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28-636: Human settlement of the area is at least 10,000 years. Korkut has a tell from which the town derived its old name. This tell is estimated to be dated to the Old Bronze Age (around 3000 BC) but has not been examined archaeologically. In the 9th century BC, the area was part of the Urartu state. Apart from the Kepenek Castle inscription, another inscription proving the existence of the Urartian Kingdom in

56-472: A stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . Tell (archaeology) In archaeology , a tell (from Arabic : تَلّ , tall , 'mound' or 'small hill') is an artificial topographical feature, a mound consisting of the accumulated and stratified debris of a succession of consecutive settlements at the same site, the refuse of generations of people who built and inhabited them and natural sediment. Tells are most commonly associated with

84-617: A common origin, but which in fact do not. For example, Latin habēre and German haben both mean 'to have' and are phonetically similar. However, the words evolved from different Proto-Indo-European (PIE) roots: haben , like English have , comes from PIE *kh₂pyé- 'to grasp', and has the Latin cognate capere 'to seize, grasp, capture'. Habēre , on the other hand, is from PIE *gʰabʰ 'to give, to receive', and hence cognate with English give and German geben . Likewise, English much and Spanish mucho look similar and have

112-531: A rich archaeological heritage of eneolithic (4900–3800 BCE ) tells from the 5th millennium BCE. In Neolithic Greece there is a contrast between the northern Thessalian plain, where rainfall was sufficient to permit densely populated settlements based on dry-farming , and the more dispersed sites in southern Greece, such as the Peloponesus , where early villages sprang up around the smaller arable tracts close to springs, lakes, and marshes. Two models account for

140-412: A similar meaning, but are not cognates: much is from Proto-Germanic *mikilaz < PIE *meǵ- and mucho is from Latin multum < PIE *mel- . A true cognate of much is the archaic Spanish maño 'big'. Cognates are distinguished from other kinds of relationships. An etymon , or ancestor word, is the ultimate source word from which one or more cognates derive. In other words, it

168-461: Is derived from the Arabic تَلّ ( tall ) meaning "mound" or "hillock". Variant spellings include tall , tel , til and tal . The Arabic word has many cognates in other Semitic languages , such as Akkadian tīlu(m) , Ugaritic tl and Hebrew tel ( תל ). The Akkadian form is similar to Sumerian DUL , which can also refer to a pile of any material, such as grain, but it

196-534: Is not known whether the similarity reflects a borrowing from that language or if the Sumerian term itself was a loanword from an earlier Semitic substrate language . If Akkadian tīlu is related to another word in that language, til'u , meaning "woman's breast", there exists a similar term in the South Semitic classical Ethiopian language of Geʽez , namely təla , "breast". Hebrew tel first appears in

224-492: Is regular. Paradigms of conjugations or declensions, the correspondence of which cannot be generally due to chance, have often been used in cognacy assessment. However, beyond paradigms, morphosyntax is often excluded in the assessment of cognacy between words, mainly because structures are usually seen as more subject to borrowing. Still, very complex, non-trivial morphosyntactic structures can rarely take precedence over phonetic shapes to indicate cognates. For instance, Tangut ,

252-477: Is the source of related words in different languages. For example, the etymon of both Welsh ceffyl and Irish capall is the Proto-Celtic * kaballos (all meaning horse ). Descendants are words inherited across a language barrier, coming from a particular etymon in an ancestor language. For example, Russian мо́ре and Polish morze are both descendants of Proto-Slavic * moře (meaning sea ). A root

280-444: Is the source of related words within a single language (no language barrier is crossed). Similar to the distinction between etymon and root , a nuanced distinction can sometimes be made between a descendant and a derivative . A derivative is one of the words which have their source in a root word, and were at some time created from the root word using morphological constructs such as suffixes, prefixes, and slight changes to

