163-670: Dravida Nadu is a name of a proposed sovereign state demanded by the Justice Party led by the founder of the self-respect movement, E.V. Ramasamy Periyar , and the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by C. N. Annadurai for the speakers of the Dravidian languages in South India . Initially, the demand of Dravida Nadu proponents was limited to Tamil -speaking regions, but it was later expanded to include other Indian states with
326-556: A Dravida Nadu were adopted. The objectives were defined as: to attain Purna Swaraj and complete control for Dravida Nadu in social, economic and industrial, and commercial fields; to liberate Dravida Nadu and Dravidians from exploitation and domination by aryan foreigners; to acquire for the citizens of Dravida Nadu without discrimination on account of caste and class and inequalities arising there from, in law and society, equal rights and equal opportunities ; to remove from
489-566: A Zamindar , cracked down on protests, fueling popular rage. The party lost the 1934 elections , but managed to retain power as a minority government because Swaraj (the political arm of the Congress) refused to participate. In its last years in power, the party's decline continued. The Justice ministers drew a large monthly salary (Rs. 4,333.60, compared to the Rs. 2,250 in the Central Provinces ) at
652-486: A letter to the editor of Gandhi's journal Young India , advising him to stay away from Brahmin/non-Brahmin issues. Gandhi responded by highlighting his appreciation of Brahmin contribution to Hinduism and said, "I warn the correspondents against separating the Dravidian south from Aryan north. The India today is a blend not only of two, but of many other cultures." The party's relentless campaign against Gandhi, supported by
815-511: A mangalsutra or by a declaration in language understood by both parties that they accept each other to be their spouse. The law was passed by the Tamil Nadu assembly on 27 November 1967, and was approved by the President on 17 January 1968. This was officially announced in the gazette on 20 January 1968. The number of inter-caste and inter-religious marriages has increased in the state as a result of
978-555: A "separate country" due to perceived fiscal unfairness by the central government. Although he didn’t use the term "Dravida Nadu," he argued that Southern states were being neglected in the Union Budget, despite contributing significantly to national taxes. He claimed that funds were being unfairly directed toward North India, leaving the southern states at a disadvantage. His remarks were met with strong criticism from BJP leaders, including Tejasvi Surya, who accused Suresh of trying to divide
1141-468: A Congress–led independent government. In 1909, two lawyers, P. Subrahmanyam and M. Purushotham Naidu, announced plans to establish an organisation named "The Madras Non-Brahmin Association" and recruit a thousand non-Brahmin members before October 1909. They elicited no response from the non-Brahmin populace and the organisation never saw the light of the day. Later in 1912, disaffected non-Brahmin members of
1304-437: A DK member's attempt to assassinate Rajagopalachari , "expressed his abhorrence of violence as a means of settling political differences". But many suggest that the values of the non-Brahmin movement were explicitly anti-Brahmin. In addition to his hatred against his perceived oppressors in the minority, Ramasamy was also anti-Hindu. In 1953, Periyar organised agitations for the desecration of Ganesha idols. He stated in
1467-482: A constitution in 1920, adopting it on 19 December 1925 during its ninth confederation. An 18 October 1917 notice in The Hindu , outlining the party's policies and goals was the nearest it had to a constitution in its early years. Madras City was the centre of the party's activities. It functioned from its office at Mount Road , where party meetings were held. Apart from the head office, several branch offices operated in
1630-669: A few years in the early 1930s, he switched from Justice to the communists . After the Communist party was banned in July 1934, he returned to supporting Justice. The anti-Hindi agitations revived Justice's sagging fortunes. On 29 October 1939, Rajagopalachari's Congress government resigned, protesting India's involvement in World War II . Madras provincial government was placed under governor's rule. On 21 February 1940 Governor Erskine cancelled compulsory Hindi instruction. Under Periyar's leadership,
1793-541: A majority of Dravidian-speakers ( Andhra Pradesh , Telangana , Kerala and Karnataka ). Some of the proponents also included parts of Ceylon ( Sri Lanka ), Orissa and Maharashtra . Other names for the proposed sovereign state included "South India", "Deccan Federation" and "Dakshinapath". The movement for Dravida Nadu was at its height from the 1940s to 1960s, but due to fears of Tamil hegemony, it failed to find any support outside Tamil Nadu . The States Reorganisation Act 1956, which created linguistic States, weakened
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#17328760065151956-834: A movement ( iyakkam in Tamil; Dravida Iyakkam ) to promote rational behavior, the Self-Respect Movement acquired much wider connotation within a short period of time. Periyar, speaking with M.K. Reddy at the First Self-Respect Conference held in 1929, explained the significance of self-respect and its principles. The main principles of the Self-Respect Movement in society were to be: no kind of inequality among people; no difference such as rich and poor in economic life; men and women to be treated as equals in every respect without differences; attachments to caste, religion, varna , and country to be eradicated from society with
2119-446: A movement to liberate the intellect. The terms tan-maanam or suya mariyadai meaning 'self-respect' are traceable in ancient Tamil literature considered a virtue of high valor in Tamil society . Ramasamy once claimed that to describe the ideology of his movement, no dictionary or language in the entire world could provide a word better than or equal to suya mariyadai . Started as
2282-466: A new lease on life by the widow remarriage principles of the self-respect movement. Consequently, the self-respect movement attracted a lot of women. Tamil Nadu became the first state (followed by U.T. of Puducherry in 1971) to legalize Hindu marriages conducted without a Brahmin priest. This was the first file signed by CM Annadurai when the DMK gained power in the 1967 Madras assembly elections. Annadurai sent
2445-647: A newspaper which was to be called Justice . However, negotiations with Menon broke down and Nair himself took over as honorary editor with P. N. Raman Pillai and M. S. Purnalingam Pillai as sub–editors. The first issue came out on 26 February 1917. A Tamil newspaper called Dravidan , edited by Bhaktavatsalam Pillai, was started in June 1917. The party also purchased the Telugu newspaper Andhra Prakasika (edited by A. C. Parthasarathi Naidu). Later in 1919, both were converted to weeklies due to financial constraints. On 19 August 1917,
2608-459: A non-Brahmin who upheld the integrity of the caste system was seen as a supporter of Brahminism. Ramasamy called on both Brahmins and non-Brahmins to cast out brahmanism . Ramasamy also claimed, on several occasions, that to eliminate the caste system, driving away the Brahmins was crucial. In 1957, he called for the killing of Brahmins and burning of their houses on more than one occasion; prompting
2771-462: A pamphlet named The political philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi in 1920. K. V. Reddi Naidu also fought non-cooperation. This stance isolated the party—most political and social organisations supported the movement. Justice Party's believed that he associated mostly with Brahmins, though he was not a Brahmin himself. It also favoured industrialisation. When Gandhi visited Madras in April 1921, he spoke about
2934-415: A person of his choice and had to abdicate his kingdom , Ramasamy raised a question whether Gandhi's vision of freedom or Nehru's concept of independence contained even an iota of individual self-respect. Ramasamy believed that self-respect was as valuable as life itself and its protection is a birthright and not swaraj ('political freedom'). He described the movement as Arivu Vidutalai Iyakkam , that is,
3097-418: A political movement. Dr. T. M. Nair and Pitti Theagaraya Chettiar were the co-founders of this movement. Rajarathna Mudaliyar was selected as the president. Ramaraya Ningar, Pitti Theagaraya Chettiar, A. K. G. Ahmed Thambi Marikkayar and M. G. Aarokkiasami Pillai were also selected as the vice-presidents. B. M. Sivagnana Mudaliyar, P. Narayanasamy Mudaliar, Mohammed Usman , M. Govindarajulu Naidu were selected as
3260-469: A prevalent friendship and unity around the world; with every human being seeking to act according to reason, understanding, desire, and perspective, and shall not be subject to slavery of any kind or manner. Equality with stress on economic and social equality formed the central theme of the Self-Respect Movement and was due to Ramasamy's determination to fight the inequalities ingrained in
