  [ pt ] . With the inauguration of the President Artur Bernardes ,

6909-458: The May 1 of that year. In Rio de Janeiro, a speaker took the floor to deliver an impassioned speech, saying that hunger was knocking on the doors of the working class and that it was necessary that "the people act with energy, going to the warehouses where the goods that are missing in the workman's home are stacked and accumulated." In the same month, several strikes broke out in the textile industry after

7050-518: The Press Law was passed, which prescribed punishments for offenses made in newspapers to the President of the Republic, to "public morals or good manners", as well as to "some sovereign, foreign head of state or their diplomatic representatives". The Fourth Auxiliary Police Station was also created, with the specific objective of social and political control of militants opposed to the regime. In July 1924,

7191-512: The Russian Revolution reached Brazil, the latent differences between anarchism and Bolshevism became clearer to workers' militants. In March 1922, Astrojildo Pereira and other former anarchist militants founded the Communist Party of Brazil (PCB). The founding of the PCB generated a division in the workers' movement, although initially the Communists only exercised influence in Rio de Janeiro. Following

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7332-618: The Russian soviets and the revolutions underway in Hungary and Germany . In the Federal Capital, the demonstration had about 60 thousand people who, in addition to saluting the aforementioned revolutions, organized stoppages to pressure the bosses for the 8-hour day. In São Paulo, shortly after the celebrations, a general strike broke out, which started at the Matarazzo factory, where a worker accused

7473-538: The War. The anarchists of the Feminine Center for Young Idealists, led by Emma Mennocchi, launched a Committee of Agitation Against Compulsory Military Service, composed of Maria Antonia Soares, Sofia Loise, Encarnación Mejias and Esperança Maestre, and published a manifesto to the mothers of Brazil, in which "after exposing the evils that will result from this law, I appeal for maternal feelings to come with you to prevent such

7614-631: The absence of social policies. The First Republic 's electoral system, with open voting and control of elections by the ruling parties, hindered workers' ability to participate in political life. This exclusionary, oligarchic political model and lack of institutional channels for social demands strengthened Brazilian anarchism during the First Republic. Workers included a considerable proportion of ex-slaves and proletarianized immigrants with very low civil, political, and social rights—circumstances that encouraged worker direct action . Revolutionary syndicalism, spread by anarchist militants, greatly influenced

7755-422: The achievement of the eight-hour day in most factories. Also in Rio de Janeiro there were several strikes in the first half of 1919, initiated by seafarers, demanding a salary increase and an eight-hour day. On May 18, the number of workers absent from their jobs was estimated at 10,000. But the majority remained on strike for a short time, because employers, in general, were ready to grant the eight-hour day without

7896-525: The anarchists sent a "Motion of the Militant Workers" to the Committee of the Revolutionary Forces, with 28 signatures, published in A Plebe of July 25, 1924. The motion proposed the fixing of a minimum wage and a maximum price table, the right to found schools, the right to association for all working classes, the freedom of the working press, the generalization of the eight-hour working day and

8037-535: The anarcho-communists, Peter Arshinov was the most vocal advocate of reorganization. On 20 June 1926, the Organizational Platform of the General Union of Anarchists (Draft) was published in Delo Truda , with an introduction penned by Arshinov. Considering the goal of anarchism to be a social revolution that would create a stateless and classless society , the Platform proposed the establishment of

8178-464: The capital of São Paulo, asked for a salary increase. The demand was rejected and the cotton workers went on strike. Cotton workers were joined by other workers from the Mooca neighborhoods, Brás and Cambuci . In July, a gap opened up in the impasse, when the workers of the fabric factory of the firm Nami Jafet, in the Cambuci neighborhood, agreed to return to their jobs, after receiving a salary raise for

8319-491: The city of Rio de Janeiro. José Oiticica started promoting meetings at his home with the participation of important figures of the libertarian movement in Rio de Janeiro and militants from other states such as Manuel Campos, Agripino Nazaré  [ pt ] , José Elias da Silva  [ pt ] , João da Costa Pimenta  [ pt ] , Álvaro Palmeira  [ pt ] and Astrogildo Pereira  [ pt ] . At these meetings, Oiticica stated that it

