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67-399: Hong Kah Group Representation Constituency was a five-member Group Representation Constituency located in the western area of Singapore . The constituency covered the areas of Bukit Batok , Choa Chu Kang , Upper Bukit Timah , Jurong West and Lim Chu Kang . Hong Kah GRC was formed in 1988 and eventually dissolved and reformed into Chua Chu Kang GRC in 2011. It had always been held by

134-500: A multiracial Parliament instead of one made up of a single race. Speaking in Parliament during the debate on whether GRCs should be introduced, First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Defence Goh Chok Tong said he had first discussed the necessity of ensuring the multiracial nature of Parliament with Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew in July 1982. Then, Lee had expressed concern about

201-531: A simple plurality voting ("winner takes all") basis. A by-election need not be held to fill a vacancy in any GRC triggered by the death or resignation of an MP, even if there are no other minority candidates in that GRC, or any other reason. A by-election is required only if all the MPs in a GRC vacate their Parliamentary seats. Assuming that such a situation does arise, the Prime Minister would be obliged to call

268-403: A GRC ward returns five or six candidates into Parliament, compared with one vote in a SMC ward, which only returns one. In counterbalance it dilutes electors' voting power and may result in concerns raised taken less seriously as to lobbying/correspondence. Specifically, in an SMC ward are around 14,000 voters, compared to 140,000 voters in a five- or six-member GRC. Thus, the per-candidate power of

335-402: A GRC with a rapidly expanding population is properly managed. As the population of a constituency grows, it becomes increasingly difficult for an MP to singlehandedly represent the views of all constituents. A team of MPs arguably has greater access to more constituents, and the fact that there are different MPs in the team suggests they can more effectively provide representation in Parliament of

402-758: A SMC ward. The national average for the 2006 elections was 66.6%. Similar trends can be seen from previous elections. The gap grew from 3% in 1991, and remained stable at around 5% in the 1997 , 2001 and 2006 elections. This may be attributable to the enlargement of the size of GRCs in 1997 which gave greater effect to the law of large numbers. Single-member district Condorcet methods Positional voting Cardinal voting Quota-remainder methods Approval-based committees Fractional social choice Semi-proportional representation By ballot type Pathological response Strategic voting Paradoxes of majority rule Positive results A single-member district or constituency

469-628: A Workers' Party of Singapore team in Aljunied GRC at the 2011 general election . It is also said that GRCs serve more as administrative tools than to ensure minority representation. The size of GRCs was increased to take advantage of economies of scale when managing the wards. However, whether GRCs are required for this purpose is arguable, as Goh Chok Tong stated in 1988 that MPs in SMCs could still group together after elections to enjoy economies of scale. The GRC scheme has also been criticized for raising

536-538: A by-election within a reasonable time, unless he intends to call a general election in the near future. As Article 39A of the Constitution states, the GRC scheme entrenches the presence of minority MPs in Parliament, ensuring that interests of minority communities are represented in Parliament. Article 39A(1)(a) of the Constitution allows for a maximum number of six MPs for each GRC so as to provide flexibility in ensuring that

603-542: A candidate because they are endorsed by a particular political party or because they are in favor of who would become or remain the leader of the government, more than their feelings for or against the actual candidate standing. Sometimes voters are in favor of a political party but do not like specific candidates. For example, voters in Canada re-elected the Alberta government in 1989 but, because of dissatisfaction with its leadership,

670-458: A common race, culture and language. Derek da Cunha has proposed that the law of large numbers favours the GRC system. According to the theory, the large number of voters from GRC wards generally, though not necessarily always, reflects the popular vote. This was evident at the 2006 elections, at which the PAP garnered an average of 67.04% of the votes in a contested GRC, while the average was 61.67% for

737-413: A gamble and commit huge proportions of their resources to contest GRCs. Each candidate in a GRC is required to deposit a sum equal to 8% of the total allowances payable to an MP in the calendar year preceding the election, rounded to the nearest S$ 500. At the 2011 general election, the deposit was $ 16,000. Unsuccessful candidates have their deposits forfeited if they do not receive at least one-eighth of

