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121-519: Federal Commitment is a Peronist political party in Argentina formed by the fusion of Es Posible Party and the Independent Movement of Justice and Dignity. The party is currently part of the former governing Unión por la Patria coalition of former President Alberto Fernández and former Vice President Cristina Kirchner since 2019. The Federal Commitment proposal postulates replicating

242-448: A militarist approach and the sanction of the law 12,978 on Catholic teaching in public schools, while its progressive measures include the expansion of workers' rights, the adoption of women's suffrage , free tuition for public universities, and a failed attempt to sanction the divorce law after the breakdown of relations with the church. Peronism granted the working class a genuine role in government and enacted reforms that eroded

363-926: A "perverse logic" considering this "the real wall between Chile and Argentina" and "not the Andes". Defenders of Peronism also describe the doctrine as populist, albeit in the sense that they believe it embodies the interests of the masses and in particular the most vulnerable social strata. Admirers hold Perón in esteem for his administration's anti-imperialism and non-alignment as well as its socially progressive initiatives. Ronaldo Munck noted that "many observers even saw Perón himself as some kind of nationalist, socialist leader, if not as Argentina's Lenin." While cautioning against idealistic interpretations of Peronism, Munck argues that ultimately Perón did not differ from Tendencia Revolucionaria in terms of economic ideology, but rather mass mobilisation, writing: "The purely anti-imperialist and anti-oligarchic political programme of

484-516: A Peronist." Perón responded in kind, writing that "Marxism is not only not in contradiction with the Peronist Movement, but complements it." Perón also argued in his speech from 12 November 1972: "We must not be frightened by the word socialism". Perón stated that "if he had been Chinese he would be a Maoist", and on his trip to Communist Romania he concluded that "the regime in that country is similar, in many respects, to Justicialism". Peronism

605-498: A central bank, nationalized foreign commerce and implement a system of free, universal education. Socially, Peronism was authoritarian, yet it also implemented free suffrage and promoted causes such as feminism, indigenous rights and emancipation of the working class. Peter Ranis wrote that "paradoxically, Perón democratized Argentina in the sense of bringing the working class more fully into the political process, though his administrations often placed cultural and political restrictions on

726-777: A close ally of the Cuban Revolution , Salvador Allende of Chile, and the People's Republic of China . It is also noted that the Marxist revolutionary Che Guevara , despite being born in an anti-Peronist family, considered Peronism "a kind of indigenous Latin American socialism with which the Cuban Revolution could side". Perón thought is considered a genuine socialist ideology by some Marxist writers such as Samir Amin , José María Aricó , Dieter Boris , and Donald C. Hodges . Summarizing

847-405: A concept was - for most of human history - "so remote from the real experience of most human beings". Anarchists oppose patriotism. This was exemplified by Emma Goldman , who stated: Indeed, conceit, arrogance, and egotism are the essentials of patriotism. Let me illustrate. Patriotism assumes that our globe is divided into little spots, each one surrounded by an iron gate. Those who have had

968-469: A determinate social formation within its own ideology". In his political science book Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics , Seymour Martin Lipset argued that the most distinguishable aspect of Peronism is that it is oriented towards trade unions, workers and class struggle, writing that "Peronism, much like Marxist parties, has been oriented toward the poorer classes, primarily urban workers but also

1089-405: A different special task, that would contribute to 'invididual happiness'. Establishing his populist rhetoric, Perón also defined his ideology as "a new philosophy of life, simple, practical, popular, profoundly Christian, and profoundly humanistic", adding that Peronism was to be class-based, as justicialism "centers its ideology and preoccupation on . . . the primacy in our country of a single class,

1210-506: A false use of "patriotism" by contemporaries such as John Stuart, 3rd Earl of Bute (the patriot-minister) and his supporters; Johnson spoke elsewhere in favor of what he considered "true" patriotism. However, there is no direct evidence to contradict the widely held belief that Johnson's famous remark was a criticism of patriotism itself. Many patriotic people take pride in sharing a distinct, common culture, believing it to be central to their national identity and unity. Many are devoted to

1331-477: A key part of the movement today. Also, the state intervened in labor-capital conflicts in favour of the former, with the Ministry of Labour and Social Security being responsible for directly negotiating and enforcing agreements. Perón became Argentina's labour secretary after participating in the 1943 military coup and was elected president of Argentina in 1946 . He introduced social programs that benefited

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1452-498: A leader (originally occupied by Perón) to lead the masses. Consequently, it adopts a third position in the context of the Cold War and in the economic dichotomy between capitalism and Marxism, expressed in the phrase: "we are neither Yankees nor Marxists". Peronism has taken both conservative and progressive measures. Among its conservative elements are anti-communist sentiments that were later abandoned, strong patriotism ,

1573-463: A left-leaning movement; to this end, Lipset wrote that "If Peronism is considered a variant of fascism, then it is a fascism of the left because it is based on the social strata who would otherwise turn to socialism or Communism as an outlet for their frustrations." Most scholars rejected this view - Felipe Pigna wrote that no researcher who has deeply studied Perón should consider him a fascist. Goran Petrovic Lotina and Théo Aiolfi wrote that "Peronism

1694-499: A long detour to center-right neoliberalism under Carlos Menem". Despite the extreme ideological divergences amongst anti-Peronists as well as Peronists, Peronism as a general ideology is often considered left-wing populist . Historian Daniel James argues that "Peronism within the Peron/anti-Peron dichotomy that dominated the political and social context was per se leftist, anti-establishment and revolutionary". Because of this,

1815-499: A movement, Peronism is ultimately a left-wing coalition that appeals to "national popular" tradition, writing that "this hemisphere of the political spectrum would support the statement that Peronism is a forerunner of social democracy." According to political scientist Torcuato di Tella, Peronism occupies the same place as left-wing political parties in Europe. Comparing Argentinian politics to Italian one, he writes: This comparison between