3423-520: A rebel group that attempted to dethrone Periyar. This group included P. Balasubramanian (editor of The Sunday Observer ), R. K. Shanmugam Chettiar, P. T. Rajan and A. P. Patro , C. L. Narasimha Mudaliar, Damodaran Naidu and K. C. Subramania Chettiar. A power struggle developed between the pro and anti-Periyar factions. On 27 December 1943, the rebel group convened the party's executive committee and criticised Periyar for not holding an annual meeting after 1940. To silence his critics Periyar decided to convene
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#17328760065153586-418: A result of a series of non-Brahmin conferences and meetings in the presidency. Communal division between Brahmins and non-Brahmins began in the presidency during the late-19th and early-20th century, mainly due to caste prejudices and disproportionate Brahminical representation in government jobs. The Justice Party's foundation marked the culmination of several efforts to establish an organisation to represent
3749-575: A snake and a Brahmin, hit the Brahmin first". The reasoning for those statements is given as such. In 1920, when the Justice Party came to power, Brahmins occupied about 70 percent of the high level posts in the government. After reservation was introduced by the Justice Party, it changed this trend, allowing non-Brahmins to rise in the government of the Madras Presidency . Ramasamy spoke against
3912-456: A speech in 1953, “We have to eradicate the gods who are responsible for the institution which portrays us as sudras, people of low birth, and some others as brahmins of high birth… We have to break the idols of these gods. I start with Ganesha because it is he who is worshipped before undertaking any task.” Paula Richman details the events leading up to his activities: “On the first day of August in 1956, E. V. Ramasami (henceforth E.V.R.) set out for
4075-512: A target of the growing Tamil nationalism. In 1925, E.V. Ramasamy launched the Self-respect movement , and by 1930, he was formulating the most radical "anti-Aryanism". The rapport between the Justice Party and the Self-Respect movement of E.V. Ramasamy (who joined the party in 1935) strengthened the anti-Brahmin sentiment. In 1937–38, Hindi and Hindustani were introduced as new subjects in
4238-715: A threat of Balkanization to India, and also raised concerns among the Sinhalese politicians in Sri Lanka. In 1962, a Sinhalese M.P. stated in the Parliament: "The Sinhalese are the minority in Dravidistan. We are carrying on a struggle for our national existence against the Dravidistan majority." Annadurai, who had been elected to the upper house of Indian parliament (Rajya Sabha) in 1962, reiterated DMK's demand for independence for Dravida Nadu in his maiden speech on 1 May 1962. However, at
4401-462: A time synonymous with anti-nationalism —a fact which surely indicates its origins as a product of government policy." Washbrook's portrayal has been contested by P. Rajaraman (in The Justice Party: a historical perspective, 1916–37 ), who argues that the movement was an inevitable result of longstanding "social cleavage" between Brahmins and non-Brahmins. The British role in the development of
4564-432: A time when the broad national discourse on birth control through influenced by the thoughts of leaders like Gandhi , was an almost unanimous condemnation of birth control. Women were given the right to choose partners as well as divorce them and remarry. Widowhood was not penalized through religious beliefs. Heterosexual partnerships were radically transformed by advocating for the erasure of gender hierarchies and roles;
4727-416: A true and timely representation to Government of the views and interests of the people of Southern India with the object of safeguarding and promoting the interests of all communities other than Brahmins and 3) to disseminate by public lectures, by distribution of literature and by other means sound and liberal views in regard to public opinion. Between August and December 1917 (when the first confederation of
4890-450: A virtual marketplace for north Indian products. And, thus, Annadurai explained that to change this situation, a separate Dravida Nadu must be demanded. Throughout the 1940s, E.V.Ramasamy spoke along the lines of a trifurcation of India, that is dividing the existing geographical region into Dravida Nadu , Muslim India (Pakistan), and Aryan Land ( Hindustan ). In public meetings that he addressed between March and June 1940, he projected
5053-505: A white woman particularly immune from the risks of government action" whose rewards would be reaped by the Brahmins. On 20 August 1917, Edwin Montagu , the Secretary of State for India , proposed political reforms to increase representation of Indians in the government and to develop self-governing institutions. This announcement increased the division among the non-Brahmin political leaders of
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5216-600: Is anxiously awaiting the fall of the Justice regime which they consider tyrannical and inauguration of the Congress administration...Even old women in villages ask as to how long the ministry of the Raja of Bobbili would continue. Lord Erskine , the governor of Madras, reported in February 1937 to then Secretary of State Zetland that among the peasants, "every sin of omission or commission of
5379-522: Is banished from our land". Ramasamy did not expect personal or material gain out of this movement. He used to recall in a very casual manner that as a human being, he also was obligated to this duty, as it was the right and freedom to choose this work. Thus, he opted to engage himself in starting and promoting the movement. Periyar declared that the Self-Respect Movement alone could be the genuine freedom movement, and political freedom would not be fruitful without individual self-respect. He remarked that
5542-525: Is bound to follow". Periyar's influence pushed Justice into anti-Brahmin, anti-Hindu and atheistic stances. During 1942–44, Periyar's opposition to the Tamil devotional literary works Kamba Ramayanam and Periya Puranam , caused a break with Saivite Tamil scholars, who had joined the anti-Hindi agitations. Justice had never possessed much popularity among students, but started making inroads with C. N. Annadurai 's help. A group of leaders became uncomfortable with Periyar's leadership and policies and formed
5705-661: Is remembered for participating in the anti-Hindi agitations of 1937–40 . The party had a role in creation of Andhra and Annamalai universities and for developing the area around present-day Theagaroya Nagar in Madras city . The Justice Party and the Dravidar Kazhagam are the ideological predecessors of present-day Dravidian parties like the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and the All-India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam , which have ruled Tamil Nadu (one of
5868-642: Is the list of presidents of the Justice Party and their terms: During its years in power, Justice passed a number of laws with lasting impact. Some of its legislative initiatives were still in practice as of 2009. On 16 September 1921, the first Justice government passed the first communal government order (G. O. # 613), thereby becoming the first elected body in the Indian legislative history to legislate reservations , which have since become standard. The Madras Hindu Religious Endowment Act, introduced on 18 December 1922 and passed in 1925, brought many Hindu Temples under
6031-490: The British rule which was considered by Nehru to be the meaning of freedom or both of them together could ensure individual self-respect or the eradication of social ills from Indian society. In his opinion, the task of fulfilling the need for self-respect would have to be faced whatever be the extent of political freedom gained. Pointing out that even the British monarch in a sovereign independent nation had no freedom to marry
6194-568: The Indian caste system , advocating for lower castes to develop self-respect . It was founded in 1925 by S. Ramanathan who invited E. V. Ramasamy (also known as Periyar) to head the movement in Tamil Nadu , India against Brahminism . The movement was extremely influential not just in Tamil Nadu, but also overseas in countries with large Tamil populations, such as Sri Lanka , Burma , Malaysia and Singapore . Among Singapore Indians , groups like
6357-519: The Madras Mail made him less popular and effective in South India , particularly in southern Tamil districts. Even when Gandhi suspended the movement after the Chauri Chaura incident , party newspapers expressed suspicion of him. The party softened on Gandhi only after his arrest, expressing appreciation for his "moral worth and intellectual capacity". The Government of India Act 1919 implemented
6520-533: The Madras Presidency in 1921. Since the late 19th century, the anti-Brahmin Tamil leaders had stated that the non-Brahmin Tamils were the original inhabitants of the Tamil-speaking region. The Brahmins, on the other hand, were described not only as oppressors, but even as a foreign power, on par with the British colonial rulers . The prominent Tamil leader, E. V. Ramasamy (popularly known as "Periyar") stated that
6683-757: The Montagu–Chelmsford Reforms and the March 1919 Rowlatt Act , Mahatma Gandhi launched his non-cooperation movement in 1919. He called for a boycott of the legislatures, courts, schools and social functions. Non-cooperation did not appeal to Justice, which sought to leverage continued British presence by participating in the new political system. Justice considered Gandhi to be an anarchist threatening social order. The party newspapers Justice , Dravidan and Andhra Prakasika persistently attacked non-cooperation. Party member Mariadas Ratnaswami wrote critically of Gandhi and his campaign against industrialisation in