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804-550: A group. Each voter of a GRC casts a ballot for a team of candidates, and not for individual candidates. The GRC scheme was brought into existence on 1 June 1988 by the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment) Act 1988 and the Parliamentary Elections (Amendment) Act 1988. The original stated purpose of GRCs was to guarantee a minimum representation of minorities in Parliament and ensure that there would always be

871-460: A means of bringing in politically inexperienced candidates into Parliament by " riding on the coattails " of GRCs helmed by senior politicians, including "anchor" ministers. Moreover, the GRC scheme is also said to disadvantage opposition parties because it is more difficult for them to find enough candidates with the political expertise to contest GRCs. Furthermore, it is said that the GRC scheme means that electors may have unequal voting power, weakens

938-518: A minority community. However, Malay MPs were upset that this implied they were not electable on their own merits. Feeling that the twinning of constituencies would lead to Malay MPs losing confidence and self-respect, the Government dropped the proposal. Therefore, the Government felt that the best way to ensure minority representation in Parliament was to introduce the GRC scheme. In addition, it took

1005-504: A plurality or majority of voters, depending on the electoral system, support a particular candidate or party so strongly that the candidate's election is practically guaranteed in advance of the vote. This means votes for other candidates effectively make no difference to the result. This results in feelings of disenfranchisement, as well as increased nonparticipation , by both supporters of the dominant candidate (who can confidently abstain from voting because their preferred candidate's victory

1072-546: A single homogeneous community out of the many races that form the population of the Republic. The third proposal was to have an upper house in Parliament composed of members elected or nominated to represent the racial, linguistic and religious minorities in Singapore. However, this was rejected as being backward-looking since politicians should attain a seat in Parliament through taking part in elections. In 1988, 39 SMCs were grouped into 13 three-member GRCs, making up 39 out of

1139-462: A stronger connection between the representative and constituents and increases accountability and is a check on incompetence and corruption. In countries that have multi-member constituencies, it is argued that the constituency link is lost. For example, in Israel the whole country is a single constituency and representatives are selected by party-lists. On the other hand, today most voters tend to vote for

1206-476: A total of 81 elected seats in Parliament. The Constitution and the Parliamentary Elections Act were changed in 1991 and again in 1996 to increase the maximum number of MPs in each GRC from three to four, and then to six. In the 2001 general election , three- and four-member GRCs were replaced by five- and six-member GRCs. There were nine five-member GRCs and five six-member GRCs, making up 75 out of

1273-424: A wide range of constituents' views. The official justification for the GRC scheme is to entrench minority representation in Parliament. However, opposition parties have questioned the usefulness of GRCs in fulfilling this purpose, especially since Singapore has not faced the issue of minorities being under-represented in Parliament. In fact, statistics show that all PAP minority candidates have won regularly and that

1340-501: Is a GRC returns the number of MPs designated for the constituency by the President to serve in Parliament. A group of individuals standing together in a GRC is voted for as a team, and not as individual candidates. In other words, a successful voter's single vote in an SMC sends to Parliament one MP, and a GRC sends a group of MPs from the same single list depending on how many have been designated for that GRC. All elected MPs are selected on

1407-654: Is an electoral district represented by a single officeholder. It contrasts with a multi-member district , which is represented by multiple officeholders. In some countries, such as Australia and India , members of the lower house of parliament are elected from single-member districts, while members of the upper house are elected from multi-member districts. In some other countries, such as Singapore , members of parliament can be elected from either single-member or multi-member districts. The United States Constitution , ratified in 1789, states: "The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every second Year by

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1474-630: Is determined by two committees appointed by the President, the Malay Community Committee and the Indian and Other Minority Communities Committee. Decisions of these committees are final and conclusive, and may not be appealed against or called into question in any court. The President, at the Cabinet's direction, declares the electoral divisions that are to be GRCs; the number of candidates (three to six) to stand for Parliament in each GRC; and whether

1541-688: Is generally done just before a general election to review the boundaries of electoral divisions and recommend changes. In recent decades, the Committee has been chaired by the Cabinet Secretary and has had four other members who are senior public servants. In the EBRC appointed before the general election of 2006 , these were the head of the Elections Department , the Chief Executive Officer of