8460-450: The closure of associations, the workers were prone to reconstitute and expand their organizations in more favorable circumstances. Union organizations often formed part of local or state federations. In revolutionary syndicalist tendencies, a federalist structure prevailed with non-hierarchical structures and no paid employees. In the First Republic, the male labor force was instrumental in manufacturing and industrial work and female labor

8601-467: The company in favor of the strikers' demands. The election of marshal Hermes da Fonseca as president of Brazil in 1910 brought some novelties to the traditional political framework and to the relations between the State and the labor movement. Fonseca was the first presidential candidate to mention the existence of a workers' problem to be solved on his platform. During his government, he sought dialogue with

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8742-504: The conference, called for the suppression of the state, all religious authority and all laws; general resolutions would be taken in public assemblies, and minorities would enjoy full freedom for the formation of new communities. The social precepts of the document determined the elimination of private property and the administration of factories, railways and other public services by the workers and their respective associations, without anyone assuming management functions. In August 1919, under

8883-413: The confirmation of Martínez's death on July 10, approximately 10,000 people attended his funeral the following day, heading for the city center. Once there, the police blocked access to the government palace square and the central police headquarters. The crowd, forced to pass through other avenues, stopped at Rua 15 de Novembro to call for the freedom of the imprisoned workers. Back at the cemetery, part of

9024-503: The creation of organizations influenced by the especifismo of the Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (FAU), in a process that resulted in the foundation of the Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (CAB) in 2012. Anarchists have since maintained a relevant, albeit minority, participation in various types of collective actions, such as union organizations, community and neighborhood associations, student mobilizations, homeless and landless movements and in waves of protests, like those of 2013 and

9165-494: The crowd went to Praça da Sé , staying there to listen to a series of speeches on the situation of the working class. It was soon decided to send a delegation to meet Tirso Martins, Chief of Police of São Paulo, to demand the reopening of the Liga Operária da Mooca and the release of the imprisoned workers; another part of the crowd, less peaceful, walked the streets of the neighborhoods of Brás, Mooca and Cambuci and, through persuasion or violence, managed to join more workers, closing

9306-436: The desired proportions". Police repression, deportations and the systematic work of reformist and cooperative groups had been producing unfavorable results for revolutionary organizations directly linked to syndicalism. It was in this troubled situation that, between April 23 and 30, 1920, the 3rd Brazilian Workers' Congress took place. The meetings took place at the headquarters of the Union of Workers in Fabric Factories, with

9447-408: The direction of José Oitica and Astrogildo Pereira, the Libertarian Communist Party started to publish the weekly newspaper Spártacus  [ pt ] . Still in 1919, the anarchists organized in the Libertarian Communist Party prepared an insurrection that would have the participation of militants from São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Minas Gerais, Paraná, Rio Grande do Sul and Pernambuco. However,

9588-414: The early 1900s were favorable for the emergence of workers' movements, including the 1903 economic boom and the proliferation of workers' organizations that grew from late 1890s militant action. A 1903 textile industry strike in the Federal District assembled workers across industries laid the groundwork for further direct action among Rio de Janeiro unions. A series of worker federations were founded in

9729-412: The entire population, such as the decrease in the price of food, tram passes and the installation of free markets in working-class neighborhoods. Porto Alegre workers promoted a massive mobilization that paralyzed the city from July 31 to August 4, 1917, when Borges de Medeiros received a League commission at the Government Palace, committing himself to take measures to control the food prices and increase

9870-465: The establishments that were still active, including the Nami Jafet factory, which had given in days before to the demands of its workers. It is estimated that by July 12 the number of strikers in the city of São Paulo had increased from 15 to 20 thousand workers, with the addition of chauffeurs and staff from Companhia Light & Power, Cia. Do Gás and most small factories and workshops in the city. The assaults on Light & Power trams led it to suspend

10011-573: The event of defeat in the union elections, remained active. New elements started to influence the Brazilian political situation. On July 5, 1922, there was the 18 of the Copacabana Fort revolt , beginning the tenentist movement, led by the soldiers of the middle layers of the military hierarchy dissatisfied with the regime. Military conspirators came to seek the support of José Oiticica in organizations under anarchist influence and initiated contacts with Evaristo de Morais  [ pt ] and Sarandy Raposo, whose CSBC supposedly exercised control of