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6846-590: The Mylapore clique comprising Chetpet Iyers and Vembakkam Iyengars , the Egmore faction led by the editor of The Hindu , Kasturi Ranga Iyengar and the Salem nationalists led by C. Rajagopalachari . A fourth non-Brahmin faction rose to compete with them and became the Justice party. Historians differ about the extent of British influence in the evolution of the non-Brahmin movement. Kathleen Gough argues that although
7009-558: The Tiruvarur Provincial Conference resolved that Dravida Nadu should be an independent state ( thani-naadu ). The proponents of Dravida Nadu also sought to associate and amalgamate Tamil Islam within a supposedly more ancient Dravidian religion, which threatened the Islamic identity of Tamil Muslims, some of whom had earlier supported the demand for a sovereign Dravida Nadu movement. In August 1941, E.V. Ramasamy declared that
7172-428: The anti-Brahminism movement in Tamil Nadu, whose aim was to end the Brahmin dominance in the Tamil society and government. The early demands of this movement were social equality, and greater power, and control. However, over the time, it came to include a separatist movement, demanding a sovereign state for the Tamil people . The major political party backing this movement was the Justice Party , which came to power in
7335-417: The caste system as well as certain religious practices. Working on the theme of liberating the society from the baneful social practices perpetrated in the name of dharma and karma , Ramasamy developed the idea of establishing this movement as the instrument for achieving his objective. Ramasamy was an advocate of anti-Brahminism. Ramasamy's ideology of anti-Brahminism was radical to such an extent that
7498-520: The first direct elections in the presidency and formed the government. For the next seventeen years, it formed four out of the five ministries and was in power for thirteen years. It was the main political alternative to the nationalist Indian National Congress in Madras. After it lost to the Congress in the 1937 election , it never recovered. It came under the leadership of Periyar E. V. Ramaswamy and his Self-Respect Movement . In 1944, Periyar transformed
7661-439: The "Irish Brahmini". Dravidan , the Tamil language mouthpiece of the party, ran headlines such as Home rule is Brahmin's rule . All three of the party's newspapers ran articles and opinions pieces critical of the home rule movement and the league on a daily basis. Some of these Justice articles were later published in book form as The Evolution of Annie Besant . Nair described the home rule movement as an agitation carried on "by
7824-541: The 1940s, prominent Tamil leader C. N. Annadurai stated that it was necessary to divide India racially to prevent "violent revolutions" in future, that according to him, had been prevented due to the British occupation of India. On 1 July 1947, the separatist Tamil leaders celebrated the "Dravida Nadu Secession Day". On 13 July 1947, they passed a resolution in Tiruchirapalli demanding an independent Dravida Nadu. On 16 July, Mahatma Gandhi expressed his opposition to
7987-472: The 205 seats in the state assembly. In 1958, V. P. Raman , a Brahmin leader, joined the party and became a strong opponent of the Dravida Nadu concept. In November 1960, the DMK leaders, including Raman, decided to delete the demand of Dravida Nadu from the party programme at a meeting held in absence of Annadurai. Political scientist Sten Widmalm writes, "It seems that the more the party distanced itself from
8150-593: The 63 general seats in plural member constituencies were reserved for non-Brahmins. A youth conference for non-Brahmins was held in Bombay, with Adv J S SAVANT serving as the chairman of the reception committee. Was a weekly writer in the English daily “Justice “ of Madras when Sir Ramaswamy Mudaliar was its editor, President, Maratha Recruitment Board World War II, President Konkan prantic Non Brahmin Sangh Unsatisfied with
8313-488: The Brahmins. The party also campaigned against the non-cooperation movement in the presidency. It was at odds with Mahatma Gandhi , due to his opposition towards creation of separate Dravidian country. Its mistrust of the "Brahmin–dominated" Congress led it to adopt a hostile stance toward the Indian independence movement . The Justice Party's period in power is remembered for the introduction of caste-based reservations , and educational and religious reform. In opposition it
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#17328760065158476-807: The British played a role, the Dravidian movement had a bigger influence in South India. Eugene F. Irschick (in Political and Social Conflict in South India; The non-Brahmin movement and Tamil Separatism, 1916–1929 ) holds the view that British colonial officials in India sought to encourage the growth of non-Brahminism, but does not characterise it as simply a product of that policy. David. A. Washbrook disagrees with Irschick in The Emergence of Provincial Politics: The Madras Presidency 1870–1920 , and states "Non-Brahminism became for
8639-526: The Congress, and for his opposition to Hindi. They then decided to convene a movement to resist the Congress. By the 1940s, E.V.Ramasamy supported Muslim League 's claim for a separate Pakistan , and expected its support in return. In an interview with the Governor of Madras , Jinnah, the main leader of Muslim League, said that India should be divided into four regions: Dravidistan, Hindustan, Bangalistan and Pakistan ; Dravidistan would approximately consist of
8802-502: The Constitution, which sought to "prevent the fissiparous, secessionist tendency in the country engendered by regional and linguistic loyalties and to preserve the unity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity" of India. This was essentially in response to the separatist movement demanding a sovereign Dravidistan. At a party conference in 1963, DMK formally dropped the secessionist demand, but also asserted that it would continue to address
8965-549: The Dravida Nadu Conference for the advocacy of a separate, sovereign and federal republic of Dravida Nadu. In a speech on 17 December 1939, he raised the slogan "Dravida Nadu for Dravidians", which replaced the earlier slogan "Tamil Nadu for Tamils". In 1940, the South Indian Liberal Federation (Justice Party) passed a resolution demanding a sovereign state of Dravida Nadu. E.V.Ramasamy was clear about
9128-415: The Dravidian people the sense of difference and superstitious beliefs existing in the name of religion, customs, and traditions and unite them as a society of people with a liberal outlook and intellectual development, and to get proportionate representation in all fields till the achievement of these objectives and until the people who have a sense of caste, religious and class differences cooperate with
9291-615: The Dravidian-speaking areas once had a great non-Brahmin polity and civilisation, which had been destroyed by the Aryan conquest and Brahmin hegemony . This led to an idealisation of the ancient Tamil society before its contact with the "Aryan race", and led to a surge in the Tamil nationalism . Ramasamy expounded the Hindu epic Ramayana as a disguised historical account of how the Aryans subjugated
9454-513: The Great Indian Community. The periodical Hindu Nesan , questioned the timing of the new association. The New Age (Home Rule Movement's newspaper) dismissed it and predicted its premature death. By February 1917, the SIPA joint stock company had raised money by selling 640 shares of one hundred rupees each. The money purchased a printing press and the group hired C. Karunakara Menon to edit
9617-682: The Indian National Congress and supported the Quit India Movement . The Justice Party also lent its support to Congress candidates in the elections to the Constituent Assembly of India. It contested nine seats in the 1952 Assembly elections . P. T. Rajan was the sole successful candidate. The party also fielded M. Balasubramania Mudaliar from the Madras Lok Sabha constituency in the 1952 Lok Sabha elections. Despite losing
9780-721: The Indian Peacekeeping Force (IPKF) was sent to Sri Lanka. In 2017, when the Indian Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change issued a notification banning the sale of cattle for slaughter, Twitter users from the Kerala state (where beef dishes are popular) protested by trending the hashtag #DravidaNadu. The hashtag also received support from Twitter users in Tamil Nadu. The major national political parties refused to support secessionist sentiments. Several heads of South Indian states and politicians expressed dismay over
9943-543: The Justice Party into the social organisation Dravidar Kazhagam and withdrew it from electoral politics. A rebel faction that called itself the original Justice Party, survived to contest one final election, in 1952. The Justice Party was isolated in contemporary Indian politics by its many controversial activities. It opposed Brahmins in civil service and politics, and this anti-Brahmin attitude shaped many of its ideas and policies. It opposed Annie Besant and her Home rule movement , because it believed home rule would benefit