308-510: Is thought that the earliest examples of tells are in the Jordan Valley , such as at the 10-meter-high mound, dating back to the proto-Neolithic period , at Jericho in the West Bank . More than 5,000 tells have been detected in the area of ancient Israel and Jordan. Of these, Paul Lapp calculated in the 1960s that 98% had yet to be touched by archaeologists. In Syria, tells are abundant in

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336-789: The Paraguayan Guarani panambi , the Eastern Bolivian Guarani panapana , the Cocama and Omagua panama , and the Sirionó ana ana are cognates, derived from the Old Tupi panapana , 'butterfly', maintaining their original meaning in these Tupi languages . Cognates need not have the same meaning, as they may have undergone semantic change as the languages developed independently. For example English starve and Dutch sterven 'to die' or German sterben 'to die' all descend from

364-660: The Upper Mesopotamia region, scattered along the Euphrates , including Tell al-'Abr , Tell Bazi , Tell Kabir, Tell Mresh, Tell Saghir and Tell Banat . The last is thought to be the site of the oldest war memorial (known as the White Monument ), dating from the 3rd millennium BCE. Tells can be found in Europe in countries such as Spain, Hungary, Romania , Bulgaria, North Macedonia , and Greece . Northeastern Bulgaria has

392-677: The ancient Near East but are also found elsewhere, such as in Southern and parts of Central Europe , from Greece and Bulgaria to Hungary and Spain , and in North Africa . Within the Near East they are concentrated in less arid regions, including Upper Mesopotamia , the Southern Levant , Anatolia and Iran , which had more continuous settlement. Eurasian tells date to the Neolithic ,

420-865: The Chalcolithic and the Bronze and Iron Ages. In the Southern Levant the time of the tells ended with the conquest by Alexander the Great , which ushered in the Hellenistic period with its own, different settlement-building patterns. Many tells across the Near East continue to be occupied and used today. The word tell is first attested in English in an 1840 report in the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society . It

448-706: The Proto-Indo-European *nókʷts 'night'. The Indo-European languages have hundreds of such cognate sets, though few of them are as neat as this. The Arabic سلام salām , the Hebrew שלום ‎ shalom , the Assyrian Neo-Aramaic shlama and the Amharic selam 'peace' are cognates, derived from the Proto-Semitic *šalām- 'peace'. The Brazilian Portuguese panapanã , (flock of butterflies in flight),

476-1300: The application of the comparative method to establish whether lexemes are cognate. Cognates are distinguished from loanwords , where a word has been borrowed from another language. The English term cognate derives from Latin cognatus , meaning "blood relative". An example of cognates from the same Indo-European root are: night ( English ), Nacht ( German ), nacht ( Dutch , Frisian ), nag ( Afrikaans ), Naach ( Colognian ), natt ( Swedish , Norwegian ), nat ( Danish ), nátt ( Faroese ), nótt ( Icelandic ), noc ( Czech , Slovak , Polish ), ночь, noch ( Russian ), ноќ, noć ( Macedonian ), нощ, nosht ( Bulgarian ), ніч , nich ( Ukrainian ), ноч , noch / noč ( Belarusian ), noč ( Slovene ), noć ( Serbo-Croatian ), nakts ( Latvian ), naktis ( Lithuanian ), nos ( Welsh/Cymraeg ), νύξ, nyx ( Ancient Greek ), νύχτα / nychta ( Modern Greek ), nakt- ( Sanskrit ), natë ( Albanian ), nox , gen. sg. noctis ( Latin ), nuit ( French ), noche ( Spanish ), nochi ( Extremaduran ), nueche ( Asturian ), noite ( Portuguese and Galician ), notte ( Italian ), nit ( Catalan ), nuet/nit/nueit ( Aragonese ), nuèch / nuèit ( Occitan ) and noapte ( Romanian ). These all mean 'night' and derive from