10152-436: The example of what happened in the capital of São Paulo, a Popular Defense League was formed, composed of anarchists experienced in the union struggle, such as Cecílio Villar and Zenon de Almeida  [ pt ] , and by some emerging leaders, such as Abílio de Nequete . The League launched a manifesto to the people and workers, with a list of specific demands, such as the increase in workers' wages, and general demands for

10293-641: The execution of anarchist educator Francisco Ferrer by the Spanish government. The last major strike of the period took place in January 1909, involving the Great Western railroad workers in Pernambuco , Paraíba , Rio Grande do Norte and Alagoas , demanding wage improvements. The movement ended after twelve days, with the promise of the governor of Pernambuco, Herculano Bandeira  [ pt ] , to intervene with

10434-549: The explosion of a bomb in the neighborhood of Brás on October 19, which led to the death of four militant workers, one of them being the Spanish José Prol, allowed the police to discover the insurrectional plans. Even though anarchists denied the accusations, saying that the bombs and propaganda materials found had been planted by the police themselves, the repression intensified and the Libertarian Communist Party dismantled. The upsurge in repression became particularly evident in

10575-447: The express purpose of repressing anarchism, establishing prison sentences for crimes committed with a view to subversion of the social order and punishments for those who contributed to the practice of such crimes through meetings or propaganda instruments, in addition to giving the authorities the right to indefinitely close unions and civil entities that committed acts deemed harmful to public security. The workers' press also demonstrated

10716-488: The federative method of organization. The Civil Construction Workers League of São Paulo, represented by Deoclécio Fagundes and Teófilo Ferreira, proposed that the congress join the Communist International . But Edgard Leuenroth objected, as it was not "a genuinely union organization", being supported by Astrojildo Pereira and José Elias. Instead of joining the Communist International, the 3rd Workers' Congress passed

10857-411: The few exceptions of unions organized and run exclusively by women, and were driven by anarchists such as Elvira Boni , Elisa Gonçalves de Oliveira, Aída Morais, Isabel Peleteiro, and Noêmia Lopes. Strikes organized with the strong female presence usually involved, in addition to demands for better wages and reduced working hours, complaints of sexual abuse and mistreatment by masters and foremen. From

10998-425: The following year, the wholesale prices of various products went up, such as beans and manioc flour; and wheat became scarce and expensive. Wages, however, remained at the same levels as in the years before the war. Food prices continued to rise during the first six months of 1917. Basic items tended to be 20% to 150% more expensive than the previous year. The favorable environment for the satisfaction of demands due to

11139-399: The formation of a police state . Arshinov responded by claiming his Platform actually abided by anarchist principles, as it consciously avoided coercion and preserved decentralization . The debate also took a more personal turn as Makhno and Arshinov attacked Volin, which attracted denunciations from other critics of the Platform , including Alexander Berkman , who denounced Makhno as

11280-491: The group published Towards a Fresh Revolution , which called for a revolutionary council to reform the militias and bring the economy back under the control of the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), which would effectively have dissolved the government of Spain . In the wake of the 1944 Bulgarian coup d'état , the Federation of Anarchist Communists of Bulgaria (FAKB) issued its own Platform , which argued for

11421-429: The intended article. Retrieved from " https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Libertarian_Communist_Party&oldid=1187883750 " Categories : Disambiguation pages Political party disambiguation pages Hidden categories: Short description is different from Wikidata All article disambiguation pages All disambiguation pages Libertarian Communist Party (Brazil) Anarchism

11562-513: The knowledge of the federations, but with the assent of part of the Leopoldina workers' leaders, reformist leaders negotiated with the government to end the strike, in exchange for promises to release prisoners, readmission of dismissed strikers and suspension of any other form of punishment. The anarchists accused the cooperative leaders of treason for having signed an agreement that ignored the conditions of Leopoldina workers, without having consulted

11703-464: The labor movement in the interior of the state and in the rest of the country. In the Federal District, the July 1917 strike movement, triggered after the end of the São Paulo strike, brought together carpenters, shoemakers, metalworkers, bakers, construction workers, textiles, tailors and hatters. Due to resistance from reformist union members who collaborated with the government, it was not possible to trigger