1608-441: Is nearly assured) as well as supporters of other candidates (who know their preferred candidate is essentially guaranteed to lose). Single-member districts enable gerrymandering, the practice of manipulating district boundaries to favor one political party. Whereas proportional multi-member districts ensure that political parties are represented roughly in proportion to the share of the vote they receive, in single-member districts

1675-491: The 2014 United States House of Representatives elections , the Republican Party won 51.2% of the popular vote but 56.7% of the seats. Supporters view this effect as beneficial, claiming that two-party systems are more stable, and that the minority opposition does not have undue power to break a coalition. First-past-the-post minimizes the influence of third parties and thus arguably keeps out forms of opposition outside of

1742-726: The Cabinet , taking into consideration the recommendations of the Electoral Boundaries Review Committee. Per the Constitution and the PEA, there must be between three and six MPs in a GRC. The number of MPs in each GRC is declared by the President at the Cabinet's direction before a general election . For the purposes of the 2020 general election , there were 14 SMCs and 17 GRCs, each returning four or five MPs. Reception towards to

1809-527: The People's Action Party . It was divided into five sub-areas namely, Bukit Gombak , Hong Kah , Keat Hong , Nanyang and Yew Tee . In 2001, Bukit Gombak SMC was absorbed into the GRC with the town council being Hong Kah Town Council. It was a huge constituency in terms of land area and covered the entire north-western region of Singapore and its territorial waters in the Straits of Johor . In 1988, Hong Kah GRC

1876-577: The Prime Minister from time to time by notification in the Government Gazette . Since 1954, a year ahead of the 1955 general election , an Electoral Boundaries Review Committee (EBRC) has been appointed to advise the executive on the number and geographical division of electoral divisions. Even though neither the Constitution nor any law requires this to be done, the Prime Minister has continued to do so from Singapore's independence in 1965. This

1943-804: The Singapore Land Authority , the Deputy CEO of the Housing and Development Board and the Acting Chief Statistician. Since the Committee is only convened shortly before general elections, the preparatory work for boundary delimitation is done by its secretariat the Elections Department, which is a division of the Prime Minister's Office . The EBRC's terms of reference are issued by the Prime Minister, and are not embodied in legislation. In giving recommendations for boundary changes over

2010-599: The Uniform Congressional District Act ( 2 U.S. Code §2c ), under the justification that they served as bulwarks against southern Democrats diluting the electoral power of African Americans by using strategically drawn at-large multi-member districts. For instance, Southern Democrats could create a single statewide multi-member district elected by plurality vote, all but guaranteeing the white majority would elect only Democrats. It has been argued by proponents of single-member constituencies that it encourages

2077-448: The 84 elected seats in Parliament. This arrangement remained unchanged at the 2006 elections. On 27 May 2009, the Government announced that it would refine the size and number of GRCs. This could be achieved without amending either the Constitution or the Parliamentary Elections Act. Instead, when the next EBRC was appointed, its terms of reference would instruct the Committee to plan for fewer six-member GRCs than at present, and to reduce

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2144-399: The GRC system is mixed, with some critics disagreeing with the government's justifications for introducing the scheme, noting that the proportion of minority MPs per GRC has rather decreased with the advent of five-member and six-member GRCs, although the latter was not present in the 2020 general election. In addition, the ruling People's Action Party (PAP) has been described as using GRCs as

2211-466: The Malay community if, regardless of whether or not he or she is of the Malay race, considers himself or herself to be a member of the community and is generally accepted as such by the community. Similarly, a person will belong to the Indian community or some other minority community if he or she considers himself or herself a member and the community accepts him or her as such. The minority status of candidates

2278-534: The People of the several States...Representatives...shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective Numbers." In other words, the Constitution specifies that each state will be apportioned a number of representatives in the House of Representatives proportional to its population. It does not, however, specify how those representatives should be apportioned. In