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#173287600651510106-581: The Madras Corporation introduced the Mid-day Meal Scheme with the approval of the legislative council. It was a breakfast scheme in a corporation school at Thousand Lights, Madras . Later it expanded to four more schools. This was the precursor to the free noon meal schemes introduced by K. Kamaraj in the 1960s and expanded by M. G. Ramachandran in the 1980s. The State Aid to Industries Act, passed in 1922 and amended in 1935, advanced loans for
10269-598: The Madras Marina to lead his followers in burning pictures of Lord Rama, hero of the Ramayana. This symbolic action would represent a reversal of the culmination of north Indian performances of the Ramayana, in which images of the epic’s villain, Ravana, are put to the flames as spectators watch in delight.” The account goes on to detail how political leaders implored Periyar to cancel the event so as not to offend orthodox Hindu Tamils, but Periyar remained unmoved, noting that “there
10432-656: The Montagu-Chelmsford reforms, instituting a Diarchy in Madras Presidency . The diarchial period extended from 1920 to 1937, encompassing five elections. Justice party was in power for 13 of 17 years, save for an interlude during 1926–30. During the non-cooperation campaign, the Indian National Congress boycotted the November 1920 elections . Justice won 63 of the 98 seats. A. Subbarayalu Reddiar became
10595-676: The Panchamas—along with four Brahmin groups. Pillai convinced the Madras Province Congress Committee to support the MPA/Justice position. British colonial authorities, including Governor Baron Pentland and the Madras Mail supported communal representation. But Montagu was not inclined to extend communal representation to subgroups. The Montagu–Chelmsford Report on Indian Constitutional Reforms , issued on 2 July 1918, denied
10758-587: The Presidency. Justice organised a series of conferences in late August to support its claims. Theagaraya Chetty, cabled Montagu asking for communal representation in the provincial legislature for non-Brahmins. He demanded a system similar to the one granted to Muslims by the Minto–Morley Reforms of 1909—separate electorates and reserved seats. The non-Brahmin members from Congress formed the Madras Presidency Association (MPA) to compete with Justice. Periyar E. V. Ramasamy , T. A. V. Nathan Kalyanasundaram Mudaliar , P. Varadarajulu Naidu and Kesava Pillai were among
10921-417: The Salem Provincial Conference. The creation of a separate non-Brahmin Dravidian nation was a central aim of the party. In 1944, when E.V.Ramasamy met the Dalit leader B. R. Ambedkar to discuss join initiatives, Ambedkar stated that the idea of Dravidistan was applicable to entire India, since "Brahminism" was "a problem for the entire subcontinent". At the Dravidar Kazhagam State Conference in Tiruchi in
11084-410: The Tamil Reform Association, and leaders such as Thamizhavel G. Sarangapani were prominent in promoting the principles of the Self-Respect Movement among the local Tamil population through schools and publications. A number of political parties in Tamil Nadu, such as Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) owe their origins to the Self-Respect Movement;
11247-513: The Tamil society was free of any societal divisions before the arrival of Brahmins, whom he described as " Aryan invaders ". Ramasamy was an atheist , and considered the Indian nationalism as "an atavistic desire to endow the Hindu past on a more durable and contemporary basis". Ramasamy notably remarked that upon seeing a Brahmin and a snake, he would encourage people to attack the Brahmin. The proponents of Dravida Nadu fabricated elaborate historical anthropologies to support their theory that
11410-411: The Tamils ruled by Ravana . Some of the Dravidians also posed Saivism as an indigenous, even non-Hindu religion. The Indian National Congress , a majority of whose leaders were Brahmins, came to be identified as a Brahmin party. Ramasamy, who had joined Congress in 1919, became disillusioned with what he considered as the Brahminic leadership of the party. The link between Brahmins and Congress became
11573-424: The Tamils' lifestyle during the Sangam era. The Hindu marriage ceremonies involving Brahmins are argued to be practices introduced relatively recently to increase the influence of Brahminism on Tamils' lives. Even though self-respect marriages have been practiced since 1928, initially these marriages just lacked a priest while the Hindu marriage events and ceremonies were followed. The first self-respect marriage that
11736-492: The Union Government's arrangements of tax revenue distribution to various states. Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam leader and current Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. K. Stalin expressed his support for a sovereign Dravida Nadu state, should all the other South Indian states ever share the same notion. In February 2024, D. K. Suresh , a Member of Parliament at the time, sparked controversy by suggesting that South India might seek
11899-547: The agitation for Dravida Nadu was being temporarily stopped. The reason cited was that it was necessary to help the government in its war efforts. The agitation would be renewed after the conclusion of the war. Even though the agitation for Dravida Nadu was being stopped, the demand was very much intact. When the Cripps Mission visited India, a delegation of the Justice Party, comprising E.V.Ramasamy, W. P. A. Soundarapandian Nadar , Samiappa Mudaliar and Muthiah Chettiar, met
12062-537: The anti-temple prostitution ( devadasi system). However, these were not the issues they were restricted to. For example, the anti-Hindi agitations of 1930s were heavily represented by women of the movement. On 11 September 1938 in Madras, several women including Ramamritham Ammaiyar, Narayani Ammaiyar, Va. Ba. Thamaraikanni Ammaiyar, Munnagaara Azhagiyar and a total of 73 women were arrested for protesting. 37 of these women went to jail with their infants. Two Dalit women, Veerammal and Annai Meenambal Shivraj were key to
12225-532: The area under the Madras Presidency . Jinnah stated "I have every sympathy and shall do all to help, and you establish Dravidistan where the 7 per cent Muslim population will stretch its hands of friendship and live with you on lines of security, justice and fairplay." In July 1940, a secession committee was formed at the Dravida Nadu Secession Conference held in Kanchipuram . On 24 August 1940,
12388-580: The article. Besant's association with Brahmins and her vision of a homogeneous India based on Brahminical values brought her into direct conflict with Justice. The December 1916 "Non-Brahmin Manifesto" voiced its opposition to the Home Rule Movement. The manifesto was criticised by the Home rule periodical New India . Justice opposed the Home Rule Movement and the party newspapers derisively nicknamed Besant as
12551-514: The backing of both Liberal and Labour members. The committee's report, issued on 17 November 1919, recommended communal representation in the Madras Presidency. The number of reserved seats was to be decided by the local parties and the Madras Government. After prolonged negotiations between Justice, Congress, MPA and the British colonial government, a compromise (called " Meston 's Award") was reached in March 1920. 28 (3 urban and 25 rural) of
12714-450: The bureaucracy like Saravana Pillai, G. Veerasamy Naidu, Doraiswami Naidu and S. Narayanaswamy Naidu established the "Madras United League" with C. Natesa Mudaliar as Secretary. The league restricted itself to social activities and distanced itself from contemporary politics. On 1 October 1912, the league was reorganised and renamed as the "Madras Dravidian Association". The association opened many branches in Madras city. Its main achievement
12877-494: The city. By 1917, the party had established offices at all the district headquarters in the presidency, periodically visited by the Madras–based leaders. The party had a 25–member executive committee, a president, four vice-presidents, a general secretary and a treasurer. After the 1920 elections, some attempts were made to mimic European political parties. A chief whip was appointed and Council members formed committees. Article 6 of
13040-546: The concept of a separate multi-linguistic nation, comprising Tamil , Telugu , Malayalam and Kannada areas, that is roughly corresponding to the then existing Madras Presidency with adjoining areas into a federation guaranteeing protection of minorities , including religious, linguistic, and cultural freedom of the people. The proposition was made with a view to safeguarding the national self-respect of Dravidians threatened by Indo-Aryan culture, language, political leadership, and business interests. A separatist conference
13203-524: The confederation. On 27 August 1944, Justice's sixteenth annual confederation took place in Salem where the pro-Periyar faction won control. The confederation passed resolutions compelling party members to: renounce British honours and awards such as Rao Bahadur and Diwan Bahadur , drop caste suffixes from their names, resign nominated and appointed posts. The party also took the name Dravidar Kazhagam (DK). Annadurai, who had played an important role in passing