11844-429: The labor movement. Worker organization was a hallmark of Brazil during the First Republic, to which anarchists contributed. The volume of associations were particularly visible at times when the labor movement was on the rise, when favorable economic conditions conferred greater bargaining power on the workers and strike movements were more likely to succeed. Despite economic recessions and repression, which could lead to

11985-533: The libertarian lifestyle. The Cecília Colony did not leave deep marks in the history of the Brazilian anarchist movement, but later some of its ex-colonists joined the military in São Paulo, Paraná, and Rio Grande do Sul. Organized workers initially believed the Proclamation of the Republic would inaugurate a new era of political and social rights, but the republican regime ultimately disappointed them. Most workers were subjected to long working hours—up to 16 hours

12126-444: The main leader of the uprising in the capital. Some remained imprisoned, such as Astrogildo Pereira, others were exiled to distant regions of the interior of Brazil, such as José Oiticica. In 1919, there was a resumption of the strike movement, this time, facing a patronage organized in class entities and better articulated with the repression. On May 1 of that year, there were demonstrations in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo in favor of

12267-472: The master general of harassing him for having spoken on the 1st of May. After a rough bout, the worker was fired. Many of his colleagues quit their jobs and took to the streets urging employees at other factories to follow their example. At the end of the day, around 10,000 workers were on strike, and demands were made. Once again the eight-hour day became one of the main demands, accompanied by others such as weekly rest, equal pay for men and women, recognition of

12408-407: The meeting, Arshinov introduced the document as a way forward for the international anarchist movement to "marshal its forces". Although supported by Nestor Makhno , Arshinov's Platform was opposed by most prominent anarchists at the time. French anarchists in attendance, led by Sebastien Faure , criticised it as Russocentric, considering it unapplicable to the material conditions in France. In

12549-618: The middle of the following month. In June 1914, in Pará , there were strikes by carters and construction workers, resulting in the deportation without trial of several Portuguese syndicalist, including the Galician anarchist Antônio Dominguez  [ pt ] . In the same year, in Manaus , there were successive port strikes, and the anarchists organized the Amazonas Workers' Federation, affiliated to

12690-464: The mobilizations of the previous year reached. In this sense, the anarchists of Rio de Janeiro formed, that same year, the Anarchist Alliance, "an organ of unity, understanding, alliance of all anarchists of Rio de Janeiro, formed in groups or not". This organization was responsible for a series of articulations to promote an insurrection with the support of the army and categories of workers in

12831-479: The movement assumed the dimension of a general strike. In addition to the strikes to reduce working hours, between 1912 and 1913 there were several demonstrations against expulsions of foreigners and campaigns against the loss of life. The new rise of the workers' movement brought reactions from the authorities, with intensified repression and an attempt to expand and tighten the terms of the Adolfo Gordo Law. On

12972-400: The movement, in an attempt to influence it; they soon offered to take up arms, proposing the formation of battalions of autonomous civilians, without military discipline and interference. Isidoro, heeding the warnings of José Carlos de Macedo Soares  [ pt ] regarding the infiltration of radical elements, absolutely rejected the proposal of the anarchists. The proposal rejected,

13113-523: The night shift. However, on the 9th, the severe repression of a demonstration by the São Paulo Public Force resulted in the death of the anarchist shoemaker Francisco José Martinez  [ pt ] , the arrest of several militants and the closure of the Liga Operária da Mooca, and served as a catalyst for the generalization of the movement. On the same day, the Proletarian Defense Committee

13254-569: The nucleus of this revolution, where the organization's entire membership would carry out the decision-making process. In 1921, the Makhnovists published another Declaration that proclaimed a dictatorship of the proletariat in the form of an anarchist-led trade union system, for which Nestor Makhno himself was accused of Bonapartism . Meanwhile, the Nabat Confederation of Anarchist Organizations , which had originally been established as

13395-657: The other hand, Hermes da Fonseca's collaboration with the reformists made it possible, in November 1912, for the so-called Fourth Brazilian Workers' Congress, at the seat of the Federal Senate and with the support of federal deputy Mário Hermes. Such a congress, excluding revolutionary tendencies, was aimed at the creation of a Workers' Party and a new central, the Brazilian Labor Confederation (CBT). The resolutions of this congress, however, did not go much beyond