1936-535: A nation could win a war only if it would "develop true . . . solidarity [and] create a strong sense of discipline and personal responsibility in the people." The speech was commonly cited by domestic and international opponents of Perón, who accused him of fascist sympathies. The junta suffered a massive decline in prestige in August 1944, as the liberation of Paris sparked massive pro-Allied demonstrations in Argentina, in which

2057-613: A new world" and urged Argentinian workers to "to defend their rights for themselves if these rights were not to be taken away by their enemies." Perón also embraced the hitherto derogatory connotation of his supporters as "shirtless" ( descamisado ), which became a metaphor for poor and destitute worker that Peronism would lead towards a "national liberation". Using the term justicalismo to describe his ideology, Perón propagated it as socialismo nacional cristiano - "Christian national socialism", an unclear term that he used to discuss diverse government systems that in his belief corresponded to

2178-494: A nonsocialist context, is striking. He spoke of the "proletarians," the "exploitation of man by his fellow man," the "dehumanization of capital." At the same time, Peron expressed fears of foreign ideological penetration‘s and continually reiterated the need to avoid class conflict between capital and labor. His critique of Marxism was centered on what he called humanist and Christian attitudes — which, if applied, would render class struggle irrelevant. Peron’s corporatist scheme already

2299-502: A particular place and a particular way of life, which one believes to be the best in the world but has no wish to force upon other people. Patriotism is of its nature defensive, both militarily and culturally. Nationalism, on the other hand, is inseparable from the desire for power. The abiding purpose of every nationalist is to secure more power and more prestige, not for himself but for the nation or other unit in which he has chosen to sink his own individuality. Voltaire stated that "It

2420-490: A system of incentives and rewards that would direct economic activities towards local markets while severely limiting production for international markets ( protectionism ). Perón's policies included extensive worker rights legislation and redistribution of wealth; Peronism rejected individualism in favor of communitarianism and sought a system that would reject both capitalism and liberalism in favor of an economic system that would be oriented around "social equity, rather than

2541-499: A variant of left-wing nationalism or a "revolutionary, anti-imperialist, nationalist movement". Jorge Castañeda Gutman describes Peronism as a national populist movement that "undoubtedly belongs on the left of the political spectrum." Peronism was a broad movement that encompassed several ideologies and concepts. Argentinian historian Cristian Buchrucker described it as a mixture of nationalist, populist and Christian socialist elements, while Humberto Cucchetti stated that Peronism

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2662-434: A variant of Nasserism , which defines it as an ideology based on "middle-class military men who would utilize the armed forces to forge a socialist transformation of society." Mariano Mestman wrote that "Peronism was proposing a type of Socialism at times called ‘national’, different from that postulated by the classical Marxist left but no less revolutionary". There are also alternative evaluations of Peronism that go beyond

2783-485: Is based on the social strata who would otherwise turn to socialism or Communism as an outlet for their frustrations." Lipset concluded that Peronism should be seen as a "form of "left" extremism". In context of political dichotomy of Argentina, historian Daniel James argues that "Peronism within the Peron/anti-Peron dichotomy that dominated the political and social context was per se leftist, anti-establishment and revolutionary". Similarly, James P. Brennan claims that as

2904-465: Is called chauvinism ; another related term is jingoism . The English word "patriot" derived from "compatriot", in the 1590s, from Middle French patriote in the 15th century. The French word's compatriote and patriote originated directly from Late Latin patriota "fellow-countryman" in the 6th century. From Greek patriotes "fellow countryman", from patrios "of one's fathers", patris "fatherland". The term patriot

3025-447: Is lamentable, that to be a good patriot one must become the enemy of the rest of mankind." Arthur Schopenhauer wrote that "The cheapest sort of pride is national pride; for if a man is proud of his own nation, it argues that he has no qualities of his own of which a person can be proud." Kōtoku Shūsui , a famous Japanese anarchist of the late 19th/early 20th century, devoted a large section of his widely read Imperialism, Monster of

3146-419: Is not a communist or anarchist left. It is a Justicialist left that wants to achieve a community where each Argentine can flourish." Perón argued that his main goal was to implement and declare "economic independence" of Argentina, which he sought to achieve by nationalization of Argentinian resources, state control of the economy, curtailing multinational and foreign companies, redistribution of wealth, asserting

3267-528: Is not only not in contradiction with the Peronist Movement, but complements it."; he excused his initially anti-communist rhetoric as opposition to the Argentine "communist orthodoxy" that opposed him, which he considered to be "on the side of the oligarchy or Braden's arm". Peronism gained popularity in Argentina after the failure of its government to listen and recognize the needs of its middle class. As president of Argentina, Hipólito Yrigoyen did not listen to

3388-419: Is one form of socialism. Therefore a fair socialism, like the one Justicialism wants, and that is why it is called Justicialism, is that in which a community develops in agreement with [the community’s] intrinsic conditions. However, despite Perón's declarations, the movement itself was split into left-wing and right-wing factions, vying for supremacy within the movement. While all Peronists claimed to adhere to

3509-477: Is partially due to Eva's involvement, until her death by cancer in 1952. Due to economic problems and political repression, the military overthrew Perón and banned the Justicialist Party in 1955; it was not until 1973 that open elections were held again in which Perón was re-elected president by 62%. Perón died in the following year, opening the way for his widow and vice president Isabel to succeed

3630-408: Is that Perón meant "a ‘national’ road to socialism, understood as a system of economic socialization and popular power respectful of specific national conditions and traditions." Perón consistently identified with socialist figures - he praised Che Guevara, and spoke sympathically of Mao Zedong as “this little Chinese man who steals my ideas.” He described Peronism as national form of socialism that