13366-484: The constitution made the party president the undisputed leader of all non-Brahmin affiliated associations and party members in the legislative council. Article 14 defined the membership and role of the executive committee and tasked the general secretary with implementing executive committee decisions. Article 21 specified that a "provincial confederation" of the party be organised annually, although as of 1944, 16 confederations had been organised in 27 years. The following
13529-596: The council, Naidu resigned in November 1932 and the Rao became Chief Minister. After his removal from power, Munuswamy Naidu formed a separate party with his supporters. It was called Justice Democratic Party and had the support of 20 opposition members in the legislative council. His supporters rejoined the Justice party after his death in 1935. During this time, party Leader L. Sriramulu Naidu served as Mayor of Madras. Increasing nationalist feelings and factional infighting caused
13692-530: The country. Surya pointed to the increased tax devolution to Karnataka under the NDA government, contrasting it with Congress’s alleged "divide and rule" approach. R. Ashoka, another BJP leader from Karnataka, condemned Suresh’s statement as divisive, linking it to Congress’s history of partition and contrasting it with Rahul Gandhi’s “Bharat Jodo Yatra,” which focused on unity. In response, D. K. Shivakumar , Suresh’s brother and Karnataka Congress chief, clarified that Suresh
13855-472: The demand for Dravida Nadu, the more it was supported." In the 1962 election, DMK more than tripled its seats, winning 50 seats to the State Legislative Assembly, but still could not displace the Congress from power. On 17 September 1960, a "Dravida Nadu Separation Day" was observed, which resulted in arrests of Annadurai and his associates. The demand for a sovereign Tamil state was considered as
14018-519: The demand further. In 1960, the DMK leaders decided to withdraw their demand for a Dravida Nadu from the party programme at a meeting held in the absence of Annadurai. In 1963, the Government of India led by Jawaharlal Nehru , declared secessionism as an illegal act. As a consequence, Annadurai abandoned the "claim" for Dravida Nadu – now geographically limited to modern Tamil Nadu – completely in 1963. The concept of Dravida Nadu had its root in
14181-495: The demand. Also in 1947, Jinnah refused to help E.V.Ramasamy to help create a Dravidastan. When India achieved Independence in August 1947, Ramasamy saw it as a sad event that marked the transfer of power to "Aryans", while Annadurai considered as a step towards an independent Dravida Nadu, and celebrated it. Over the time, disputes arose between the two leaders. They fell out after Ramasamy anointed his young wife as his successor to lead
14344-406: The direct control of the state government. This Act set the precedent for later Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowment ( HR & CE ) Acts and the current policy of Tamil Nadu . The Government of India Act of 1919 prohibited women from becoming legislators. The first Justice Government reversed this policy on 1 April 1921. Voter qualifications were made gender neutral. This resolution cleared
14507-532: The distribution of selected jobs among different caste groups in 1912 in Madras Presidency. The dominance of Brahmins was also evident in the membership of the Madras Legislative Council . During 1910–20, eight out of the nine official members (appointed by the Governor of Madras) were Brahmins. Apart from the appointed members, Brahmins also formed the majority of the members elected to the council from
14670-527: The district boards and municipalities. During this period the Madras Province Congress Committee (regional branch of the Indian National Congress ) was also dominated by Brahmins. Of the 11 major newspapers and magazines in the presidency, two ( The Madras Mail and Madras Times ) were run by Europeans sympathetic to the crown, three were evangelical non–political periodicals, four ( The Hindu , Indian Review , Swadesamithran and Andhra Pathrika ) were published by Brahmins while New India, run by Annie Besant
14833-459: The election to T. T. Krishnamachari of the Indian National Congress, Mudaliar polled 63,254 votes and emerged runner-up. This new Justice party did not contest elections after 1952. In 1968, the party celebrated its Golden Jubilee at Madras. The Justice party's first officeholders were elected in October 1917. Arcot Ramaswamy Mudaliar was the party's first general secretary. The party began writing
14996-470: The establishment of industries. The Malabar Tenancy Act of 1931 (first introduced in September 1926), controversially strengthened the legal rights of agricultural tenants and gave them the "right to occupy (land) in some cases". Self-respect movement The Self-Respect Movement is a popular human rights movement originating in South India aimed at achieving social equality for those oppressed by
15159-536: The failure of the Dravida Nadu concept. C. Rajagopalachari , the former Chief Minister of Madras State and a Tamil Brahmin, stated that the DMK plea for Dravida Nadu should not be taken seriously. The decline in support for the Dravida Nadu within the DMK can be traced back to as early as the Tiruchi party conference in 1956, when the party decided to compete in the Tamil Nadu state assembly elections of 1957. E.V.K. Sampath, who
15322-501: The first Chief Minister, soon resigning due to declining health. Ramarayaningar (Raja of Panagal), the Minister of Local Self-Government and Public Health replaced him. The party was far from happy with the diarchial system. In his 1924 deposition to the Muddiman committee, Cabinet Minister Kurma Venkata Reddy Naidu expressed the party's displeasure: I was a Minister of Development without
15485-518: The first non-Brahmin conference was convened at Coimbatore under the presidency of Ramarayaningar. In the following months, several non-Brahmin conferences were organised. On 18 October, the party published its objectives (as formed by T. M. Nair) in The Hindu : 1) to create and promote the education, social, economic, political, material and moral progress of all communities in Southern India other than Brahmins 2)to discuss public questions and make
15648-563: The forests. I was a Minister of Agriculture minus Irrigation. As a Minister of Agriculture I had nothing to do with the Madras Agriculturists Loan Act or the Madras Land Improvement Loans Act... The efficacy and efficiency of a Minister of Agriculture without having anything to do with irrigation, agricultural loans, land improvement loans and famine relief, may better be imagined than described. Then again, I
15811-1120: The formation of a political organisation to represent non-Brahmin interests. On 20 November 1916, a gathering of non-Brahmin leaders and dignitaries met at the Advocate T.Ethirajulu Mudaliyar's residence in Vepery, Chennai. Diwan Bahadur Pitti Theagaraya Chettiar, Dr. T. M. Nair, Diwan Bahadur P. Rajarathina Mudaliyar, Dr. C. Nadesa Mudaliyar, Diwan Bahadur P. M. Sivagnana Mudaliar, Diwan Bahadur P. Ramaraya Ningar, Diwan Bahadur M. G. Aarokkiasami Pillai, Diwan Bahadur G. Narayanasamy Reddy, Rao Bahadur O. Thanikasalam Chettiar, Rao Bahadur M. C. Raja, Dr. Mohammed Usman Sahib , J. M. Nallusamipillai, Rao Bahadur K. Venkataretti Naidu (K. V. Reddy Naidu), Rao Bahadur A. B. Patro, T. Ethirajulu Mudaliyar, O. Kandasamy Chettiar, J. N. Ramanathan, Khan Bahadur A. K. G. Ahmed Thambi Marikkayar, Alarmelu Mangai Thayarmmal, A. Ramaswamy Mudaliyar, Diwan Bahadur Karunagara Menon, T. Varadarajulu Naidu, L. K. Thulasiram, K. Apparao Naidugaru, S. Muthaiah Mudaliyar and Mooppil Nair were among those present at
15974-451: The freedom to secede in the future as another separate nation if the federation doesn't work. Annadurai held that Dravidians were divided by linguistic ethnicities (rightfully so) but united by race , thus belonging to the same stock. DMK's slogan of Dravida Nadu found no support in any state of India other than Tamil Nadu. The non-Tamil Dravidian speakers perceived the ambitions of the Tamil politicians as hegemonic, ultimately leading to
16137-480: The government's move. The resulting anti-Hindi agitation , brought the party effectively under Periyar's control. When Rao's term ended, Periyar became president on 29 December 1938. Periyar, a former Congressman, had a previous history of cooperation with the party. He had left Congress in 1925 after accusing the party of Brahminism. SRM cooperated closely with Justice in opposing Congress and Swaraj. Periyar had even campaigned for Justice candidates in 1926 and 1930. For
16300-555: The hearings. Ramarayaningar also represented the All India Landholder association and the Madras Zamindar association. Reddi Naidu, Mudaliar and Ramarayaningar toured major cities, addressed meetings, met with MPs, and wrote letters to the local newspapers to advance their position. Nair died on 17 July 1919 before he could appear. After Nair's death, Reddi Naidu became the spokesman. He testified on 22 August. The deputation won
16463-540: The height of the Great Depression which was sharply criticised by the Madras press including Madras Mail , a traditional backer of the party, attacked its ineptitude and patronage. The extent of the discontent against the Justice government is reflected in an article of Zamin Ryot : The Justice Party has disgusted the people of this presidency like plague and engendered permanent hatred in their hearts. Everybody, therefore,