13536-517: The pay of workers at the service of the state, in what they expected to be followed by businessmen. In Pelotas, the strike occurred between the 9th and 17 August, and a Popular Defense Commission was formed. The occurrence of conflicts during the strike caused the state government to send the Chief of Police to mediate the conflict, and the stoppage ended with a positive balance for the workers. Another important stoppage occurred in Recife, on August 14, when

13677-616: The person of the President Manoel Borba  [ pt ] , severely criticized the movement, causing an increase in police persecution. At this juncture and with the arrest of several leaders, the Chief of Police started negotiations with the Confederação Operária de Pernambuco (COP), a supporter of a reformist unionism and allied with the government. As a mediator of the conflict, the Academic Congress, representing

13818-449: The police in August 1917, the General Union of Workers of Rio de Janeiro (UGT) was created. This Union, a clear attempt to regroup the resistance unions, saw the immediate adhesion of 13 class entities. Even in August, despite the repression, a strike at Companhia Cantareira e Viação Fluminense, which operated on the crossing of Baía da Guanabara between Rio de Janeiro and Niterói , took on the shape of an insurrection. The radicalization of

13959-446: The police took place. The FORJ appointed João Gonçalves da Silva to head a delegation of three people to have an audience with the then President of the Republic, Venceslau Brás . Upon arriving at Palácio do Catete , they were informed that the President, although he was always ready to receive "from the most humble to the most powerful", could not receive a delegation that was part of "an agitator dominated by anarchist influences". After

14100-409: The presence of 116 delegates from 64 entities from various parts of the country. At this congress, as a symptom of the adaptation to the new post-war Brazilian industry framework, a resolution was approved that prioritized the creation of unions by industry, to the detriment of organization by trades. Many of the decisions of previous Congresses, of 1906 and 1913, were reiterated, such as the adoption of

14241-493: The presidential refusal, João Gonçalves and FORJ, who remained in permanent session during the events, declared that the workers did not consider themselves humble. The main labor unrest of 1917 occurred in the city of São Paulo. On June 10, the weavers of the Cotonificio Rodolfo Crespi  [ pt ] , owned by Commander Rodolfo Crespi  [ pt ] , located in the industrial district of Mooca , in

14382-416: The principles of 1906, based on direct action against capitalism, freedom of association, federalism and the religious and political neutrality of the unions. A complementary motion by the anarchist José Borobio tried to contemplate the complaints of his fellow Santos, trying to make it clear that, within the unions, a "wide exposition and discussion of all political and philosophical ideas" among its affiliates

14523-525: The publication of a booklet, having little or no practical results in terms of national articulation, of building a new central or workers' party. On the contrary, the disclosure of their preparations motivated anarchists to foster a re-articulation with the union movement and the definition of new directions to combat cooperatives. The FORJ, practically inactive since 1910, was invigorated by a meeting of several union leaders in May 1912 and, in early October, brought together worker leaders from Rio de Janeiro with

14664-454: The purpose of reactivating the COB, preparing a Reorganizing Commission. The Commission declared, in January 1913, the reconstitution of the COB, whose direction included Rosendo dos Santos as general secretary, and João Leuenroth as treasurer. The newspaper A Voz do Trabalhador was also reactivated. It was up to COB to organize the campaign against the expulsion law, which, in addition to promoting rallies in several Brazilian cities, triggered

14805-594: The railroad workers and miners of the three southern states from the country. The collusion was denounced by spies of the Chief of Police, Carneiro da Fontoura. As a result, several Army and Navy officers were arrested. In search of evidence against the suspected military, the police raided the home of oppositionist Evaristo Dias, arresting him and confiscating his books and papers, which were not returned to him. Other prisoners in Rio de Janeiro were Luís Peres, Octávio Brandão, José Gonçalves, Antônio de Oliveira, Pedro Maurini, Vicente Llorca, Silvano Borges and Joaquim Silva. When

14946-520: The recommendations of the Third International, the Communists insisted on a united front policy, establishing an alliance with the CSCB cooperatives, established in 1923 and lasting until 1925, in order to combat the influence of anarchism in the unions. It also oversaw the creation of organized communist factions, which formed oppositions in the unions under the control of anarchists, and which, even in

