Central Alaskan Yupʼik (also rendered Yupik , Central Yupik , or indigenously Yugtun ) is one of the languages of the Yupik family, in turn a member of the Eskimo–Aleut language group, spoken in western and southwestern Alaska . Both in ethnic population and in number of speakers, the Central Alaskan Yupik people form the largest group among Alaska Natives . As of 2010 Yupʼik was, after Navajo , the second most spoken aboriginal language in the United States. Yupʼik should not be confused with the related language Central Siberian Yupik spoken in Chukotka and St. Lawrence Island , nor Naukan Yupik likewise spoken in Chukotka.
55-608: Emmonak ( Central Yupik : Imangaq ) is a city in Kusilvak Census Area, Alaska , United States. At the 2010 census the population was 762, down from 767 in 2000. Emmonak is located in the large delta of the Yukon River at 62°46′38″N 164°32′42″W / 62.77722°N 164.54500°W / 62.77722; -164.54500 (62.777328, -164.544920). According to the United States Census Bureau ,
110-403: A morpheme boundary. The effect is that while phonetic vowel length may yield a surface contrast between words, phonetic length is predictable and thus not phonemically contrastive . The vowel qualities [e o] are allophones of /i u/ , and are found preceding uvular consonants (such as [q] or [ʁ] ) and preceding the low vowel [a] . Yup'ik does not contrast voicing in stops , but has
165-426: A Yupʼik verb often carries as much information as an English sentence, and word order is often quite free. Three parts of speech are identified: nouns, verbs, and particles . Because there are fewer parts of speech than in (e.g.) English, each category has a wider range of uses. For example, Yup'ik grammatical case fulfills the role that English prepositions do, and nominal derivational affixes or roots fulfill
220-463: A bisyllabic foot whose syllables each contain one phonologically single vowel will be pronounced with a long vowel in the second syllable. Thus pissuqatalliniluni /pisuqataɬiniluni/ "apparently about to hunt" is pronounced [(pi.'suː)(qa.'taː)(ɬi.'niː)lu.ni] . Following standard linguistic convention, parentheses here demarcate feet, periods represent the remaining syllable boundaries, and apostrophes occur before syllables that bear stress. In this word
275-441: A cold winter and increased fuel prices led to economic hardship. Due to a collapse in local king salmon fisheries in 2008, residents were unable to buy increased amounts of heating oil at higher prices. On January 10, 2009, Nicholas C. Tucker Sr., a town elder, circulated a letter asking for aid. The letter was circulated by Alaska bloggers, where it was picked up by national media. K-12 students attend Emmonak School, operated by
330-407: A foot (and thus stressed) given the usual iambic footing, the stress retracts to a preceding syllable. Without regressive accent, Yupiaq /jupiaq/ would be pronounced * [(ju.'piː)aq] , but because of the ban on hiatus at foot boundaries, stress retracts to the initial syllable, and consonant gemination occurs to increase the weight of that initial syllable, resulting in [('jup)pi.aq] . This process
385-605: A full novel by Anna Jacobson. While several different systems have been used to write Yupʼik, the most widely used orthography today is that adopted by the Alaska Native Language Center and exemplified in Jacobson's (1984) dictionary, Jacobson's (1995) learner's grammar, and Miyaoka's (2012) grammar. The orthography is a Latin-script alphabet ; the letters and digraphs used in alphabetical order are listed below, along with an indication of their associated phonemes in
440-477: A geminate p (/pː/). In Yupiaq length is predictable and hence is not marked; in Yupʼik the length is not predictable and so must be indicated with the apostrophe. An apostrophe is also used to separate n from g , to distinguish n'g /nɣ/ from the digraph ng /ŋ/. Apostrophes are also used between two consonants to indicate that voicing assimilation has not occurred (see below), and between two vowels to indicate
495-400: A household in the city was $ 32,917, and the median income for a family was $ 38,750. Males had a median income of $ 23,750 versus $ 18,542 for females. The per capita income for the city was $ 9,069. About 16.4% of families and 16.2% of the population were below the poverty line , including 15.9% of those under age 18 and 9.1% of those age 65 or over. In the winter of 2008–2009, a combination of