16626-508: The ideas she articulated about Indian culture were based on puranas , manusmriti and vedas , whose values were questioned by educated non Brahmins. Even before the League's founding, Besant and Nair had clashed over an article in Nair's medical journal Antiseptic , questioning the sexual practices of the theosophist Charles Webster Leadbeater . In 1913, Besant lost a defamation suit against Nair over
16789-570: The induction of non-Brahmin members in the government. In 1912, under the influence of Sir Alexander Cardew , the Madras Secretariat, for the first time used Brahmin or non-Brahmin as a criterion for job appointments. By 1918, it was maintaining a list of Brahmins and non-Brahmins, preferring the latter. Identity politics among linguistic groups was common in British India. In every area, some groups considered British rule more favourable than
16952-537: The influence of the Mylaporean Brahmins by incorporating non-Brahmins in several government posts. An early example was the appointment of C. Sankaran Nair to a high court bench job in 1903 by Lord Ampthill solely because Nair was a non-Brahmin. The job fell vacant after Bashyam Iyengar left. V. Krishnaswami Iyer was expected to succeed him. He was a vocal opponent of the Mylapore Brahmins and advocated
17115-401: The issues that led it to frame its demand for separation earlier. The Sino-Indian war does not seem to be a decisive factor in dropping the demand for Dravida Nadu; prominent DMK leaders Era Sezhiyan and Murasoli Maran have stated that the demand for Dravida Nadu had been dropped in practice before 1962. Maran explained that there was not really enough support for Dravida Nadu in Tamil Nadu at
17278-435: The latter had a breakaway from the DMK in 1972. Both parties are populist with a generally social democratic orientation. Ramasamy was convinced that if man developed self respect , he would automatically develop individuality and would refuse to be led by the nose by schemers. One of his most known quotes on Self-Respect was, "we are fit to think of 'self-respect' only when the notion of 'superior' and 'inferior' caste
17441-482: The main bearer of the separatist theme. Unlike Khalistan and other separatist movements in Republic of India, DMK never considered violence as a serious option to achieve a separate Dravida Nadu. While Periyar's idea of DravidaNadu was vague and ambiguous, C.N. Annadurai clearly defined DravidaNadu as the federation of four autonomous self-governing linguistic states (Tamil, Kannada, Telugu, Malayalam) who will also have
17604-471: The meeting. They established the South Indian People's Association (SIPA) to publish English, Tamil and Telugu newspapers to publicise grievances of non-Brahmins. Chetty became the secretary. Chetty and Nair had been political rivals in the Madras Corporation council, but Natesa Mudaliar was able to reconcile their differences. The meeting also formed the "South Indian Liberal Federation" (SILF) as
17767-399: The members of the Cripps Mission on 30 March 1942, and placed before them the demand for a separate Dravidian nation. The demand was rebuffed by Cripps, who told them that such a demand would be possible only through a resolution in the Madras legislature or through a general referendum. In August 1944, E.V. Ramasamy created a new party called Dravidar Kazhagam out of the Justice Party, at
17930-659: The ministry. This change came during the Simon Commission 's visit to assess the political reforms. After the death of Ramarayaningar in December 1928, Justice broke into two factions: the Constitutionalists and the Ministerialists. The Ministerialists were led by N. G. Ranga and favoured allowing Brahmins to join the party. A compromise was reached at the eleventh annual confederation of the party and B. Munuswamy Naidu
18093-486: The mission on 30 March 1942 and demanded a separate Dravidian nation. Cripps responded that secession would be possible only through a legislative resolution or through a general referendum. During this period, Periyar declined efforts in 1940 and in 1942 to bring Justice to power with Congress' support. Periyar withdrew the party from electoral politics and converted it into a social reform organisation. He explained, "If we obtain social self-respect, political self-respect
18256-502: The nationalist independent members. Unaffiliated, P. Subbarayan was appointed Chief Minister. Goschen nominated 34 members to the council to support the new ministry. Initially Justice joined Swaraj in opposing "government by proxy". In 1927, they moved a no confidence motion against Subbarayan that was defeated with the help of the Governor–nominated members. Halfway through the ministry's term, Goschen convinced Justice to support
18419-449: The new session, a no-confidence motion was defeated 65–44 and Ramarayaningar remained in power until November 1926. The party lost in 1926 to Swaraj. The Swaraj party refused to form the government, leading the Governor to set up an independent government under P. Subbarayan . After four years in opposition, Justice returned to power . Chief Minister B. Munuswamy Naidu 's tenure was beset with controversies. The Great Depression
18582-436: The newly created urban professions in the 19th and early 20th century. The higher literacy and English language proficiency among Brahmins were instrumental in this ascendancy. The political, social, and economical divide between Brahmins and non-Brahmins became more apparent in the beginning of the 20th century. This breach was further exaggerated by Annie Besant and her Home Rule for India movement. The following table shows
18745-515: The non-Brahmin leaders involved in creating MPA. MPA was supported by the Brahmin nationalist newspaper The Hindu . Justice denounced MPA as a Brahmin creation intended to weaken their cause. On 14 December 1917, Montagu arrived at Madras to listen to comments on the proposed reforms. O. Kandaswami Chetty (Justice) and Kesava Pillai (MPA) and 2 other non-Brahmin delegations presented to Montagu. Justice and MPA both requested communal reservation for Balija Naidus , Pillais and Mudaliars , Chettis and
18908-452: The non-Brahmin movement is broadly accepted by some historians. The statistics used by non-Brahmin leaders in their 1916 manifesto were prepared by senior Indian Civil Service officials for submission to the public services commission. The Mylapore Brahmin faction rose to prominence in the early 20th century. The British, while acknowledging its usefulness, was wary and supported non-Brahmins for several government posts. They sought to counter
19071-514: The non-Brahmins in Madras and is seen as the start of the Dravidian Movement . During its early years, the party was involved in petitioning the imperial administrative bodies and British colonial officials demanding more representation for non-Brahmins in government. When a diarchial system of administration was established due to the 1919 Montagu–Chelmsford reforms , the Justice Party took part in presidential governance. In 1920, it won
19234-545: The non-Tamil Dravidian-speaking states. Ramasamy changed the banner in his magazine Viduthalai from "Dravida Nadu for Dravidians" to "Tamil Nadu for Tamils". The reorganisation of the Indian states along linguistic lines through the States Reorganisation Act of 1956 weakened the separatist movement. In June–July 1956, the founder of Kazhagam, E. V. Ramaswamy, declared that he had given up the goal of Dravidistan. However, by this time, DMK had taken over from DK as
19397-528: The party embraced the secession of Dravidistan (or Dravida Nadu ). At the 14th annual confederation (held in December 1938), Periyar became party leader and a resolution passed pressing Tamil people 's right to a sovereign state, under the direct control of the Secretary of State for India. In 1939, Periyar organised the Dravida Nadu Conference for the advocacy of a "separate, sovereign and federal republic of Dravida Nadu". Speaking on 17 December 1939, he raised
19560-615: The party in full confidence and goodwill. Thus, Ramasamy also stated that "Self Respect should come before self-rule". The characteristics of the separate Dravida Nadu was described by E.V. Ramasamy as: the area then comprising Madras Presidency; passport system to enter the state; duty on goods from other provinces and entry with permit; demarcation of boundaries according to the needs and convenience of Dravida Nadu ; and continuing an existing system of defence till grant of full independence . He also assured religious freedom to Muslims, Christians, Buddhists and others within this area. On
19723-541: The party to shrink steadily from the early 1930s. Many leaders left to join Congress. Rao as inaccessible to his own party members and tried to curtail the powers of district leaders who had been instrumental in the party's previous successes. The party was seen as collaborators, supporting the British colonial government's measures to counter the independence movement . Its economic policies were also very unpopular. Its refusal to decrease land taxation in non-Zamindari areas by 12.5% provoked peasant protests led by Congress. Rao,
19886-626: The party was held), conferences were organised all over the Madras Presidency—at Coimbatore, Bikkavole, Pulivendla, Bezwada , Salem and Tirunelveli . These conferences and other meetings symbolised the arrival of the SILF as a non-Brahmin political organisation. During 1916–20, the Justice party struggled against the Egmore and Mylapore factions to convince the British government and public to support communal representation for non-Brahmins in