15087-592: The reformist trade unionists, incorporating the reformist leader Sarandy Raposo, founder of the Brazilian Cooperative Trade Union Confederation (CSCB), at the Ministry of Agriculture 's Unions and Cooperatives Propaganda Office, in addition to initiating a program for the construction of proletarian villages, interrupted in 1914. However, Hermes da Fonseca also supported a hardening of the Adolfo Gordo Law. In August 1912, some unions started

15228-513: The repeal of the expulsion law on political and social issues. Especifismo First developed by Peter Arshinov in response to the perceived disorganization of the Russian anarchist movement , platformism proposes that a "general union of anarchists" be established to agitate, educate and organize the working classes . It advocates working within existing mass organizations , such as trade unions , in order to transform them into vehicles for

15369-456: The repression promoted by the government of Artur Bernardes . Revolutionary syndicalism went into crisis during Getúlio Vargas ' government, when the unions started to come under the control of the State, resulting in the decline of anarchism, now without spaces for social insertion. Between 1946 and 1964, anarchists concentrated their efforts on building an anarchist political organization and on cultural actions, while maintaining initiatives in

15510-469: The request, but the strikers still got back to work. In 1918 there was a certain cooling of the strike movements, but localized strikes continued and, above all, the effort to expand and consolidate the workers' organizations started in the previous year. Repression and the impact of the Russian Revolution brought to militants new questions about the actions to be taken to advance the intensity that

15651-554: The resumption of industrial activity led the labor movement to an accelerated process of reorganization in disarticulated resistance societies during the crisis, resulting in a strike wave starting in 1917. In January 1917, the FORJ promoted a Central Committee of Agitation and Propaganda Against the Excess and the Tax Increase. The increase in the cost of living was the theme of the speeches of

15792-517: The resumption of industrial activity was short-lived, and the cycle of economic crisis was resumed with the decrease in production and the consequent increase in unemployment, worsening with the outbreak of World War I in August 1914. With the outbreak of war, anarchists became involved in the anti-militarist struggle. In March 1915, FORJ created a Popular Commission for Agitation Against War. In São Paulo, labor leaders and directors of proletarian newspapers organized an International Commission Against

15933-499: The retired general Isidoro Dias Lopes led a revolt in São Paulo , in a movement that had the support of the state public force, commanded by Major Miguel Costa  [ pt ] . On July 8, the rebels forced the governor Carlos de Campos and the loyalist troops to flee the capital. Isidoro supplied weapons and incorporated a large number of foreign workers into his forces, especially those most experienced in European theater during

16074-670: The ruling right-wing dictatorships towards the end of the Cold War resulted in the emergence of many other especifista groups throughout Latin America, in a process spearheaded by the FAU. In 2003, the Anarkismo.net website was established by an international network of anarcho-communist organizations, including both Latin American especifistas and European platformists, which publishes news and analysis in

16215-402: The service sector. Anarchist proposals codified their revolutionary syndicalism into the labor movement, as unions participating in the congress signed common resolutions on union neutrality, federalism, decentralization, direct action, and the general strike . This revolutionary syndicalism program let various political and religious positions coexist, unified in the economic struggle common to

16356-814: The state by political parties. The Platform's most direct predecessor was the Draft Declaration of the Revolutionary Insurgent Army of Ukraine , adopted in 1919 by the Military Revolutionary Council of the Makhnovshchina . The Draft Declaration called for a " Third Revolution " against the Bolshevik government, in order to establish a regime of free soviets . It centred the Revolutionary Insurgent Army of Ukraine as

16497-466: The station and refused to evacuate it; in the shooting that took place, four strikers died and several were injured. The strike ended on April 5 with the arrest and deportation of workers involved in the conflicts. At the same time, a general strike initiated by FOSP in conjunction with the strike in Mogiana also ended in failure, ending on April 6 and with its leaders acknowledging "the unrest has not reached

16638-418: The strike caused a confrontation between the strikers, supported by popular people, and the police. The fact ended up sensitizing sectors of the army in favor of the strikers, and the 58th Battalion of Hunters became involved in the struggle with the workers. On August 9, Cantareira rail workers proposed to end the strike, provided seafarers from the same company were granted a wage increase. The company declined

16779-464: The strike, and to "improve the moral, material and economic conditions of the São Paulo workforce". The delegates of the Proletarian Defense Committee decided to accept the concessions of the industrialists, provided that the government "backed" them with certain measures considered indispensable, such as the release of the workers arrested during the strike and the recognition of the right of assembly. The general strike in São Paulo had repercussions on