3751-517: Is the Justicialist Party , whose policies have significantly varied over time and across government administrations, but have generally been described as "a vague blend of nationalism and labourism ", or populism. Alan Knight argues that Peronism is similar to Bolivarian Revolution and the Mexican Revolution in terms of consequences and ideology, noting that while Peronism was "socially progressive, but politically ambiguous", it brought

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3872-519: Is usually directed at the nation-state and more often than not coincides with " Euroscepticism ". Several surveys have tried to measure patriotism, such as the Correlates of War project which found some correlation between war propensity and patriotism. The results from different studies are time-dependent. For example, according to the project, patriotism in Germany before World War I ranked at or near

3993-576: The 1943 Argentine coup d'état . He took over the Labor Department in October 1943 and started cementing his reputation as the ally of the Argentinian trade unions, describing himself as a "labor unionist" ( sindicalista ) in an interview with a Chilean journalist. In November 1943, the national labour department was replaced by a new department for labour and welfare, which gave Perón enormous influence over

4114-604: The 2023 Argentine presidential election . Originally a Federal Peronist party, Federal Commitment later abandoned Federal Peronism and joined the Kirchnerist Citizen's Unity in 2017. This article about an Argentine political party is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . Peronism Nationalism is an essential part of Peronism, pushing for a sense of national pride among Argentines. However, it promotes an inclusive form of nationalism that embraces all ethnicities and races as integral parts of

4235-607: The Argentine Great Depression . After coming to power in the 2003 Argentine general election , Néstor Kirchner restructured the Justicialist platform and returned to classical left-wing populism of Perón, reverting the movement's detour to free-market capitalism under Carlos Menem. Kirchner served for only one term, while his wife, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner , served two (having been elected in 2007 and re-elected in 2011 ). From 2019 until 2023, Cristina Kirchner

4356-818: The CGT , Peronist businessmen in the General Economic Confederation, landowners by the Argentine Agrarian Federation, women by the Female Peronist Party , Jews in the Argentine Israelite Organization, students in the Secondary Student Union. Peron was able to coordinate and centralize the working class, which he mobilized to act on his behest. Trade unions have been incorporated into Peronism's structure and remain

4477-506: The World Values Survey polls for national values and beliefs. The survey includes the question "Are you proud to be [insert nationality]?"; the answers to which range from 1 (not proud) to 4 (very proud). They then use the average answer given to create comparisons between not only nations but also high and low income citizens. In 2022, U.S. adults who said they were "extremely proud" to be an American hit an all-time low, according to

4598-410: The working class , supported labor unions and called for additional involvement of the state in the economy. In addition, he supported industrialists in an effort to facilitate harmony between labor and capital. Perón was very popular due to his leadership, and gained even more admiration through his wife Eva , who championed for the rights of migrant workers, the poor, and women , whose suffrage

4719-540: The "San Luis" model at the national level. The province of San Luis, received different distinctions by the United Nations in terms of caring for the environment, and by the former Vice President of the United States and Nobel Peace Prize, Al Gore , who visited the province of San Luis in 2015. In the national order, the province of San Luis was rated in 2015 as the best managed in the country by private consultants for

4840-495: The "imperialist slavery" of Argentina. Here, Perón argued that his version of socialism was not Marxist but Christian, and that it was a "national variant of socialism", and that it differed from capitalism on the basis of being a "just social order". While seemingly favoring the left-wing Peronism, Perón's "national socialism" was interpreted in very diverse ways, including being conflated with Nazism by fringe groups of far-right Peronists. The commonly accepted interpretation however,

4961-454: The "patriotist" position is robust obligations to compatriots and only minimal samaritan responsibilities to foreigners. Wellman calls this position "patriotist" rather than "nationalist" to single out the members of territorial, political units rather than cultural groups. George Orwell , in his influential essay Notes on Nationalism , distinguished patriotism from the related concept of nationalism : By 'patriotism' I mean devotion to

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5082-472: The "power of the working class", and abolishing capitalism that the Peronists denounced as elitist and "antinational". By 1973, the slogan adopted by Perón became "dependency or liberation". In July 1971, Perón also claimed that his ideology of justicialism is socialist: For us Justicialist Government is that which serves the people . . . our revolutionary process articulates individual and collective [needs], it

5203-484: The 1940s and 1950s was heavily based on left-wing and socialist rhetoric, with Perón largely relying on his socialist supporters and trade unions movements; Raanan Rein notes that the ideology and policies of Peronism "were based largely on concepts that had been forged by the Argentine left wing in various debates since the beginning of the century and that had been expounded by people such as Justo, Dickmann, Ugarte, and Palacios." Similarly, Daniel James observed that in

5324-401: The Argentine oligarchy, humiliated it - he nationalized its theatre and other symbols of the wealthy class - but the oligarchy’s political and economic power remained intact, and at the right moment it brought Peron down, with the complicity and aid of the United States. Perón’s greatness lay in the fact that he appealed to that rich country’s reserves and resources and did all he could to improve

5445-451: The Argentinian working class significant material benefits as well as political empowerment and social inclusion. Ultimately, Knight recommends the term "revolutionary populism" for Peronism. Perón himself described his ideology and his movement as left-wing, writing in September 1973: "Peronism is a left-wing movement. But the left that we advocate is a Justicialist left above all things; it

5566-449: The Cuban Revolution could side". Likewise, left-wing Catholic priests embraced Peronism, calling it an effective realization of liberation theology, and arguing that Peronism and Catholicism were united in their goals of "love for the poor, for those persecuted for defending justice and for fighting against injustice". However, after Perón's return to power in 1973, the right-wing Peronist faction started growing in strength, mainly thanks to