2345-517: The Public Service, in response to Poa, said WP and PSP also relied on the "star power" of Low Thia Khiang and Tan Cheng Bock to win Aljunied GRC in 2011 and PSP having NCMPs now in parliament. Leader of the Opposition and Workers' Party 's (WP) chief Pritam Singh also highlighted the usage of GRC for gerrymandering, citing the merging of SMCs, in close contest between PAP and WP, into GRC in

2412-425: The average size of each GRC. The average size of GRCs at that time was 5.4 MPs because there were only five-member and six-member GRCs. The new average, however, would not exceed five MPs. In addition, to ensure that the number of SMCs kept pace with the increase in voters and hence the number of MPs, the EBRC's terms of reference would state that there should be at least 12 SMCs. The rationale given for these changes

2479-424: The ballot in a GRC is lower than in an SMC, as each voter in a GRC finds it harder to vote out an MP that he or she does not like; but the overall power effect is the same. Malapportionment is a viable charge against some divisions as a 30% deviation from equality of electorate is tolerated. It follows, a five-member GRC could in theory have from 91,000 voters to 86% more: 169,000 voters. Critics have noted that

2546-405: The bar for the opposition in elections. First, opposition parties may find it harder to find competent candidates, including minority candidates, to form teams to contest GRCs. Goh Chok Tong has acknowledged that the GRC scheme benefits the PAP as they can put together stronger teams. With the GRC system the threshold for votes for the opposition is also increased, and opposition parties have to take

2613-455: The coat-tails of the established PAP members. Since 1991, the PAP has generally not fielded first-time candidates in SMC wards. On the other hand, one of the "in-built weaknesses" of GRCs may be that "through no fault of their own or that of their team", "high-value" MPs can be voted out; this was said to have occurred when former Minister for Foreign Affairs George Yeo lost his parliamentary seat to

2680-454: The coattails of more established teammates, reduced voters’ choice over election results. During the parliament debate, Poa mentioned vacancies in the GRC when MPs resign from their seat midterm, citing Halimah Yacob 's resignation in 2017 to contest in the 2017 Singaporean presidential election and Tharman Shanmugaratnam 's upcoming resignation to contest in the 2023 Singaporean presidential election . Chan Chun Sing , Minister-in-charge of

2747-625: The constituency. Synonymous to the party block voting (PBV) or the general ticket used in other countries, the Government stated that the GRC scheme was primarily implemented to enshrine minority representation in Parliament: at least one of the MPs in a GRC must be a member of the Malay , Indian or another minority community of Singapore. In addition, it was economical for town councils, which manage public housing estates , to handle larger constituencies. The GRC scheme came into effect on 1 June 1988, and

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2814-419: The credibility and accountability of some candidates may be reduced because in a GRC the members of the team who are popular "protect" less popular members from being voted out. It has been said that the relationship between the electorate and their representatives is also weakened, because the relationship is between the individual and the GRC team rather than between the individual and a particular MP. Improving

2881-477: The critical mass of residents that they needed to be effective. Three proposals for minority representation in Parliament had been considered by a 1966 Constitutional Commission chaired by the Chief Justice Wee Chong Jin . The first was to have a committee of representatives of minorities that would elect three persons from amongst its members to represent minorities in Parliament. However, this

2948-401: The dominant rival party. Critics of two-party systems believe that two-party systems offer less choice to voters, create an exaggerated emphasis on issues that dominate more marginal seats, and does not completely remove the possibility of a balanced chamber (or hung parliament ), which can also give undue power to independents and lead to more, not less, stability. A safe seat is one in which

3015-576: The early years of the United States, a form of multi-member districts called plural districts were the norm. In contrast with modern proportional multi-member districts (which had not yet been invented), plural districts were elected at-large in plurality votes. By 1842, single-member House districts had become the norm, with twenty-two states using single-member districts and only six using at-large multi-member districts. On 14 December 1967, single-member House districts were mandated by law pursuant to

3082-400: The entire district is represented by a single politician, even if a sizeable minority (or even a majority, in the case of plurality voting) of the electorate votes for candidates from other parties. This enables political parties to rig elections in their favor by drawing districts in such a way that more districts are won by their party than their proportion of the overall vote would dictate (in