16920-515: The students of the Faculty of Law of Recife, entered the scene. The result of these negotiations was the end of the strike, with no gains for the workers, on September 15. In the same period, strikes also occurred in Paraná, Bahia and Pará. In Paraná, the anarchists of Curitiba used explosives during the strikes, even preventing the supply of the city, knocking down telephone poles and controlling access to

17061-655: The subsequent years. With the rise of the labor movement, the First Brazilian Workers' Congress was held in April 1906 in Rio de Janeiro's Centro Galego. At first, only socialists could participate, with "revolutionary elements ... prohibited". The anarchists, however, were present among the 43 delegates, including Edgard Leuenroth , Joaquim Mota Assunção, Luiz Magrassi, and Alfredo Vasques. They represented 28 associations—mainly industrial branches but also other industry: railroads, warehouses, coffee shops, stevedores , and

17202-447: The trade unions. With the 1964 coup d'état , anarchist activity became even more limited due to repression. Despite this, there was a certain anarchist performance in the student movement of the period. In 1977, during the process of redemocratization , libertarians resumed their periodic press, starting a process of rearticulating anarchism in Brazil. Beginning in the 1990s, the process of reorganizing anarchism in Brazil culminated in

17343-532: The traffic of its vehicles, at the same time that the great number of depredations forced the closing of the trade. On July 13, Tirso Martins distributed two newsletters, the first prohibiting meetings in the squares and on the streets; the second advising the people not to leave their homes at night, making it known that "the police are acting with all their energy against the rioters and the anarchists who have been attacking public order for days". The Secretary of Justice Elói Chaves  [ pt ] , presiding on

17484-568: The treatment given to the strikes of the Leopoldina Railway in Rio de Janeiro and the Companhia de Estradas de Mogiana in São Paulo. The strike by Leopoldina, which started on March 15, 1920, after the refusal of company leaders to negotiate the workers' claims, counted on the solidarity of workers organized in the Federation of Workers of Rio de Janeiro (FTRJ - successor to the UGT and heir to FORJ) and

17625-627: The union could have a number of no less than 25 members. Where there was not a sufficient number of members by industry or profession, it was recommended to form various trade unions, covering manual and intellectual workers. The Santos Local Workers Federation (FOLS) that was leading the adoption of anarchist propaganda within the unions associated with the COB took up a good part of the congress, being contested by several militants. Joaquim Santos Barboza, from FORJ, pointed out that anarchism should be accepted and never imposed, otherwise it would not be anarchism. Most of those present then decided to endorse

17766-464: The urban center. Although the movement was partially successful, many workers involved in the strike were arrested or deported. The second half of 1917 was marked by a repressive wave, especially in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, where several workers' associations were closed. Brazil's entry into the war in October further restricted the scope for action by the workers' movement. With the FORJ ban, closed by

17907-468: The war in Europe helped to bring about, in 1916, a recovery of industrial production. As imported products stopped reaching Brazilian ports, national industries returned to employing workers to meet growing demand. However, there was a considerable increase in the cost of living, given that several products were exported to countries in conflict. In 1915, the prices of rice, sugar and corn increased significantly;

18048-905: The workers they represented. The Congress also created the Brazilian Workers' Confederation ( Portuguese : Confederação Operária Brasileira , COB), founded in 1908, and its official press organ, A Voz do Trabalhador . For the 1906 May Day, workers attended public rallies for the eight-hour work day and speakers paid tribute to the thousands of Russian revolutionaries victimized by the tsarist government. Anarchist speakers included Oreste Ristori  [ pt ] in Santos, Everardo Dias in Campinas , and Leuenroth in Jundiaí . Workers continued to strike and win working hours reductions across Brazil. Strikes led to federal decrees for unions to legally represent

18189-463: The workers' right to organize and express themselves and lower prices for staple goods. As the days went by, most of the industry workers joined the movement, with an estimated 20,000 walled workers on May 4. In its May 10 issue, the newspaper A Plebe pointed out the strike was a spontaneous movement that should not be attributed to the speeches of May 1. Even with strong repression, the movement continued until favorable agreements were reached, with