20049-499: The party, superseding senior party leaders. In 1949, Annadurai and other leaders split up and established Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam . Annadurai was initially more radical than Ramasamy in his demand for a separate Dravida Nadu. In highlighting the demand for Dravida Nadu , the economics of exploitation by the Hindi-speaking, Aryan, Brahminical North was elaborated upon. It was contended that Dravida Nadu had been transformed into
20212-443: The past fifteen years is put down to them [Bobbili's administration]". Faced with a resurgent Congress, the party was trounced in the 1937 council and assembly elections. After 1937 it ceased to be a political power. Justice's final defeat has been ascribed variously to its collaboration with the British colonial government; the elitist nature of the Justice party members, loss of scheduled caste and Muslim support and flight of
20375-515: The presidency and Naidu did not hold the annual party confederation for three years. Under M. A. Muthiah Chettiar, the Zamindars organised a rebel "ginger group" in November 1930. In the twelfth annual confederation of the party held on 10–11 October 1932, the rebel group deposed Naidu and replaced him with the Raja of Bobbili. Fearing that the Bobbili faction would move a no-confidence motion against him in
20538-451: The presidency. The Madras Elementary Education Act of 1920 introduced compulsory education for boys and girls and increased elementary education funding. It was amended in 1934 and 1935. The act penalised parents for withdrawing their children from schools. The Madras University Act of 1923 expanded the administrative body of the University of Madras and made it more representative. In 1920
20701-614: The presidency. Rajagopalachari's followers advocated non-cooperation with the British. In 1916, Annie Besant , the leader of the Theosophical Society became involved in the Indian independence movement and founded the Home Rule League . She based her activities in Madras and many of her political associates were Tamil Brahmins. She viewed India as a single homogeneous entity bound by similar religious, philosophical, cultural characteristics and an Indian caste system. Many of
20864-510: The proposed reforms, because Brahmins V. S. Srinivasa Sastri and Surendranath Banerjee were committee members. Justice secured the support of many Indian and non–Indian members of Indian Civil Service for communal representation. The Joint Select Committee held hearings during 1919–20 to finalise the Government of India Bill, which would implement the reforms. A Justice delegation composed of Arcot Ramasamy Mudaliar , Kurma Venkata Reddi Naidu, Koka Appa Rao Naidu and L. K. Tulasiram , attended
21027-531: The request. At a meeting held in Thanjavur , the party dispatched T. M. Nair to London to lobby for extending communal representation. Dr. Nair arrived in June 1918 and worked into December, attended various meetings, addressed Members of Parliament (MPs), and wrote articles and pamphlets. However, the party refused to cooperate with the Southborogh committee that was appointed to draw up the franchise framework for
21190-405: The resolutions, became the general secretary of the transformed organisation. Most members joined the Dravidar Kazhagam. A few dissidents like P. T. Rajan, Manapparai Thirumalaisami and M. Balasubramania Mudaliar did not accept the new changes. Led at first by B. Ramachandra Reddi and later by P. T. Rajan, they formed a party claiming to be the original Justice party. This party made overtures to
21353-451: The rule draft to Periyar and at his suggestion changed "and" to "or" in the law text which made the thaali/mangalsutra optional in marriages. This was implemented as Hindu Marriage Act (Madras Amendment) Act, 1967, introducing Section 7A, permitting Suyamariyathai (self-respect) and Seerthiruttha (reformist) marriages as legal when solemnised in the presence of friends, relatives or any other person by exchanging garlands or rings or by tying of
21516-572: The same accord, the separation of religion and politics was a part of this leaving religion as a matter of individual belief. It was made clear that the political movement should not be used for religious propaganda. In December 1938, the Justice Party Convention passed a resolution stressing Tamil people's right to a separate sovereign state, under the direct control of the Secretary of State for India in London. In 1939, E.V.Ramasamy organised
21679-495: The schools, when C. Rajagopalachari of Congress became the Chief Minister of Madras Presidency. This led to widespread protests in the Tamil-speaking region, which had a strong independent linguistic identity. Ramasamy saw the Congress imposition of Hindi in government schools as further proof of an Aryan conspiracy. At the 14th Confederation of the Justice Party held in Madras in 1938, rules and regulations, or precursors of
21842-533: The secretaries. G. Narayanasamy Chettiar acted as treasurer. T. M. Nair was elected as one of the executive committee members. Later, the movement came to be popularly called the "Justice Party", after the English daily Justice published by it. In December 1916, the association published "The Non Brahmin Manifesto", affirmed its loyalty and faith in the British Raj , but decried Brahminic bureaucratic dominance and urged for non-Brahmins to "press their claims as against
22005-422: The self-respect movement was the self-respect marriage system, whereby marriages were conducted without being officiated by a Brahmin priest . Periyar had regarded the then conventional marriages as mere financial arrangements and often caused great debt through dowry . The Self-Respect movement encouraged inter-caste marriages, replacing arranged marriages by love marriages that are not constrained by caste. It
22168-528: The self-respect movement. In addition to many of the anti-Caste and Tamil nationalist ideologies of the Self-Respect Movement, it is also widely regarded that the Self-Respect Movement, held as core, deeply feminist values. Gender relationships were actively divorced from Brahminical patriarchy and women's rights over their physical, sexual and reproductive choices were celebrated. In Periyar's model of society, women were to be allowed access to contraception and even permanent birth control measures. This came at
22331-437: The sharing of domestic work, child-rearing were all paths to love through equality and service to society. These ideas attracted several women from all walks of life to the movement. Women included former prostitutes, former devadasis , wage labourers, doctors and teachers. Women in the movement worked on issues most closely affecting women like advocating for alcohol prohibition, supporting survivors of domestic violence and
22494-490: The slogan "Dravida Nadu for Dravidians" replacing the "Tamil Nadu for Tamils" that had been used earlier (since 1938). The demand for "Dravidistan" was repeated at the 15th annual confederation in August 1940. On 10 August 1941, Periyar stopped the agitation for Dravida Nadu to help the government in its war efforts. When the Cripps Mission visited India, a Justice delegation, comprising Periyar, W. P. A. Soundarapandian Nadar , N. R. Samiappa Mudaliar and Muthiah Chettiar, met
22657-456: The so-called 'Indian freedom fighters' were showing disrespect of self-respect, and this was really an irrational philosophy. He observed that political freedom as conceived by nationalists such as Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru and others did not cover individual self-respect. To him neither revival of the original spirit of Hindu religion and ancient traditions which formed part of Gandhi's conception of freedom, nor complete liberation from
22820-584: The social radicals to the Self-Respect Movement or in sum, "...internal dissension, ineffective organisation, inertia and lack of proper leadership". Justice was in opposition from 1926 to 1930 and again from 1937 until it transformed itself to Dravidar Kazhagam in 1944. In the 1926 elections , Swaraj emerged as the largest party, but refused to form the government because of its opposition to dyarchy. Justice declined power because it did not have enough seats and due to clashes with governor Viscount Goschen over issues of power and patronage. Goschen turned to
22983-457: The subsequent 1967 elections. In 1962, the Congress had won the majority of seats, while DMK managed to win only 50 seats. In 1967, DMK won a clear majority of 138 seats, while Congress won only 50 seats. DMK came to power with Annadurai as the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu . In the 1980s, a minor militant organisation called Tamil Nadu Liberation Army revived the demand for Dravida Nadu, when
23146-407: The successor states to Madras Presidency) continuously since 1967. The Brahmins in Madras Presidency enjoyed a higher position in India's social hierarchy . By the 1850s, Telugu and Tamil Brahmins comprising only 3.2% of the population began to increase their political power by filling most of the jobs which were open to Indian men at that time. They dominated the administrative services and