550-487: A plosive when it occurs at the end of a word. For example, qayar-pak "big kayak" is pronounced [qaja χ pak] , while "kayak" alone is [qaja q ] ; the velar fricative becomes a stop word-finally. Moreover, the [k] of -pak is only a stop by virtue of it being word-final: if another suffix is added, as in qayar-pag-tun "like a big kayak" a fricative is found in place of that stop: [qajaχpa x tun] . The voiced velar consonants /ɣ ŋ/ are elided between single vowels, if
605-407: A processes that serves to increase the weight of the prominent syllable in a foot. When lengthening cannot apply, a variety of processes involving either elision or gemination apply to create a well-formed prosodic word. Iambic lengthening is the process by which the second syllable in an iambic foot is made more prominent by lengthening the duration of the vowel in that syllable. In Yup'ik,
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#1733093123556660-399: A single syllable, which is almost always closed and must bear stress.) For example, in the word pissuqatalliniluni "apparently about to hunt", every second syllable (save the last) is stressed. The most prominent of these (i.e., the syllable that has primary stress ) is the rightmost of the stressed syllables. The iambic stress system of Yup'ik results in predicable iambic lengthening ,
715-478: A wide global distribution and is the most common alignment system among the world's languages (including English). Languages with nominative–accusative alignment are commonly called nominative–accusative languages . A transitive verb is associated with two noun phrases (or arguments ): a subject and a direct object . An intransitive verb is associated with only one argument, a subject. The different kinds of arguments are usually represented as S , A , and O . S
770-447: A wide range of fricatives that contrast in voicing. The phoneme /l/ is not phonetically a fricative, but behaves as one phonologically in Yup'ik (in particular with regard to voicing alternations, where it alternates with [ ɬ ] ; see below). Contrasts between /s/ and /z/ and between /f/ and /v/ are rare, and the greater part of the voicing contrasts among fricatives is between
825-587: Is angsaq [aŋzaq] Norton Sound. Conversely, in the Hooper Bay-Chevak (HBC) dialect, there is no /z/ phoneme, and /j/ is used in its place, such that GCY qasgiq [qazɣeq] is pronounced qaygiq [qajɣeq] . HBC does not have the [w] allophone of /v/ , such that /v/ is pronounced [v] in all contexts, and there are no labialized uvular fricatives. In the Nunivak dialect, one finds /aː/ in place of GCY /ai/ , such that GCY cukaitut "they are slow"
880-399: Is an allophone of /tʃ/ before the schwa vowel. The voiced labiovelar approximant [w] is an allophone of /v/ that typically occurs between two full vowels, excepting when it occurs adjacent to an inflectional suffix. For example, /tʃali-vig-∅/ "work-place- ABS " is pronounced [tʃaliːwik] (orthographically, calivik ), since /v/ occurs between two full vowels and it not adjacent to
935-481: Is called an ending , which carries the inflectional categories of case (on nouns), grammatical mood (on verbs), person , and number . Finally, optional enclitics may be added, which usually indicate "the speaker's attitude towards what he is saying such as questioning, hoping, reporting, etc." Orthographically , enclitics are separated from the rest of the word with a hyphen . However, since hyphens are already used in glosses to separate morphemes, there
990-505: Is common for languages (such as Georgian and Hindustani ) to have overlapping alignment systems, which exhibit both nominative–accusative and ergative–absolutive coding, a phenomenon called split ergativity . In fact, there are relatively few languages that exhibit only ergative–absolutive alignment (called pure ergativity) and tend to be isolated in certain regions of the world, such as the Caucasus , parts of North America and Mesoamerica ,