18330-559: The working class, acquire property, and establish assistance funds for their members. The 1907 Adolfo Gordo Law authorized state expulsion of foreigners who posed a risk to "national security or public tranquility", including anarchist militants, and was widely used in its first year. In March 1908, in Rio de Janeiro, two years after the First Brazilian Workers' Congress was held, the Brazilian Workers' Confederation (COB)

18471-437: The years that followed, Faure's Anarchist Synthesis , which rejected platformism in favor of a more loose-knit organization, contributed to dividing the anarchist movement into "synthesists" and "platformists". The Platform's harshest critics included Volin , Senya Fleshin and Mollie Steimer , who denounced the Platform as an attempt to create an anarchist political party , which they feared would inevitably result in

18612-444: Was a decline in strike activity, in the context of increasing repression and the deterioration of the economy with the end of the growth cycle. As a result, the first phase of the COB only lasted until December 1909, when the twenty-first issue of A Voz do Trabalhador came out, which then closed its doors. However, the COB promoted, during this period, a series of rallies against a possible war between Brazil and Argentina and against

18753-506: Was a spy, and he reported all the details of the conspiracy to the authorities. The goal was to bring a large contingent of workers to the Campo de São Cristovão  [ pt ] and to wait for the arrival of the soldiers who would show solidarity with the workers; when this happened, the workers could take over the War Arsenal, dynamite the energy towers of the Federal Capital and proceed to

18894-582: Was an influential contributor to the social politics of the First Brazilian Republic . During the epoch of mass migrations of European labourers at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century, anarchist ideas started to spread, particularly amongst the country’s labour movement . Along with the labour migrants, many Italian , Spanish, Portuguese and German political exiles arrived, many holding anarchist or anarcho-syndicalist ideas. Some did not come as exiles but rather as

19035-425: Was created, with the objective of guiding the strike, formed by the militants Gigi Damiani  [ pt ] , of the libertarian periodical Guerra Sociale , Teodoro Monicelli, of the socialist paper Avanti! , and Edgard Leuenroth, secretary of the Committee and who had started on June 8 the publication of the weekly A Plebe , which would become one of the most important Brazilian anarchist periodicals. With

19176-479: Was founded, which proposed to represent around 50 workers' associations. In accordance with its constitution, the COB began to publish the periodical A Voz do Trabalhador in Rio de Janeiro, whose first issue appeared at the beginning of the year. From the beginning, the COB campaigned against the Sortition Law , approved in January of that year, which instituted compulsory military service. From 1908 onwards, there

19317-409: Was held in Rio de Janeiro, from June 21 to 23, at the Cosmopolitan Center. Hundreds of people followed the development of the work conducted by 22 delegates, representing groups from the Federal District and the states of Alagoas , Minas Gerais , Paraíba , Pernambuco, Rio Grande do Sul and São Paulo. Of these 22 delegates, three were women. The program of the Libertarian Communist Party, defined during

19458-650: Was joined by bakers, carters and workers from the telephone company. On the 6th, a bomb was thrown at the Company, which operated through an engineer and three navy stokers. The police banned a rally planned by the strikers for the next day, in Montevideo Square  [ pt ] . However, the FORGS lawyer consulted the Federal Constitution and deemed the rally legal. When the number of those present rose to about 500,

19599-554: Was necessary to establish a popular government, as had been done in Russia. The insurrectional plans were thwarted when Ricardo Correia Perpétuo, a member of the board in charge of distributing seditious newsletters among the soldiers stationed in Vila Militar, invited Army lieutenant Jorge Elias Ajus to participate in the movement, since he was in favor of the implantation of an "entirely popular" form of government in Brazil. However, Ajus

19740-469: Was possible and desirable. This controversy had been preceded by a debate held in the pages of A Voz do Trabalhador between Neno Vasco and João Crispim shortly before the realization of the congress. While the first advocated union neutrality as a means of bringing together the greatest possible number of workers, the second argued that, for the union to assume a truly combative character, it should declare itself openly anarchist. The period that preceded

19881-455: Was significant in the textile and clothing sectors, reaching a majority in some places. The weight of women's work was always underrepresented in workers' organizations. In this sense, Brazilian anarchists took some initiatives to create "female nuclei", such as the Group for Female Emancipation in Rio de Janeiro. The seamstress unions, which emerged in 1919 in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, were among

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