5687-504: The Enlightenment thinkers who saw patriotism and faith as similar and opposed forces. Michael Billig and Jean Bethke Elshtain both argued that the difference between patriotism and faith is difficult to discern and relies largely on the attitude of the one doing the labeling. Christopher Heath Wellman , professor of philosophy at Washington University in St. Louis , says a popular view of

5808-534: The Fascist parallel. It was more intimately grounded in the national history and ethos than was any European fascism. The structure of the Peronist state after the constitutional amendments of 1949 remained that of the old Argentine democratic order. Peronism was not nazism. Peronism's main thrust reflected no adherence to Nazi principles. There were occasional minor aggressions against synagogues (and Protestant churches) and

5929-645: The Italian and the Argentine party structures assumes a certain equivalence between the Radical party and the Christian Democratic cum Socialist alliance. On the other side of the main conflict line, the Peronists would occupy a position akin to that of the Communists. From Perón's "Peronist Philosophy": Peronism as an ideology had many factions and manifestations, often completely contradictory for each other; however,

6050-635: The Latin American populist tradition." Perón was an important inspiration of Chavismo , the ideology of Hugo Chávez , who called himself "a true Peronist". Eric Hershberg, director of the Center of Latin American Studies, wrote: "For a number of years I’ve been struck by Chavismo as being the closest thing to Peronism that Latin America has seen in decades." Chávez's successor, Nicolás Maduro , also stressed

6171-471: The Montoneros ("national socialism") was not incompatible with Peron's economic project of "national reconstruction", but their power of mass mobilisation was." Writing on Peronism, Ernesto Laclau maintained that "a socialist populism is not the most backward form of working class ideology but the most advanced - the moment when the working class has succeeded in condensing the ensemble of democratic ideology in

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6292-561: The Peronist movement, "the initiative very much lay with the trade union movement; Perón was more its creature than the labor movement was his." After being overthrown and exiled from Argentina in 1955, Perón shifted his rhetoric further leftwards and promoted Cuban Revolution as well as Liberation theology , which gave rise to the far-left wing of Peronism, Tendencia Revolucionaria . Born in an anti-Peronist Argentinian family, Cuban revolutionary Che Guevara visited Perón and praised Peronism as "indigenous Latin American socialism with which

6413-522: The Twentieth Century to a condemnation of patriotism. One of the many arguments is based on the Confucian value of empathy: "I am as convinced as Mencius that any man would rush without hesitation to rescue a child who was about to fall into a well... A human being moved by such selfless love and charity does not pause to think whether the child is a family member or a close relative. When he rescues

6534-404: The United States, as the American government sought to discredit Perón on the basis of his anti-Americanism, suspected communist sympathies, and neutrality during WW2. Similarly, anti-Peronists on the left such as anti-nationalist socialists also described Peronism as fascist. Some scholars, such as Lipset, tried to combine this view together with the conclusions that Peronism was a worker-based and

6655-413: The basis for building a corporatist state that joined the interests of labor with those of at least a large section of the national bourgeoisie to promote a nationalist agenda". Perón was yet unknown to the general public in the 1930s, but he already had high respect in the Argentinian army; he served as a military attaché between 1938 and 1940, and quickly gained a prestigious political position following

6776-689: The caudillo traditions of the Argentine Creole civilization." Other definitions include that of Donald C. Hodges, who saw Peronism as "a Christian and humanist version of socialism" and a "peculiar brand of socialism". Peter Ranis notes that describing Peronism is made difficult by vague language of Perón as well as his constant pragmatic shifts that he took throughout his life - Perón often modified his rhetoric and promoted different movements in order to maintain his big-tent movement that apart from consisting of trade unions, included both left-wing and right-wing supporters. Nevertheless, Ranis wrote that Peronism

6897-605: The child from danger, he does not even ask himself whether the child is his own or belongs to another." Patriotism is used to dehumanize others whom we would naturally have empathy for. He argues, "[P]atriotism is a discriminating and arbitrary sentiment confined to those who belong to a single nation-state or live together within common national borders", a sentiment cultivated and used by militarists in their drive for war. Marxists have taken various stances regarding patriotism. On one hand, Karl Marx famously stated that "The working men have no country" and that "the supremacy of

7018-470: The class of those who work." In his writings, Perón consistently emphasized that the roots of his ideology are based on Catholic doctrine as well as socialism; around the end of his second term, Perón argued: "We believe that there are only two philosophies in the world that can embrace and give direction to the major ideological orientations: one is Christian philosophy, which is already 2,000 years old and has continued to sustain itself through 20 centuries; and

7139-582: The conflict of left-wing Peronists such as the Montoneros with powerful trade unions. Between mid-1970s and 1990s, Peronism was then dominated by right-wing factions such as far-right Orthodox Peronism and neo-liberal Menemism ; Peronism would shift back to the left afterwards and came to be dominated by left-wing Kirchnerism , credited for being a Peronist current that "returned the Peronist Justice Party to its traditional center-left stance following

7260-548: The current dominant faction of Peronism, left-wing Kirchnerism, is seen as a "back-to-roots" movement that reclaimed the ideology of "classical Peronism". Nevertheless, the Justicialist Party is not considered left-wing as it also contains 'dissident Peronists' opposed to left-wing Kirchnerism and following the marginalized right-leaning strands of Peronism instead. The core tenets of Peronism include defense of nationalism, anti-imperialism and laborism, together with political sovereignty, economic independence and social justice being

7381-437: The dominance of the oligarchy". Many in power did not work to change the way things were. However, Juan Perón, at that time a military officer, used his experiences in Europe and political power to create a new political atmosphere that he felt would better the lives of citizens in Argentina. Unlike Yrigoyen, Perón "recognized that the industrial working class was not necessarily an impediment, and could be mobilized to serve as