1045-470: Is not pronounced * [(nə.'qəː)ni] , which would be expected by iambic lengthening, but rather is pronounced neq'ni [('nəq)ni] , which features the elision of /ə/ and a monosyllabic foot. Second, if the first syllable of a word is closed (ends in a consonant), this syllable constitutes a monosyllabic foot and receives stress. Iambic footing continues left-to-right from the right edge of that foot. For example, nerciqsugnarquq "(s)he probably will eat" has
1100-704: Is only found with first and (non-neuter) third person pronouns, which have distinct subject and object forms. English I 1SG : SBJ walked. walk: PAST I walked. 1SG:SBJ walk:PAST I 1SG : SBJ saw see: PAST them. 3PL : OBJ I saw them. 1SG:SBJ see:PAST 3PL:OBJ Japanese 花瓶が Kabin-ga(S) vase- NOM 壊れた kowareta broke 花瓶が 壊れた Kabin-ga(S) kowareta vase-NOM broke ‘A vase broke’ 私は Watashi-wa(S) I- NOM 花瓶を kabin-wo(O) vase- ACC 壊した kowashita broke 私は 花瓶を 壊した Watashi-wa(S) kabin-wo(O) kowashita I-NOM vase-ACC broke ‘I broke
1155-683: Is potential for confusion as to whether a morpheme is a suffix or an enclitic, so in glosses the equals sign is used instead. angyar boat angyar boat -pa AUG -li make -yu DES -kapigte INT Nominative%E2%80%93accusative alignment In linguistic typology , nominative–accusative alignment is a type of morphosyntactic alignment in which subjects of intransitive verbs are treated like subjects of transitive verbs , and are distinguished from objects of transitive verbs in basic clause constructions. Nominative–accusative alignment can be coded by case -marking, verb agreement and/or word order . It has
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#17330931235561210-431: Is pronounced cukaatut , there is no word-final fortition of /x/ and /χ/ (see below), and word-initial /xʷ/ is pronounced [kʷ] . There are a variety of voicing assimilation processes (specifically, devoicing ) that apply mostly predictably to continuant consonants ( fricatives and nasals ); these processes are not represented in the orthography. Occasionally these assimilation processes do not apply, and in
1265-597: Is spoken in Alaska , the language is often referred to as Central Alaskan Yupik (for example, in Miyaoka's 2012 grammar of the language). The term Yup'ik [jupːik] is a common endonym , and is derived from /juɣ-piɣ/ "person-genuine". The Alaska Native Language Center and Jacobson's (1995) learner's grammar use Central (Alaskan) Yup'ik , which can be seen as a hybrid of the former two terms; there is, however, potential for confusion here: Central (Alaskan) Yup'ik may refer to either
1320-401: Is termed automatic gemination in Jacobson's (1995) grammar. Yup'ik also disallows iambic feet that consist of a closed syllable followed by an open one, i.e. feet of the form CVC.'CV(ː), where C and V stand for "consonant" and "vowel" respectively. To avoid this type of foot, stress retracts: cangatenrituten /tʃaŋatənʁitutən/ has the stress pattern [(tʃa.'ŋaː)('tən)(ʁi.'tuː)tən] to avoid
1375-403: Is the sole argument of an intransitive verb, A is the subject (or most agent-like ) argument of a transitive verb, and O is the direct object (or most patient-like ) argument of a transitive verb. English has nominative–accusative alignment in its case marking of personal pronouns: the single argument ( S ) of an intransitive verb ("I" in the sentence " I walked.") behaves grammatically like
1430-457: The Alaska Native Language Center developed a modern writing system for the language. Their work led to the establishment of the state's first bilingual school programs in four Yupʼik villages in the early 1970s. Since then a wide variety of bilingual materials has been published, including Steven Jacobson's comprehensive dictionary of the language, his complete practical classroom grammar, and story collections and narratives by many others including
1485-521: The Chukotka peninsula , where Naukan Yupik is also spoken. Yup'ik is bordered to the north by the more distantly related Iñupiaq language ; the difference between Yupʼik and Iñupiaq is comparable to that of the difference between Spanish and French. Of a total population of more than 23,000 people, more than 14,000 are speakers of the language. Children still grow up speaking Yupʼik as their first language in 17 of 68 Yupʼik villages, those mainly located on