504-648: The biblical book of Deuteronomy 13:16 (c. 700–500 BCE), describing a heap or small mound and appearing in the books of Joshua and Jeremiah with the same meaning. There are lexically unrelated equivalents for this geophysical concept of a town-mound in other Southwest Asian languages, including kom in Egyptian Arabic , tepe or tappeh ( Turkish / Persian : تپه ), hüyük or höyük (Turkish) and chogha (Persian: چغا , from Turkish çokmak and derivatives çoka etc.). Equivalent words for town-mound often appear in place names, and

532-507: The geography of Muş is the Alazlı /Tirmet inscription. The inscription in question is located 25.5 km east of Muş province and 6.2 km south of Korkut district. In the inscription, the war fought by the Urartian king Menua is mentioned: Menua, the son of İşpuini, brought this stone to our Lord Haldi. he sewed. Tann Haldi went on a military expedition with his spear. He captured the city of Trtimi in

560-521: The language of the Xixia Empire, and one Horpa language spoken today in Sichuan , Geshiza, both display a verbal alternation indicating tense, obeying the same morphosyntactic collocational restrictions. Even without regular phonetic correspondences between the stems of the two languages, the cognatic structures indicate secondary cognacy for the stems. False cognates are pairs of words that appear to have

588-432: The limited geographical area they occur in. Tells are formed from a variety of remains, including organic and cultural refuse, collapsed mudbricks and other building materials, water-laid sediments, residues of biogenic and geochemical processes and aeolian sediment . A classic tell looks like a low, truncated cone with sloping sides and a flat, mesa -like top. They can be more than 43 m (141 ft) high. It

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616-456: The local names for tell sites in these regions of Greece. Cognate In historical linguistics , cognates or lexical cognates are sets of words that have been inherited in direct descent from an etymological ancestor in a common parent language . Because language change can have radical effects on both the sound and the meaning of a word, cognates may not be obvious, and it often takes rigorous study of historical sources and

644-452: The same Proto-Germanic verb, *sterbaną 'to die'. Cognates also do not need to look or sound similar: English father , French père , and Armenian հայր ( hayr ) all descend directly from Proto-Indo-European *ph₂tḗr . An extreme case is Armenian երկու ( erku ) and English two , which descend from Proto-Indo-European *dwóh₁ ; the sound change *dw > erk in Armenian

672-471: The tell structures of this part of southern Europe, one developed by Paul Halstead and the other by John Chapman. Chapman envisaged the tell as witness to a nucleated communal society , whereas Halstead emphasized the idea that they arose as individual household structures. Thessalian tells often reflect small hamlets with a population of around 40–80. The Toumbas of Macedonia and the Magoulas of Thessaly are

700-607: The territory of the country of Urme. The Armenian Taron kingdom ruled the town from the 4th century until the beginning of the 9th century, and the Christian diocese of Taron still holds nominal sway in the area as a titular see . In the 9th century, the town came under the control of a rival Armenian kingdom the Bagratians. This lasted until, In 967, the Byzantine Empire took control of western Anatolyia . Seyit İbrahim Türk took

728-463: The town in the 11th century, and it was about this time that the earliest references to the name Til are recorded. Legend holds that The Byzantine emperor Basileios who was elected Byzantine emperor in 867, was originally a Til peasant. Records of the Armenian church records that in 1890 there were 40 Armenian households in the village and 20 Kurdish. Although the church records show that by 1910 there were only 20 Armenian households and 1000 Kurdish

756-514: The true figure is probably about 50 Armenian households. The Armenian church records that at the Armenian Genocide there were 52 Armenian households. Before World War I the town had a church building dedicated to the Holy Mother of God ( Surp Asdvadzadzin ). The name of the town was changed to Korkut in 1964. This article about an Eastern Anatolia Region of Turkey location is

784-438: The word "tell" itself is one of the most common prefixes for Palestinian toponyms . The Arabic word khirbet , also spelled khirbat ( خربة ), meaning "ruin", also occurs in the names of many archaeological tells, such as Khirbet et-Tell (roughly meaning "heap of ruins"). A tell can form only if natural and man-made material accumulates faster than it is removed by erosion and human-caused truncation , which explains

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