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7502-402: The economic plans carried out by Stalin. Socialist Yugoslavia was also said to have expressed interest and fascination with Peronism in the 1950s. The Economist has called Peronism "an alliance between trade unions and the " caudillos " of the backward north". Chilean senator Ignacio Walker has criticized Peronism as having "Fascistoid", "authoritarian" and "corporative" traits and

7623-480: The economy. Perón presented himself as a Catholic labourist committed to the ideals of "harmony" and "distributive justice". First breakthrough in his political career came with the settlement with Unión Ferroviaria in December 1943, which was the largest railroad union in Argentina at the time. Perón "offered the union almost everything it had been seeking, until now in vain, during the past fifteen years", which gave him

7744-425: The end, far from being antagonistic, can be united with a common goal of liberation of peoples and men". In the September 1972 meeting of left-wing Peronist groups, Peronism was described as "the national expression of socialism, insofar as it represents, expresses and develops in action the aspirations of the popular masses and the Argentine working class". Peronism was regarded as a form of autochthonous socialism that

7865-418: The excess of patriotism. In 1774, Samuel Johnson published The Patriot , a critique of what he viewed as false patriotism. On the evening of 7 April 1775, he made the famous statement, "Patriotism is the last refuge of the scoundrel". James Boswell , who reported this comment in his Life of Johnson , does not provide context for the quote, and it has therefore been argued that Johnson was in fact attacking

7986-453: The features of a nationalist liberation movement". In his autobiography titled My Life: A Spoken Autobiography , Fidel Castro praised Perón as a revolutionary anti-imperialist who carried out social reforms. Castro also stated: There have been many heroic revolutionary feats on the part of military men in the twentieth century. Juan Domingo Perón, in Argentina, was also from a military background. (...) Perón made some mistakes: he offended

8107-498: The fortune of being born on some particular spot, consider themselves better, nobler, grander, and more intelligent than the living beings inhabiting any other spot. It is, therefore, the duty of everyone living in that chosen spot to fight, kill, and die in an attempt to impose his superiority upon all the others. In the European Union , thinkers such as Jürgen Habermas have advocated a " Euro-patriotism ", but patriotism in Europe

8228-529: The historical and political debates on the ideological nature of Peronism, Czech political scientists Pavlína Springerová and Jiří Chalupa stressed the dominance of the view that Peronism was some kind of socialism, and wrote: "Historians and political scientists over time defined Peronism as Christian socialism, national socialism, demagogic dictatorship, plebiscitary presidential system, state socialism, non-Marxist collectivism, worker democracy or national capitalism". Some historians also consider Peronism to be

8349-528: The ideas of Perón, their interpretation of Perón's intentions varied greatly. Left-wing Peronists believed that the goal of Perón was to establish "the socialist nation", while right-wing Peronists argued that Perón's vision is more similar to corporatism rather than socialism, and that Perón's vision is one of establishing an "organized community". Perón himself used very vague terms such as socialismo nacional ("national socialism"), which he described as being based on Christian social values and aiming to overthrow

8470-539: The ideological bond between Peronism and Chavismo. In July 2024, Maduro stated: "I am a Peronist and an Evista." Perón was also regarded positively by Mao Zedong . When visiting pro-Perón Maoist militias in Argentina, Mao reportedly stated: "If I were a young Argentinian, I would be a Peronist." This quote was promoted by the Revolutionary Communist Party of Argentina , who advertized their movement by stating: "If Mao had been Argentine, he would have been

8591-527: The inappropriate definitions and parallels. Thus: Peronism was not fascism. Some of Peronism's adherents had a fascist outlook and mentality. Peron himself admired Mussolini and the idea of the corporate state. Some of the trappings of Peronism recalled the ambiance of the Black Shirts. But all this was relatively superficial. No fascist society was ever erected on a mass base of laboring and dispossessed hordes. In its own descriptions of identity, Peronism rejected

8712-604: The individual pursuit of wealth." This was combined with Peronist redefinition of citizenship, as Perón attracted and empowered groups that were previously excluded socially and economically - urban poor, immigrant communities and unionised workers. Deriving from 1930s anti-imperialist nationalism, Peronist doctrine had three leading principles, as formulated by Perón: economic independence, political sovereignty, and social justice. Perón considered Argentina "an economic colony of Great Britain" and sought to liberate Argentina from both British and American influence; Perón's foreign policy

8833-646: The interests of the organic state, and there was no official anti-Semitism. Peronism was not a dictatorship. Admittedly, definition is a factor here, but as the American embassy stated in April 1948, "... Peron is far from being a dictator in the sense of having absolute authority." This viewpoint was explicitly adopted in the Department of State's Secret Policy Statement of March 21, 1950. The cabinet debated measures at length. The army concerned itself with foreign policy. Peron often had to bargain for support, to trim his sails on

8954-422: The living conditions of the workers. That social class, which was always grateful and loyal to him, made Perón an idol, to the end of his life. When Perón died in 1974, Castro declared three days of mourning and Cuban officials termed Peron's death "a blow to all Latin America". Castro noted the affinity and similarties between his ideology and Peronism, and cited Che Guevara letter's in which Che stated that "Peron

9075-424: The main difference between left-wing and right-wing populisms is the economic focus of the former and social focus of the latter. Political scientist Pierre Ostiguy argues that it is "structural and intuitive" to classify Peronism as left-leaning, especially given its electoral base and dependency on trade unions. He added that "Perón could absolutely not, as the ordinary working class well understood, be considered on