1540-482: The Lower Yukon School District . Central Yupik language Yupʼik, like all Eskimo languages, is polysynthetic and uses suffixation as primary means for word formation. There are a great number of derivational suffixes (termed postbases ) that are used productively to form these polysynthetic words. Yupʼik has predominantly ergative alignment: case marking follows the ergative pattern for
1595-497: The Tibetan Plateau , and Australia . Such languages include Sumerian , Standard Tibetan , and Mayan . Nominative–accusative alignment can manifest itself in visible ways, called coding properties. Often, these visible properties are morphological and the distinction will appear as a difference in the actual morphological form and spelling of the word, or as case particles (pieces of morphology) which will appear before or after
1650-556: The Yugtun script was invented for the language by Uyaquq , a native speaker, in about 1900, although the language is now mostly written using the Latin script . Early linguistic work in Central Yupʼik was done primarily by Russian Orthodox , then Jesuit and Moravian Church missionaries, leading to a modest tradition of literacy used in letter writing. In the 1960s, Irene Reed and others at
1705-573: The International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA). The vowel qualities /a, i, u/ may occur long ; these are written aa , ii , uu when vowel length is not a result of stress . Consonants may also occur long ( geminate ), but their occurrence is often predictable by regular phonological rules, and so in these cases is not marked in the orthography. Where long consonants occur unpredictably they are indicated with an apostrophe following consonant. For example, Yupiaq and Yupʼik both contain
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1760-595: The Nunivak dialect ( Cupʼig ) is distinct and highly divergent from mainland Yupʼik dialects. The only significant difference between Hooper Bay and Chevak dialects is the pronunciation of the initial y- [j] as c- [tʃ] in Chevak in some words: Yupʼik in Hooper Bay but Cupʼik in Chevak. Even sub-dialects may differ with regard to pronunciation and lexicon. The following table compares some words in two sub-dialects of General Central Yupʼik ( Yugtun ). A syllabary known as
1815-406: The agent ( A ) of a transitive verb ("I" in the sentence " I saw them.") but differently from the object ( O ) of a transitive verb ("me" in the sentence “they saw me ."). This is in contrast with ergative–absolutive alignment , where S is coded in the same way as O , while A receives distinct marking, or tripartite alignment , where A , S and O all are coded in a different manner. It
1870-479: The city has a total area of 8.6 square miles (22 km), of which, 7.5 square miles (19 km) of it is land and 1.1 square miles (2.8 km) of it (13.08%) is water. Emmonak is one of the last permanent settlements along the Yukon before it empties out into Bering Sea . Emmonak first appeared on the 1970 U.S. Census as an incorporated city (having incorporated in 1964), although was erroneously called "Emanguk." It
1925-523: The city was 5.61% White , 0.26% Black or African American , 91.26% Native American , 0.13% Asian , and 2.74% from two or more races. 1.04% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race. There were 189 households, out of which 55.6% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 47.1% were married couples living together, 18.0% had a female householder with no husband present, and 20.6% were non-families. 16.9% of all households were made up of individuals, and 3.2% had someone living alone who
1980-417: The consonant following /ə/ will geminate if that consonant is not part of a cluster . This also occurs outside of Norton Sound if the consonants before and after /ə/ are phonetically similar. For example, /tuməmi/ "on the footprint" is not pronounced * [(tu.'məː)mi] , which would be expected by iambic lengthening, but rather is pronounced [(tu.'məm)mi] , with gemination of the second /m/ to increase
2035-550: The extinct Egegik dialect. All extant dialects of the language are mutually intelligible , albeit with phonological and lexical differences that sometimes cause difficulty in cross-dialectal comprehension. Lexical differences exist somewhat dramatically across dialects, in part due to a historical practice of name taboo. Speakers may be reluctant to take on the lexicon of another dialect because they "often feel proud of their own dialects". The Yupʼik dialects, sub-dialects and their locations are as follows: The last of these,
