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El Altar

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Kichwa ( Kichwa shimi , Runashimi , also Spanish Quichua ) is a Quechuan language that includes all Quechua varieties of Ecuador and Colombia ( Inga ), as well as extensions into Peru . It has an estimated half million speakers.

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31-447: El Altar or Capac Urcu (possibly from Kichwa kapak principal, great, important / magnificence, urku mountain) is an extinct volcano on the western side of Sangay National Park in Ecuador , 170 km (110 mi) south of Quito , with a highest point of 5,319 m (17,451 ft). Spaniards named it so because it resembled two nuns and four friars listening to a bishop around

62-520: A horseshoe -shaped ridge about 3 kilometres (1.9 mi) across, surrounding a central basin that contains a crater lake at about 4,200 m (13,800 ft), known as Laguna Collanes or Laguna Amarilla. El Altar is perhaps the most technically demanding climb in Ecuador. The route to the El Obispo summit is graded D+. December through February are the best months to attempt an ascent. Much more accessible

93-421: A church altar. In older English sources it is also called The Altar . El Altar consists of a large stratovolcano of Pliocene - Pleistocene age with a caldera breached to the west. Inca legends report that the top of El Altar collapsed after seven years of activity in about 1460, but the caldera is considered to be much older than this by geologists . Nine major peaks over 5,000 metres (16,400 ft) form

124-555: A man). A woman reading "Ñuka wawki Pedromi kan" would read aloud Ñuka turi Pedromi kan (if she referred to her brother). If Pedro has a brother Manuel and the sisters Sisa and Elena, their mother could refer to Pedro as Manuelpak wawki or Sisapaj turi . And to Sisa as Manuelpak pani or as Elenapak ñaña . The missionary organization FEDEPI (2006) lists eight dialects of Quechua in Ecuador, which it illustrates with "The men will come in two days." Ethnologue 16 (2009) lists nine, distinguishing Cañar from Loja Highland Quechua. Below are

155-409: A morpheme whose primary purpose is to indicate the source of information. In Quechuan languages, evidentiality is a three-term system: there are three evidential morphemes that mark varying levels of source information. The markers can apply to first, second, and third persons. The chart below depicts an example of these morphemes from Wanka Quechua : The parentheses around the vowels indicate that

186-402: A set of topic particles , and suffixes indicating who benefits from an action and the speaker's attitude toward it, but some varieties may lack some of the characteristics. Ñuqayku (exclusive) In Quechua, there are seven pronouns . First-person plural pronouns (equivalent to "we") may be inclusive or exclusive ; which mean, respectively, that the addressee ("you") is and is not part of

217-553: A standard orthography intended to be viable for all the different regional forms of Quechua that fall under the umbrella term Southern Quechua. It is a compromise of conservative features in the pronunciations of the various regions that speak forms of Southern Quechua. It has been accepted by many institutions in Peru and Bolivia and is also used on Misplaced Pages Quechua pages, and by Microsoft in its translations of software into Quechua. Here are some examples of regional spellings different from

248-669: Is a progressive, used for an ongoing action (e.g., mikhuy 'to eat'; mikhuchkay 'to be eating'). Particles are indeclinable: they do not accept suffixes. They are relatively rare, but the most common are arí 'yes' and mana 'no', although mana can take some suffixes, such as -n / -m ( manan / manam ), -raq ( manaraq 'not yet') and -chu ( manachu? 'or not?'), to intensify the meaning. Other particles are yaw 'hey, hi', and certain loan words from Spanish, such as piru (from Spanish pero 'but') and sinuqa (from sino 'rather'). The Quechuan languages have three different morphemes that mark evidentiality . Evidentiality refers to

279-524: Is divergent, and appears to derive from a mix of dialects, including South Bolivian. The Argentinian dialects of Catamarca and La Rioja are extinct. The most salient distinction between Ayacucho Quechua and the others is that it lacks the aspirated (tʃʰ, pʰ, tʰ, kʰ, qʰ) and ejective (tʃʼ, pʼ, tʼ, kʼ, qʼ) series of stop consonants . The other varieties of Bolivia and Southern Peru taken together have been called Cusco–Collao Quechua (or "Qusqu–Qullaw"); they are not monolithic. For instance, Bolivian Quechua

310-805: Is equivalent to Torero's 'Quechua II c' (or just 'Q II c'). It thus stands in contrast to its many sister varieties within the wider Quechuan family that are spoken in areas north of the Huancayo–Huancavelica line: Central Quechua (Torero's Q I ) spoken from Huancayo northwards to the Ancash Region ; North Peruvian Quechua around Cajamarca and Incahuasi (Torero's II a); and Kichwa (part of Torero's Quechua II b). Dialects are Ayacucho Quechua , Cusco Quechua , Puno Quechua ( Collao Quechua), North Bolivian Quechua (Apolo Quechua), and South Bolivian Quechua . Santiagueño Quechua in Argentina