9196-448: The margins of the nation – as was the case for Arabs and Jews." Peronism is thus credited with creating the image of multicultural Argentina through his policies that would redistribute the wealth while also promoting the concept of Argentina as a society of "multiple collective ethnic identities". Peron described his ideology as "intrinsically Argentine" and a reflection of the Argentinian people. Perón's preferred wording for his ideology

9317-447: The ministry of war that Farrell commanded before becoming president. In March 1944, railroad workers organized a demonstration in support of Perón, and in June, he was able to take control over metalworkers' union Unión Obrera Metalúrgica . Perón's speech from 11 June introduced the concept of "nation in arms", where he called war an inevitable consequence of human condition. According to Perón,

9438-414: The more impoverished rural population." He characterized Peronism as an ideology best described as "anticapitalist populist nationalism which appeals to the lower strata". Lipset also took note of a view that Peronism is a fascist movement, but argued that Peronism can only be seen as a left-wing equivalent of fascism: "If Peronism is considered a variant of fascism, then it is a fascism of the left because it

9559-609: The most common labels for Peronism such as socialism, fascism, or arguments that Peronism transcends the left-right divide. Some scholars evaluated Peronism as a social democratic ideology instead, or even paternalistic conservatism , with a mixture of militant labourism and traditional conservatism . However, whether Peronism was conservative is heavily disputed, as the proponents of Peronism see it as socially progressive . Peronism has also been described as socially progressive by some political analysts, as well as by historians such as Luis Alberto Romero . The main Peronist party

9680-406: The nation, distinguishing it from racial or chauvinistic ethno-nationalism that prioritizes a single ethnic group. This is because of the ethnically heterogeneous background of Argentina, which is a result of the mixing between indigenous peoples , Criollos , the various immigrant groups and their descendants. Likewise, Peronism is generally considered populist , since it needs the figure of

9801-409: The old liberal conceptions of the state. Alternatively, Peronism was also denounced as fascism by some scholars - Carlos Fayt believed that Peronism was "an Argentine implementation of Italian fascism ". Such conclusion was also reached by Paul M. Hayes, who argued that "the Peronist movement produced a form of fascism that was distinctively Latin American". This belief was particularly popular in

9922-499: The opposition that severely compromised that democracy." Writing on Perón and his ideology, Charles D. Ameringer argued that "The rise to power of Juan Perón in 1943 was not the end of the socialist impulse in Argentina; it was the culmination" and added that "much of the social legislation either introduced or implemented by Perón . . . originated with the Socialist Party." Raanan Rein similarly wrote that Peronism as an ideology

10043-567: The other is Marxist philosophy, which is the philosophy of communism... There is no other." According to Brennan, as a populist mixture, Peronism synthesized multiple ideologies and schools of thought, which he listed as nationalism, anti-imperialism, socialism, authoritarianism, federalism and militarism. Robert Crassweller offers a different definition, arguing that "Peronism may be defined roughly as an authoritarian populist movement, strongly colored by Catholic social thought, by nationalism, by organic principles of Mediterranean corporatism, and by

10164-506: The party's candidates in the general elections. The party was part of the governing Frente de Todos coalition that supported the successful 2019 Argentine presidential candidate Alberto Fernández during the 2019 Argentine general election . It was also part of the Citizen's Unity between 2017 and 2019. Since 2023, it is part of the Unión por la Patria coalition which supported Sergio Massa for

10285-513: The police reaction was not always rigorous, but Peronism as such had no anti-Semitic or other racial bias. As Ambassador Messersmith reported at length in May 1947, "There is not as much social discrimination against Jews here as there is right in New York or in most places at home." In this, Peron did not scramble for the moral high ground in the spirit of a crusader; that was not his style. Practical awareness

10406-399: The political and economic mainstream, and whose lifelong electoral base was principally organized labor, can hardly be deemed rightist." Beyond Perón, the Peronist movement itself has many factions - Kirchnerism and revolutionary Peronism on the left, and Federal Peronism and Orthodox Peronism on the right. The Justicialist Party created by Perón is generally placed on the left of

10527-410: The political spectrum. Peronism is described as socialist by many political scientists, classified as a variant of nationalist socialism, paternalistic socialism, non-Marxist socialism, and Catholic socialism . Political scientists supporting this view note that Perón created a planned and heavily regulated economy, with "a massive public sector of nationalized industries and social services" that

10648-464: The political thought and policies of Juan Perón are considered to be the core of Peronism. As an ideology, Peronism had authoritarian and populist components, which was a blend of several ideologies and currents and a traditional Argentinian stye of leadership ( caudillismo ), which featured a charismatic leader leading a broad front. Christopher Wylde defines Peronism as "a form of leftist–populist nationalism, rooted in an urban working-class movement that

10769-502: The power of the Argentine oligarchy. Peronist reforms also included a constitutional right to housing, ending the oppression of indigenous peoples, adding mandatory trade union representation to regional legislature, freezing retail prices and subsidizing foodstuffs to the workers. Perón followed what he called a "national form of socialism", which represented the interests of different sectors of Argentine society, and grouped them into multiple organizations: workers were represented by

10890-435: The preservation of their traditional culture and encourage cultural assimilation by people from other cultures. However, some of the more civic forms of patriotism tend to de-emphasize ethnic culture in favor of a shared political culture . Patriotism may be strengthened by adherence to a national religion (a civil religion or even a theocracy ). This is the opposite of the separation of church and state demanded by

11011-453: The presidency. During the Peronists' second period in office from 1973 to 1976, various social provisions were improved. Perón's death left an intense power vacuum and the military promptly overthrew Isabel in 1976 . Since the return to democracy in 1983 , Peronist candidates have won several general elections. The candidate for Peronism, Carlos Menem , was elected in 1989 and served for two consecutive terms until 1999. Menem abandoned