2090-434: The first is a full vowel: /tuma-ŋi/ is pronounced tumai [tumːai] (with geminate [mː] resulting from automatic gemination; see below). Yup'ik has an iambic stress system. Starting from the leftmost syllable in a word and moving rightward, syllables usually are grouped into units (termed "feet") containing two syllables each, and the second syllable of each foot is stressed. (However, feet in Yup'ik may also consist of
2145-448: The iambic foot *(tən.'ʁiː) that would otherwise be expected. Yup'ik has highly synthetic morphology: the number of morphemes within a word is very high. The language is moreover agglutinative , meaning that affixation is the primary strategy for word formation, and that an affix, when added to a word, does not unpredictably affect the forms of neighboring affixes. Because of the tendency to create very long verbs through suffixation,
2200-408: The inflectional suffix. With /tʃav-utə/ "oar" by contrast, since /-utə/ is an inflectional suffix, /v/ does not undergo the allophonic alternation: [tʃavun] ( cavun ). In Norton Sound, as well as some villages on the lower Yukon, /j/ tends to be pronounced as [z] when following a consonant, and geminate /jː/ as [zː] . For example, the word angyaq "boat" of General Central Yup'ik (GCY)
2255-491: The lack of gemination of a preceding consonant. A hyphen is used to separate a clitic from its host. Yup'ik contrasts four vowel qualities : /a i u ə/ . The reduced vowel /ə/ always manifests phonetically short in duration , but the other three vowel qualities may occur phonetically short or long: [a aː i iː u uː] . Phonetically long vowels come about when a full vowel ( /a i u/ ) is lengthened by stress (see below), or when two single vowels are brought together across
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2310-508: The language as a whole, or the geographically central dialect of the language, more commonly called General Central Yup'ik. Other endonyms are used regionally: Cup'ig in the Nunivak dialect, Cup'ik in Chevak (these terms are cognate with Yup'ik , but represent the pronunciation of the word in the respective dialect), and Yugtun in the Yukon-Kuskokwim region . Yupʼik is spoken primarily in southwestern Alaska, from Norton Sound in
2365-556: The laterals /l/ and /ɬ/ , the velars /x/ and /ɣ/ , and the uvulars /χ/ and /ʁ/ . For some speakers, there is also a voicing contrast among the nasal consonants, which is typologically somewhat rare. Any consonant may occur as a geminate word-medially, and consonant length is contrastive. The table above includes the allophones [χʷ] , [ts] , and [w] . The voiceless labialized uvular fricative [χʷ] occurs only in some speech variants and does not contrast with its voiced counterpart /ʁʷ/ . The voiceless alveolar affricate [ts]
2420-513: The lower Kuskokwim River , on Nelson Island , and along the coast between the Kuskokwim River and Nelson Island. The variety of Yup'ik spoken by the younger generations is being influenced strongly by English: it is less synthetic , has a reduced inventory of spatial demonstratives, and is lexically Anglicized. Yup'ik is typically considered to have five dialects: Norton Sound , General Central Yup'ik , Nunivak , Hooper Bay-Chevak , and
2475-462: The most part, but verb agreement can follow an ergative or an accusative pattern, depending on grammatical mood . The language grammatically distinguishes three numbers : singular, dual , and plural . There is no marking of grammatical gender in the language, nor are there articles . The Yup'ik language goes by various names. Since it is a geographically central member of the Yupik languages and
2530-567: The north to the Alaska Peninsula in the south, and from Lake Iliamna in the east to Nunivak Island in the west. Yup'ik lies geographically central relative to the other members of the Yupik language family: Alutiiq ~ Sugpiaq is spoken to south and east, and Central Siberian Yupik is spoken to the west on St. Lawrence Island (often called St. Lawrence Island Yupik in the Alaskan context) and on