3149-496: The link between voters and MPs, and to make the latter more accountable was the reason for the changes proposed in 2009 to introduce more SMCs and to reduce the size of GRCs. Even though the GRC scheme is intended to ensure minority representation in Parliament, it can be said that the scheme emphasizes racial consciousness and hence widens the gap between races. It may undermine the esteem of minority candidates as they would not be sure if they are elected on their own merit, or due to

3216-470: The minority candidates in each GRC are to be from the Malay, Indian, or other minority communities. The number of GRCs in which at least one MP must be from the Malay community must be three-fifths of the total number of GRCs, and the number of MPs to be returned by all GRCs cannot be less than a quarter of the total number of MPs to be returned at a general election. For the 2011 general election , there were 14 SMCs and 17 GRCs. An electoral division which

3283-419: The minority member of the GRC left. Furthermore, the GRC scheme is now used as a recruiting tool for the PAP. In 2006, Goh Chok Tong stated, "Without some assurance of a good chance of winning at least their first election, many able and successful young Singaporeans may not risk their careers to join politics". Every PAP GRC team is helmed by a major figure such as a minister, and allowed candidates to ride on

3350-531: The new Chua Chu Kang Group Representation Constituency and Gan Kim Yong took over the ministerial position. Group Representation Constituency [REDACTED] A group representation constituency ( GRC ) is a type of electoral division or constituency in Singapore in which teams of candidates, instead of individual candidates, compete to be elected into Parliament as the Members of Parliament (MPs) for

3417-506: The next election. WP also called for the abolition of GRCs. Senior Minister Teo Chee Hean responded that accusations of gerrymandering existed long ago and asked Singh to suggest to EBRC to break up opposition held GRCs into SMCs. Parliament rejected the motion. Apart from the requirement that there must be at least eight SMCs, the total number of SMCs and GRCs in Singapore and their boundaries are not fixed. The number of electoral divisions and their names and boundaries are specified by

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3484-530: The only two MPs to lose their seats in 1984 were "racially" Chinese. One of them was beaten by a minority candidate. In addition, Joshua Benjamin Jeyaratnam of the WP won a by-election in 1981 at Anson , a largely Chinese constituency, and the first elected Chief Minister of Singapore was David Marshall who was Jewish. Technically, as the size of GRCs has increased, the minority has had less representation overall as

3551-426: The premier and leader of the governing party, Don Getty , lost his seat. It has been argued that single-member districts tend to promote two-party systems (with some regional parties). Called Duverger's law , this principle has also been empirically supported by the cube rule , which shows how the winning party in a first-past-the-post system is mathematically over-represented in the legislature. For example, in

3618-534: The proportion of minority MPs per GRC has been reduced. Since minority MPs are a numerical minority in Parliament, their political clout has also been reduced. In February 2017, Minister in the Prime Minister's Office Chan Chun Sing said that if a minority candidate leaves their group representation constituency (GRC), a by-election will not be called. Chan claimed that the goals of having enough minority members in Parliament, and to ensure no political campaign on issues of race and religion, would still be met even if

3685-400: The relationship between electors and MPs, and entrenches racialism in Singapore politics due to its emphasis on minority representation. There are two types of electoral division or constituency in Singapore : the single member constituency (SMC) and the group representation constituency (GRC). In a GRC, a number of candidates comes together to stand for elections to Parliament as

3752-478: The scheme and the merits of the rest of the team of MPs. This would result in minority candidates resenting that they are dependent on the majority to enter Parliament, and the majority candidates believing that minority candidates have insufficient ability. It has also been claimed that the GRC scheme demeans the majority of Singaporeans as it assumes that they are not able to see the value or merit of minority candidates, and only vote for candidates with whom they share

3819-478: The total number of votes polled in the GRC. Critics have noted that the number of walkovers has generally increased since the introduction of GRCs. To date, only one opposition party, the Workers' Party, has won GRCs: Aljunied, in the 2011 general election, and Sengkang, in the 2020 general election. GRCs have been criticized as giving unequal voting and lobbying (correspondence) powers between electors. Every ballot in