341-617: Is morphologically distinct from Cusco and Ayacucho Quechua, while North Bolivian is phonologically quite conservative compared to both South Bolivian and Cusco so there is no bifurcation between Ayacucho and Cusco–Collao. Santiagueño also lacks the aspirated and ejective series, but it was a distinct development in Argentina. It also maintains remnants of the Quechua s–š distinction, which has otherwise been lost from Southern Quechua, which suggests other varieties of Quechua in its background. The Peruvian linguist Rodolfo Cerrón Palomino has devised

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372-414: Is remembered). The infinitive forms have the suffix -y (e.g. ., much'a 'kiss'; much'a-y 'to kiss'). These are the endings for the indicative : -swan -waq-chik The suffixes shown in the table above usually indicate the subject ; the person of the object is also indicated by a suffix ( -a- for first person and -su- for second person), which precedes the suffixes in the table. In such cases,

403-451: Is striking that the adverb qhipa means both "behind" and "future" and ñawpa means "ahead, in front" and "past". Local and temporal concepts of adverbs in Quechua (as well as in Aymara ) are associated to each other reversely, compared to European languages. For the speakers of Quechua, we are moving backwards into the future (we cannot see it: it is unknown), facing the past (we can see it: it

434-452: Is the hike to the lake within the caldera of the mountain. From Riobamba, one takes a bus for about an hour to Candelaria and then checks in at the ranger station to enter the Sangay park. About 4–7 hours of an extremely muddy trail (knee-high rubber boots are recommended) leaves one at the refuge belonging to Hacienda Releche, which can be rented. The refuge has many beds, and a kitchen. To hike to

465-549: Is the most widely spoken of the major regional groupings of mutually intelligible dialects within the Quechua language family , with about 6.9 million speakers. Besides Guaraní it is the only indigenous language of America with more than 5 million speakers. The term Southern Quechua refers to the Quechuan varieties spoken in regions of the Andes south of a line roughly east–west between

496-427: Is used. Instead of "ĉ" (appearing in the Quechua varieties of Junín, Cajamarca, and Lambayeque), "ch" is used. The following letters are used in loanwords from Spanish and other languages (not from Aymara): b, d, e, f, g, o. The letters e and o are not used for native Quechua words because the corresponding sounds are simply allophones of i and u that appear predictably next to q, qh, and q'. This rule applies to

527-537: The allophones of the vowels /i/ and /u/ near /q/ , do not exist. Kiru can mean both "tooth" ( kiru in Southern Quechua ) and "wood" ( qiru [qero] in Southern Quechua), and killa can mean both "moon" ( killa ) and "lazy" ( qilla [qeʎa] ). Additionally, Kichwa in both Ecuador and Colombia has lost possessive and bidirectional suffixes (verbal suffixes indicating both subject and object), as well as

558-431: The "we". Quechua also adds the suffix -kuna to the second and third person singular pronouns qam and pay to create the plural forms, qam-kuna and pay-kuna . Adjectives in Quechua are always placed before nouns. They lack gender and number and are not declined to agree with substantives . Noun roots accept suffixes that indicate person (defining of possession, not identity), number , and case . In general,

589-459: The bigger and much more comprehensive dictionary Kichwa Yachakukkunapa Shimiyuk Kamu was published in 2009 by the linguist Fabián Potosí, together with other scholars sponsored by the Ministry of Education of Ecuador. In contrast to other regional varieties of Quechua, Kichwa does not distinguish between the original (Proto-Quechuan) /k/ and /q/ , which are both pronounced [k] . [e] and [o] ,

620-536: The catalysts for the standardization of Kichwa. This was initiated by DINEIB (National Board of Intercultural Bilingual Education). Afterward a new alphabet was created by ALKI (Kichwan Language Academy). It comprises 21 characters; including three vowels (a, i, u); two semi-vowels (w, y); and 16 consonants (ch, h, k, l, ll, m, n, ñ, p, r, s, sh, t, ts, z, zh), according to Muyulema's article "Presente y Futuro de la lengua Quichua desde la perspectiva de la experiencia vasca (Kichwa sisariy ñan)" (Muyulema 2011:234). Later,

651-416: The cities of Huancayo and Huancavelica in central Peru . It includes the Quechua varieties spoken in the regions of Ayacucho , Cusco and Puno in Peru, in much of Bolivia and parts of north-west Argentina . The most widely spoken varieties are Cusco, Ayacucho, Puno (Collao), and South Bolivian. In the traditional classification of the Quechua language family by Alfredo Torero , Southern Quechua