2585-465: The orthography an apostrophe is written in the middle of the consonant cluster to indicate this: at'nguq is pronounced [atŋoq] , not [atŋ̊oq] . Fricatives are devoiced word-initially and word-finally. Another common phonological alternation of Yup'ik is word-final fortition . Among consonants, only the stops /t k q/ , the nasals /m n ŋ/ , and the fricative /χ/ may occur word-finally. Any other fricative (and in many cases also /χ/ ) will become
2640-528: The role that English adjectives do. In descriptive work on Yup'ik, there are four regions within nouns and verbs that are commonly identified. The first of these is often called the stem (equivalent to the notion of a root ), which carries the core meaning of the word. Following the stem come zero or more postbases , which are derivational modifiers that change the category of the word or augment its meaning. (Yup'ik does not have adjectives; nominal roots and postbases are used instead.) The third section
2695-399: The second, fourth, and sixth syllables are pronounced with long vowels as a result of iambic lengthening. Iambic lengthening does not apply to final syllables in a word. Because the vowel /ə/ cannot occur long in Yup'ik, when a syllable whose nucleus is /ə/ is in line to receive stress, iambic lengthening cannot apply. Instead, one of two things may happen. In Norton Sound dialects,
2750-408: The stress pattern [('nəχ)(tʃiq.'sux)naχ.qoq] , with stress on the first and third syllables. Another third prosodic factor that influences regressive is hiatus : the occurrence of adjacent vowels. Yup'ik disallows hiatus at the boundaries between feet: any two consecutive vowels must be grouped within the same foot. If two vowels are adjacent, and the first of these would be at the right edge of
2805-400: The syllable to which stress regresses constitutes a monosyllabic foot. The first of these processes is related to the inability of /ə/ to occur long. Outside of Norton Sound, if the consonants before and after /ə/ are phonetically dissimilar, /ə/ will elide , and stress will retract to a syllable whose nucleus is the vowel before the elided /ə/ . For example, /nəqə-ni/ "his own fish"
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#17330931235562860-520: The weight of the second syllable. There are a variety of prosodic factors that cause stress to retract (move backward) to a syllable where it would not otherwise be expected, given the usual iambic stress pattern. (These processes do not apply, however, in the Norton Sound dialects. ) The processes by which stress retracts under prosodically-conditioned factors are said to feature regression of stress in Miyaoka's (2012) grammar. When regression occurs,
2915-560: The word. If a language exhibits morphological case marking, arguments S and A will appear in the nominative case and argument O will appear in the accusative case , or in a similar case such as the oblique . There may be more than one case fulfilling the accusative role; for instance, Finnish marks objects with the partitive or the accusative to contrast telicity . It is highly common for only accusative arguments to exhibit overt case marking while nominative arguments exhibit null (or absent) case markings. In Modern English, case marking
2970-459: Was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 4.06 and the average family size was 4.58. In the city, the age distribution of the population shows 44.1% under the age of 18, 8.3% from 18 to 24, 27.2% from 25 to 44, 15.4% from 45 to 64, and 5.0% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 23 years. For every 100 females, there were 116.7 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 113.4 males. The median income for
3025-518: Was the successor community to Kwiguk, which was located a mile and a half south, most of whose residents removed to the new village of Emmonak in 1964 after flooding damaged the old village, including their cannery. As of the census of 2000, there were 767 people, 189 households, and 150 families residing in the city. The population density was 102.2 inhabitants per square mile (39.5/km). There were 218 housing units at an average density of 29.0 units per square mile (11.2 units/km). The racial makeup of
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