11132-497: The proletariat will cause [national differences] to vanish still faster." The same view is promoted by present-day Trotskyists such as Alan Woods , who is "in favor of tearing down all frontiers and creating a socialist world commonwealth." On the other hand, Marxist-Leninists and Maoists are usually in favor of socialist patriotism based on the theory of socialism in one country . Against primordial arguments in favour of national patriotism, Eric Hobsbawm wrote that such

11253-400: The protesters called for the resignation of the junta for its Nazi sympathies. Perón would sharply reconfigure his views and speeches in late 1944, as the nationalist junta was facing intense pressure to reform and hold elections. He declared that his ultimate goal is to introduce "true democracy" in Argentina, and began searching for allies amongst the middle and upper classes. However, as he

11374-686: The reputation of the "Argentina's Number One Worker" amongst railroad unionists. In January 1944, General Pedro Pablo Ramírez fell from power following the revelation of secret negotiations between Nazi Germany and Argentinian junta. The junta was forced to break diplomatic relations with the Axis and purge its cabinet of pro-Axis members. Ramírez was replaced by moderate Edelmiro Julián Farrell , which prompted protests from nationalist circles - in Tucumán , flags on government buildings flew at half-mast in sign of protest. Perón further expanded his power, as he took over

11495-419: The right. He thus shared a position with the leftist political parties, in the opposite camp." However, some described Peronism as a Latin American form of fascism instead. Criticizing identifying Peronism as right-wing or fascism, Robert D. Crassweller remarked: "a movement whose founder spends his life combating the economic and social elite, whose great contribution was to bring the anonymous masses into

11616-671: The seventh consecutive year in terms of Fiscal Efficiency, Social Indicators, Infrastructure, Fiscal Solvency, and Foreign Trade. In addition, in its ambition to create a Silicon Valley, San Luis was positioned as fourth in the ranking of 150 digital metropolises prepared by Motorola. It was originally a political alliance in 2011 composed of the Green Party, Es Posible, UNIR, the Democratic Party , PAIS Party and Republican Proposal . San Luis Governor Alberto Rodríguez Saá ( 2007 and 2011 ) and Senator Adolfo Rodríguez Saá ( 2015 ) were

11737-457: The state was chiefly considered in contrast to loyalty to the Church . It was argued that clerics should not be allowed to teach in public schools since their patrie was heaven, so they could not inspire a love of the homeland in their students. One of the most influential proponents of this notion of patriotism was Jean-Jacques Rousseau . Enlightenment thinkers also criticized what they saw as

11858-510: The three primary pillars of the justicialist movement. Patriotism Patriotism is the feeling of love, devotion, and a sense of attachment to a country or state. This attachment can be a combination of different feelings for things such as the language of one's homeland, and its ethnic, cultural, political, or historical aspects. It may encompass a set of concepts closely related to nationalism , mostly civic nationalism and sometimes cultural nationalism . An excess of patriotism

11979-471: The timing of initiatives, and to balance interests that could not be overridden. Peronism as well as anti-Peronism have both spanned the entire ideological spectrum, including far-right fascism, far-left Marxism, center-left social democracy, and center-right neoliberalism. This led to both left-wing as well as right-wing Peronist regimes in Argentina, with competing wings of Peronism fighting not only anti-Peronist forces, but also each other. Early Peronism of

12100-547: The top . According to a study by the Identity Foundation, 60% of Germans were proud of their country in 2009. According to Statista , the figure was as high as 83%. In a 2020 Pew Research Center survey, 53% of participants surveyed in Germany said they were proud of their country, the highest figure among the nations surveyed ( France (45 %), United Kingdom (41 %), United States (39 %)). Since 1981 ,

12221-432: The trade union movement; Perón was more its creature than the labor movement was his." Peronist economic policy had three objectives which consisted of expanding public spending and giving the state the dominating role in production and distribution ( economic nationalism ), egalitarian distribution of national income (therefore Peronism is considered to represent syndicalism and/or non-Marxist socialism), and implementing

12342-488: The traditional Peronist policies, focusing on the adoption of free-market policies, the privatization of state enterprises, and pro-US foreign policy. In 1999, Fernando De La Rúa would win the presidential elections allied to a large sector of Peronists who denounced Menem . After the De La Rúa administration collapsed in 2001, four interim Peronist leaders took over between 2001 and 2003 due to political turmoil of

12463-470: The will of the people while also considering the unique circumstances and culture of each nation. According to Richard Gillespie, this expression meant to convey "a ‘national’ road to socialism, understood as a system of economic socialization and popular power respectful of specific national conditions and traditions." In 1967, Perón defended his notion of 'national socialism' by arguing that "nationalism need not be at odds with socialism", given that "both, in

12584-525: The workers' pleas for better wages and better working conditions after World War I. Yrigoyen was notorious for failing to oppose Argentina's oligarchy. According to Teresa Meade in A History of Modern Latin America: 1800 to the Present , Yrigoyen failed "to establish a middle-class-based political system from 1916 to 1930 – mainly because his Radical Civic Union had neither the will nor the means to effectively oppose

12705-416: Was justicialism , which he used to promote social justice as the core of his ideology. He wrote: "like the people, justicialism is national, social, and Christian." Peronist communitarian philosophy envisioned a society that would be an organized community, where each individual was to fulfill a social function "in the service of all", and also have access to an extensive complex of faculties, each designed for

12826-505: Was vice president and Alberto Fernández president. As of 2023 , Peronists have held the presidency in Argentina for 39 total years. Peronism is generally considered to be a variant of left-wing populism or a broadly left-wing ideology; however, political scientists such as Anthony W. Pereira also note that left-wing populists such as Perón "may share important elements with their right-wing counterparts." Carlos de la Torre and Oscar Mazzoleni also stressed this ambiguity, arguing that