23309-470: The then Prime Minister of India , Jawaharlal Nehru to write to K. Kamaraj who was the Chief Minister of Madras State (Tamil Nadu) at that time, urging him to deal with this matter without delay. The Dravidian nationalist's call to "kill Tamil Brahmins" at a 1973 speech in Karaikudi is still echoed in the 21st century by regional parties. He would make a number of genocidal statements such as, "If you see
23472-549: The three-nation doctrine as the only solution which could end the political impasse in the country. In 1950, E.V.Ramasamy stated that Dravida Nadu, if it comes into being, will be a friendly and helpful state to India. When the political power in Tamil Nadu shifted to the non-Brahmin K. Kamaraj in the 1950s, EVR's DK supported the Congress ministry. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, the Dravida Nadu proponents changed their demand for an independent Dravida Nadu to an independent Tamil Nadu, as they did not receive any support from
23635-596: The time of Sino-Indian War of 1962, he proclaimed that his party would stand up for the integrity and unity of India. A faction of DMK contended that the party should publicly abandon the demand for Dravida Nadu. In 1963, on the recommendation of the Committee on National Integration and Regionalism of the National Integration Council , the Indian parliament unanimously passed the Sixteenth Amendment to
23798-413: The time, and it was concluded that there was no use pursuing the demand. He declared "I am Tamil first but I am also an Indian. Both can exist together provided there is space for cultural nationalism." Era Sezhiyan declared that it was impossible to continue to demand Dravida Nadu when the policy lacked support even in the Tamil-speaking areas, let alone Kannada, Telugu and Malayalam-speaking areas. Sezhiyan
23961-564: The unbalance of the domination of Brahmins who were only 3 percent of the population, over government jobs , judiciary and the Madras University. He continued this line of thought despite the fact that by the 1930s, the majority of students in both arts and professional colleges were not Brahmins. On the employment front, the total number of Brahmin gazetted officers were 620 in 1928. Overall, there were about 15,000 Brahmins out of about 80,000 government employees. Ramasamy, in regard to
24124-452: The vanity of the man was flattered beyond measure. He held forth on the glories of Brahminism and Brahminical culture. Not even knowing even the elements of Dravidian culture, Dravidian philosophy, Dravidian literature, Dravidian languages, and Dravidian history, this Gujarati gentleman extolled the Brahmins to the skies at the expense of non-Brahmins; and the Brahmins present must have been supremely pleased and elated. Kandaswamy Chetty sent
24287-474: The virtual domination of the Brahmin Caste". The manifesto was harshly criticised by the nationalist newspaper The Hindu (on 20 December 1916): It is with much pain and surprise that we have perused this document. It gives a manifestly unfair and distorted representation of many of the matters to which it makes reference. It can serve no purpose but it is bound to create bad blood between persons belonging to
24450-454: The virtues of Brahminism and Brahmin contributions to Indian culture. Justice responded: The meeting was presided over by local Brahmin politicians of Gandhi persuasion, and Mr. Gandhi himself was surrounded by Brahmins of both sexes. A band of them came to the meeting singing hymns. They broke coconut in front of Gandhi, burnt camphor and presented him with holy water in silver basin. There were other marks of deification and, naturally,
24613-517: The way for Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddi 's nomination to the council in 1926, when she became the first woman to become a member of any legislature in India. In 1922, during the first Justice ministry (before relationships with Scheduled Castes soured), the Council officially replaced the terms "Panchamar" or " Paraiyar " (which were deemed derogatory) with " Adi Dravidar " to denote the Scheduled Castes of
24776-431: Was Minister of Industries without factories, boilers, electricity and water power, mines or labor, all of which are reserved subjects. Internal dissent emerged and the party split in late 1923, when C. R. Reddy resigned and formed a splinter group and allied with Swarajists who were in opposition. The party won the second council elections in 1923 (though with a reduced majority). On the first day (27 November 1923) of
24939-415: Was a member of the committee that wrote the new party programme, which omitted the demand for Dravida Nadu. Sezhiyan stated that it was more practical to demand a higher degree of autonomy for Tamil Nadu instead. After DMK decided to relinquish its demand for Dravida Nadu, it devoted more attention to the language issue ( anti-Hindi agitations ), and the 1962 election figures were almost exactly reversed in
25102-545: Was argued by the proponents of self-respect marriage that the then conventional marriages were officiated by Brahmins, who had to be paid for and also the marriage ceremony was in Sanskrit which most people did not understand, and hence were rituals and practices based on blind adherence. Self-respect movement promoters argue that there was no reference to Thaali in the Sangam literatures like Tirukkuṛaḷ or Akanaṉūṟu , which describe
25265-501: Was at its height and the economy was crumbling. Floods inundated the southern districts. The government increased the land tax to compensate for the fall in revenues. The Zamindars (landowners) faction was disgruntled because two prominent landlords—the Raja of Bobbili and the Kumara Raja of Venkatagiri— were excluded from the cabinet. In 1930, P. T. Rajan and Naidu has differences over
25428-573: Was bound to be a difference of views regarding any measure aimed at bringing social reform”. The act of burning Rama pictures by Ramasamy was to celebrate Ravana Leela to counter the Ram Leela in Delhi during the Dussehra festival, his argument being that Ramayana sought to perpetuate the Aryan domination over the Dravidian ‘sudran’, Ravana of Tamil origin. One of the major sociological changes introduced through
25591-456: Was elected as the president. After its crushing defeat at the hands in 1937, Justice lost political influence. The Raja of Bobbili temporarily retired to tour Europe. The new Congress government under C. Rajagopalachari introduced compulsory Hindi instruction. Under A. T. Panneerselvam (one of the few Justice leaders to have escaped defeat in the 1937 elections) Justice joined Periyar E. V. Ramasamy 's Self-Respect Movement (SRM) to oppose
25754-545: Was expressing the frustration of people who felt ignored, while reaffirming his own commitment to a united India. Justice Party (India) The Justice Party , officially the South Indian Liberal Federation , was a political party in the Madras Presidency of British India . It was established on 20 November 1916 in Victoria Public Hall in Madras by Dr C. Natesa Mudaliar and co-founded by T. M. Nair , P. Theagaraya Chetty and Alamelu Mangai Thayarammal as
25917-492: Was held in June 1940 at Kanchipuram when Ramasamy released the map of the proposed Dravida Nadu . With the promised grant of full self-government after World War II , and posed another threat to the Indian Freedom Movement However, it failed to get British approval. On the contrary, Ramasamy received sympathy and support from people such as Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar and Muhammad Ali Jinnah for his views on
26080-445: Was leading a faction within DMK, argued that Dravida Nadu was "not feasible". However, the party did state Dravida Nadu as a "long-range goal" during the elections. The political observers doubted the seriousness of their demand for a sovereign state, and stated that the demand for a separate Dravida Nadu was just a side issue, and a slogan to catch the imagination of an emotional public. In the 1957 elections, DMK managed to win only 15 of
26243-476: Was sympathetic to the Brahmins. This dominance was denounced by the non-Brahmin leaders in the form of pamphlets and open letters written to the Madras Governor. The earliest examples of such pamphlets are the ones authored by the pseudonymous author calling himself "fair play" in 1895. By the second decade of the 20th century, the Brahmins of the presidency were themselves divided into three factions. These were
26406-720: Was to establish a hostel for non-Brahmin students. It also organised annual "At-home" functions for non-Brahmin graduates and published books presenting their demands. In the 1916 elections to the Imperial Legislative Council , the non-Brahmin candidates T. M. Nair (from southern districts constituency) and P. Ramarayaningar (from landlords constituency) were defeated by the Brahmin candidates V. S. Srinivasa Sastri and K. V. Rangaswamy Iyengar. The same year P. Theagaraya Chetty and Kurma Venkata Reddy Naidu lost to Brahmin candidates with Home Rule League support in local council elections. These defeats increased animosity and
26569-490: Was totally devoid of any Hindu ceremony was the marriage of the prominent self-respect movement writer Kuthoosi Gurusamy with another prominent leader, Kunjidham, under the presiding of Periyaar on 8 December 1929. The self-respect movement encouraged widow remarriage as well. Due to the prevalent practice of child marriage and very poor health facilities, there were a high number of widows in then society. Women like Sivagami Ammaiyar, who could be widowed at 11 years, were given
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