3886-451: The view that such a scheme would complement the introduction of town councils to manage public housing estates , as it would be economical for a town council to manage a group of three constituencies. Subsequently, in 1991, the Government said that GRCs also minimized the need to redraw the boundaries of constituencies which had grown too big for the MPs serving them, and, in 1996, GRCs were said to provide Community Development Councils with

3953-409: The voting patterns of younger Singaporeans, who appeared to be apathetic to the need of having a racially balanced slate of candidates. He was also worried about more Singaporeans voting along racial lines, which would lead to a lack of minority representation in Parliament. Lee had also proposed to twin constituencies and have Members of Parliament (MPs) contest as a pair, one of whom had to be from

4020-459: The years, the Committee has considered various factors, including using hill ridges, rivers and roads as boundaries rather than arbitrarily drawn lines; and the need for electoral divisions to have approximately equal numbers of voters so that electors' votes carry the same weight regardless of where they cast their ballots. In 1963, the EBRC adopted a rule allowing the numbers of voters in divisions to differ by no more than 20%. The permitted deviation

4087-490: Was first introduced at the general election that same year . Prior to that date, all constituencies were Single Member Constituencies (SMCs). The Parliamentary Elections Act (Cap. 218, 2008 Rev. Ed.) ("PEA") states that there must be at least eight SMCs, and the number of MPs to be returned by all GRCs cannot be less than a quarter of the total number of MPs. Within those parameters the total number of SMCs and GRCs in Singapore and their boundaries are not fixed but are decided by

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4154-732: Was formed. Hong Kah North compromising of Bukit Gombak and Tengah (previous Hong Kah Village), Hong Kah Central consisting of parts of Hong Kah Village and Jurong East (Neighbourhood 3) and Hong Kah South consisting of Jurong West (Neighbourhood 4 & 5). In 1991, Hong Kah GRC was reorganized. Hong Kah South consisting of the Jurong West Neighbourhood 4 and 5, Hong Kah East consisting of the Jurong East Neighbourhood 3 and Hong Kah Village, Hong Kah North compromising of Bukit Gombak and Tengah, while Hong Kah West consists of Jurong West Neighbourhood 7 and 8. In 1997, Hong Kah GRC

4221-412: Was increased to 30% in 1980. It is up to the Cabinet to decide whether or not to accept the Committee's recommendations. All the candidates in a GRC must either be members of the same political party or independent candidates standing as a group, and at least one of the candidates must be a person belonging to the Malay, Indian or some other minority community. A person is regarded as belonging to

4288-435: Was later reorganised. Nanyang (Jurong West Neighbourhood 9) was given from Hong Kah West and Jurong SMC and Yew Tee (Choa Chu Kang N5-N7, Lim Chu Kang) was carved from Chua Chu Kang SMC. In 2001, Hong Kah East division was renamed to Jurong Central under Jurong GRC. In return, Hong Kah West division was merged with Hong Kah North, and Keat Hong was carved from Hong Kah North, Yew Tee and Chua Chu Kang. In 2006, Yeo Cheow Tong

4355-528: Was rejected as the Commission felt that it would be an inappropriate and retrogressive move in that unelected members should not be allowed to dilute the elected chamber. The second proposal, which was to have proportional representation , was also rejected on the grounds that it would intensify party politics along racial lines and eventually "perpetuate and accentuate racial differences". This would then make it increasingly difficult, if not impossible, to achieve

4422-406: Was supposed to retire from politics. He was saved until 2011, and Amy Khor took over the anchor minister from 2006 to 2011. In the 2011 Singapore general election , Hong Kah GRC was dissolved. It was split into Hong Kah North of the constituency was carved out as a new Single-Member-Constituency while Bukit Gombak, Keat Hong, Nanyang and Yew Tee wards merged with then- Chua Chu Kang SMC to form

4489-401: Was that the GRC scheme would work better and the link between voters and their MPs would be strengthened. In the 2011 general election, SMCs returned to Parliament 12 MPs and 15 GRCs a total of 75 MPs. In 2023, Progress Singapore Party 's (PSP) non-constituency Member of Parliament (NCMP), Hazel Poa , raised a private member’s motion to abolish GRC, citing outcomes where candidates ride on

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