12947-437: Was "applied to barbarians who were perceived to be either uncivilized or primitive and who had only a common Patris or fatherland." The original European meaning of patriots applied to anyone who was a fellow countryman regardless of the socio-economic status. The notions of civic virtue and group dedication can be found in cultures globally throughout history. For Enlightenment thinkers of 18th-century Europe, loyalty to

13068-514: Was "redistributive in nature" and prioritized workers' benefits and the empowerment of trade unions. Perón's close relationship with a socialist leader Juan José Arévalo and his extensive support for the Bolivian National Revolution are also considered arguments in favor of this view. Additionally, despite promoting a concept of a "Third Way" between the 'imperialisms' of the United States and Soviet Union, Perón supported and became

13189-567: Was a "worker-type populism" that one can roughly describe as "corporate democratic socialism", despite the authoritarian tendencies of Perón himself. Despite opportunistically declaring his opposition to Communism and even socialism, Perón nevertheless described his justicialism as "national socialism" (socialismo nacional) and "Christian national socialism" (socialismo national cristiano); to Ranis, Perón "fused an indigenous socialism with Argentine nationalism through Peronism", and used Marxist rhetoric: Peron’s usage of Marxist terminology, but within

13310-418: Was allied to elements of the domestic bourgeoisie as well as the military." The legitimacy of Peronism derived from trade unions who gave Perón their support, and his ideology was a reflection of demands and expectations of the Argentinian labor movement. According to historian Daniel James , the reliance of Peronism on trade unions was so strong, that in the Peronist movement, "the initiative very much lay with

13431-534: Was always at the forefront of his politics, and in the 1940s there were half a million Jews in Argentina, along with an equal number of Arabs. His private preference was for the Arabs, partly because he believed they assimilated more completely into Argentine society and partly, one may assume, because of the Islamic elements in his beloved Hispanic heritage; but the potential conflict between these ethnic rivals had to be muted in

13552-507: Was an accumulation of many political concepts such as "nationalist socialism, trade unionist tradition, nationalisation of the middle strata, charismatic leadership, revolutionary prophetism, Third Worldism, justicialist ethics, Christian utopia, popular mobilisation and outlines of democratisation". While the movement was in the state of constant struggle between competing ideological movements between it, it never abandoned trade unions and its "revolutionary rhetoric that claimed to assume directly

13673-461: Was formulated as "third position" and was a forerunner of thirdworldism - Perón argued that instead of looking to either Western capitalism or Soviet communism, Argentina should carve out its own path and seek alliances with like-minded nations that would reject imperialism and foreign influence in favour of absolute sovereignty. As a requirement for this sovereignty, Peronism featured extensive redistributive and nationalist policies - Perón established

13794-564: Was nationalist populism, shaped by the Catholic social teaching as well as "socialist currents of varying nuances". Rein attributed the socialist component of Peronism to policies that would give new sociocultural and political dimensions to Argentinian identity and nationalism. According to Rein, "Peronism rehabilitated popular culture and gave folklore a place in Argentine culture, attempted to rewrite national history and included various ethnic minorities who, up until that point, had been relegated to

13915-512: Was never a form of fascism during Juan Perón's first presidencies (1946-55). Nor was Peronism fascistic in its subsequent incarnations over the past seventy-five years from the 1970s revolutionary leftist Montonero guerilla organization to the neoliberal centre-right presidency of Carlos Menem." Daniel James wrote that Perón "took his ideas principally from social catholic, communitarian ideologues rather than from any pre-1955 fascistic theory." Robert Crassweller explains: One should first clear away

14036-420: Was one of class collaboration under the auspices and direction of the state. What Peron offered was not the individual consciousness of the unreconstructed liberal, nor the class consciousness that he identified with foreign and alien alternatives, but a unified, communitarian, social consciousness that would assuage class warfare, avoid the contamination of international socialism, and organize society to transcend

14157-482: Was rejected by the Radical circles, Perón committed himself to developing his popularity amongst the working class. Historian David Rock remarked that "Perón again found himself forced back on the support of the unions alone and at this point openly embraced democratic socialism." He praised the victory of the Labour Party in the 1945 United Kingdom general election , portraying it as proof of "humanity marching toward

14278-512: Was supported by Joseph Stalin due to its hostility towards the United States, and after Perón's removal from power, the Sovet government had "a certain nostalgia for the Peronist government". American historian Garrett John Roberts, who described Peronism as an "ultranationalist socialist labor movement" and Perón's policies as "socialist and nationalist", states that there was some affinity between Perón and Stalin, as Perón modeled his Five Year Plan on

14399-474: Was the most advanced embodiment of political and economic reform in Argentina". Loris Zanatta argues that both Castro and Perón represented "a case of ‘nationalist socialism’". According to Zanatto, Castro was "a full member of the same family" as Perón, and that "from Hugo Chávez to the Sandinista revolution, from liberation theology to radical indigenism, the chromosomes of Peronist national socialism recur in

14520-451: Was to end the capitalist exploitation of Argentina and fight imperialism. Perón expressed deep affinity to Maoism, writing: "The refusal of Mao to side with colonialism lays the foundation of the ‘Third World’ in which the different socialist democracies can get along perfectly. There is no reason for nationalism and socialism to quarrel. Both can unite with the common objective of liberating the pueblos." Perón additionally stated that "Marxism

14641-406: Was to grant "political and economic emancipation" to the workers of Argentina. However, whether Peronism constituted a genuine socialist movement of non-Marxist nature is unclear. John J. Johnson and Kalman H. Silvert linked Peronism to Argentinian reactionary nationalism and concluded that it is a fascist movement, whereas Juan José Hernández Arregui and Jorge Abelardo Ramos considered Peronism

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