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682-851: The comparisons, along with Standard (Ecuadorian) Kichwa and Standard (Southern) Quechua : Chai tʃay jaricunaca xarikunaka ishcai iʃkay punllapillami punʒapiʒami shamunga. ʃamuŋga Chai jaricunaca ishcai punllapillami shamunga. tʃay xarikunaka iʃkay punʒapiʒami ʃamuŋga Chai tʃay jaricunaca xarikunaka ishcai iʃkay punllapillami punʒapiʒami shamunga. ʃamuŋga Chai jaricunaca ishcai punllapillami shamunga. tʃay xarikunaka iʃkay punʒapiʒami ʃamuŋga Chi tʃi c'arigunaga kʰarigunaga ishqui iʃki p'unllallabimi pʰunʒaʒabimi shamunga. ʃamuŋga Chi c'arigunaga ishqui p'unllallabimi shamunga. Southern Quechua Southern Quechua ( Quechua : Urin qichwa , Spanish : quechua sureño ), or simply Quechua ( Qichwa or Qhichwa ),

713-406: The distinction between the exclusive and inclusive first person plural: On the other hand, other particularities of Quechua have been preserved. As in all Quechuan languages, the words for 'brother' and 'sister' differ depending on to whom they refer. There are four different words for siblings: ñaña (sister of a woman), turi (brother of a woman), pani (sister of a man), and wawki (brother of

744-569: The first steps to teach Kichwa in public schools dates to the 1940s, when Dolores Cacuango founded several indigenous schools in Cayambe . Later, indigenous organizations initiated self-governed schools to provide education in Kichwa in the 1970s and 1980s (Muyulema 2011:234). Muyulema says that the creation of literary works such as Caimi Ñucanchic Shimuyu-Panca , Ñucanchic Llactapac Shimi , Ñucanchic Causaimanta Yachaicuna , and Antisuyu-Punasuyu provided

775-647: The lake is another 1.5h - 2 hours from the refuge across a valley and up a steep hill. The nine peaks of El Altar, starting with the highest summit on the south side and proceeding counterclockwise: Kichwa language The most widely spoken dialects are Chimborazo, Imbabura and Cañar Highland Quechua, with most of the speakers. Kichwa belongs to the Northern Quechua group of Quechua II , according to linguist Alfredo Torero . Kichwa syntax has undergone some grammatical simplification compared to Southern Quechua , perhaps because of partial creolization with

806-550: The official Quechua orthography for all varieties. Thus, the spellings ⟨qu⟩ and ⟨qi⟩ are pronounced [qo] and [qe]. The letters appear, however, in proper names or words adopted directly from Spanish: c, v, x, z; j (in Peru; in Bolivia, it is used instead of h). Quechua is an agglutinating language , meaning that words are built up from basic roots followed by several suffixes , each of which carry one meaning. Their large number of suffixes changes both

837-425: The overall meaning of words and their subtle shades of meaning. All varieties of Quechua are very regular agglutinative languages, as opposed to isolating or fusional ones [Thompson]. Their normal sentence order is SOV ( subject–object–verb ). Notable grammatical features include bipersonal conjugation (verbs agree with both subject and object), evidentiality (indication of the source and veracity of knowledge),

868-564: The personal suffix precedes that of number. In the Santiago del Estero variety, however, the order is reversed. From variety to variety, suffixes may change. Adverbs can be formed by adding -ta or, in some cases, -lla to an adjective: allin – allinta ("good – well"), utqay – utqaylla ("quick – quickly"). They are also formed by adding suffixes to demonstratives : chay ("that") – chaypi ("there"), kay ("this") – kayman ("hither"). There are several original adverbs. For Europeans, it

899-465: The plural suffixes from the table ( -chik and -ku ) can be used to express the number of the object rather than the subject. Various suffixes are added to the stem to change the meaning. For example, -chi is a causative suffix and -ku is a reflexive suffix (example: wañuy 'to die'; wañuchiy 'to kill'; wañuchikuy 'to commit suicide'); -naku is used for mutual action (example: marq'ay 'to hug'; marq'anakuy 'to hug each other'), and -chka

930-416: The pre-Inca languages of Ecuador. A standardized language, with a unified orthography ( Kichwa Unificado , Shukyachiska Kichwa ), has been developed. It is similar to Chimborazo but lacks some of the phonological peculiarities of that dialect. The earliest grammatical description of Kichwa was written in the 17th century by Jesuit priest Hernando de Alcocer. According to linguist Arturo Muyulema,

961-484: The standard orthography: In Bolivia, the same standard is used except for "j", which is used instead of "h" for the sound [h] (like in Spanish ). The following letters are used for the inherited Quechua vocabulary and for loanwords from Aymara : a, ch, chh, ch', h, i, k, kh, k', l, ll, m, n, ñ, p, ph, p', q, qh, q', r, s, t, th, t', u, w, y. Instead of "sh" (appearing in the northern and central Quechua varieties), "s"

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