Misplaced Pages

#92907

102-517: Fernando de la Rúa ( Spanish pronunciation: [feɾˈnando ðe la ˈrua] ; 15 September 1937 – 9 July 2019) was an Argentine politician and a member of the Radical Civic Union (UCR) political party who served as President of Argentina from 10 December 1999 to 21 December 2001. De la Rúa was born in Córdoba ; he entered politics after graduating with a degree in law. He

204-528: A state of emergency during the December 2001 riots . Following his resignation on 20 December, the Argentine Congress appointed a new president. After leaving office, De la Rúa retired from politics and faced legal proceedings for much of the remainder of his life until his death in 2019. Fernando de la Rúa was the son of Eleonora Bruno and Antonio De la Rúa; he was born in the city of Córdoba and attended

306-528: A state of emergency . The riots continued; his speech was followed by increased protests, the cacerolazos , which caused 27 deaths and thousands of injuries. Cavallo resigned at midnight the same day, and the rest of the cabinet followed suit. There was increased looting on 20 December, both in Buenos Aires and the Conurbano. The cacerolazos continued; large groups of people started demonstrations calling for

408-570: A critic of financial aid, said, "We're working to find a way to create a sustainable Argentina, not just one that continues to consume the money of the plumbers and carpenters in the United States who make $ 50,000 a year and wonder what in the world we're doing with their money". The September 11 attacks occurred a few months later, and the U.S. focused its foreign policy on the War on Terror against countries suspected of harboring terrorist organizations. As

510-558: A fundamental change toward genuine democracy in Argentina. In 1997, the UCR participated in elections in coalition with Front for a Country in Solidarity (FREPASO), itself an alliance of many smaller parties. This strategy brought Fernando de la Rúa to the presidency in the 1999 elections . During major riots triggered by economic reforms implemented by the UCR government (with the advice of

612-467: A law of free suffrage. Two years later, in 1912, they approved the law of universal secret, and obligatory voting for men, known as The Sáenz Peña Law . On the other hand, it was also the first Argentinian political party to present a legal project for women to vote in 1919, that eventually did not pass given the conservative majority in Congress. Gabino Ezeiza was a great Payador, and he musically described

714-478: A military coup on December 6, 1930. The secret vote opened a new chapter in Argentinian History. The government of the UCR indicated the arrival of the government and the direction of the state organization of members of the medial sects that until this moment were indeed excluded from these functions. The first presidency of Hipólito Yrigoyen promoted a series of politics of a new type, which in conjunction

816-602: A political system of interventions to the provinces and a style of personal and direct management, that would be severely critical for his opposition both inside and outside of the UCR, calling it "personalism". 34°36′42″S 58°23′29″W  /  34.61167°S 58.39139°W  / -34.61167; -58.39139 Bunge y Born Bunge & Born was a multinational corporation based in Buenos Aires , Argentina , whose diverse interests included food processing and international trade in grains and oilseeds . It

918-553: A prominent figure in the opposition, despite being still the Vice President. The UCR joined the Civic and Social Agreement to run for the 2009 elections . The loose coalition obtained 29% of the national votes and came a close second to the Front for Victory and allies national outcomes. The Party's reorganization, as well as the 2009 elections, resulted in a gain of party representatives in

1020-610: A result, the U.S. gave no further financial aid to Argentina. This policy was confirmed after an interview of Bush with the Brazilian president, Fernando Henrique Cardoso , who confirmed Brazil would not be affected by the Argentine crisis. Although Argentina maintained neutrality as for the conflict itself in Afghanistan to topple the Taliban rule , defense minister Horacio Jaunarena ordered

1122-456: A sharp economic turnaround between July and November 1989. This foray into government policy making, however, ended in a new currency crisis that December and the failure (compounded by the company's lackluster business performance) resulted in Born's 1991 ouster from the board; he was replaced by Chief Operations Officer Octavio Caraballo . Beset by the rift between Jorge Born and his brother, Juan,

SECTION 10

#1733084572093

1224-416: A voluntary way, called the "predictable vote", which broke the electoral system. The struggle for democracy in Argentina, not related initially as much with universal suffrage but with the secret vote, in a voting booth , which made independent the wish of the voter from all external pressures. The Sáenz Peña Law of 1912 established the secret and obligatory vote, but due to the fact that it did not recognize

1326-495: Is generally classified as a centrist , or liberal . Due to its heterogeneity, the UCR has also been described as a big tent or catch-all party and social-liberal party, but it is also occasionally classified as a social-democratic . Radicals call themselves the party of civil liberties , democracy and the Constitution . In their history, they resisted authoritarian regimes , won universal suffrage and starred in

1428-733: Is now known as Bunge Limited . Bunge & Born was founded in 1884 by Ernesto Bunge, a German Argentine whose uncle, Carl Bunge, had been Consul General in Argentina for both the Netherlands and Prussia , and his brother-in-law, Jorge Born, who had recently arrived from Antwerp . The company superseded the Bunge Company founded in Amsterdam by Johann Bunge, in 1818. Following the purchase of 60,000 hectares (150,000 acres) of prime pampas wheat fields, Bunge & Born established Centenera , their first food processing plant, in 1899. They had one of

1530-596: The 1989 general election , Eduardo Angeloz promised a "red pencil" to cut public deficit spending and mentioned the possible privatization of state companies, which would later be carried out by his rival, the Peronist Carlos Menem . Since de la Rúa's demise in 2001, the UCR has become more and more fragmented politically and geographically. Besides the interventions in Tierra del Fuego and Mendoza, in September 2006,

1632-461: The 2023 elections, the party supported the candidacy of Patricia Bullrich . The party is not currently in any coalition since Juntos por el Cambio's dissolution in 2023. The party was a breakaway from the Civic Union , which was led by Bartolomé Mitre and Leandro Alem . The term 'radical' in the party's name referred to its demand for universal male suffrage , which was considered radical at

1734-660: The Alliance ticket, a political coalition of the UCR and the Frepaso . He was opposed by the Peronist unions and his Vice President Carlos Álvarez resigned after denouncing bribes in the Senate. The economic crisis that began during Menem's administration worsened and by the end of 2001 led to a banking panic . The government established the Corralito to limit bank withdrawals. De la Rúa called

1836-569: The Argentine Air Force to prepare to deploy to Afghanistan under UN humanitarian mission "after the war was over" with military personnel returning from Kosovo . The mission never materialized as the war extended in time beyond de la Rúa's term. De la Rúa's first Minister of Economy was the progressive José Luis Machinea , who was proposed by Alfonsín and Álvarez. Menem had left a deficit of 5 Gross Domestic Product (GDP) points that Machinea tried to compensate with higher taxes to people with

1938-627: The Argentine Senate . In recent years, the UCR has been riven by an internal dispute between those who oppose and those who support the left-wing policies of Peronist President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and her husband and predecessor Néstor Kirchner . However, most Radicales K support for the Kirchners ended by mid 2008, when Vice President Julio Cobos opposed the Government bill on agricultural export taxes . He later rejoined UCR, becoming

2040-860: The Banco Hipotecario Franco Argentino , and a subsidiary in Brazil in 1905, and by 1910, they reportedly controlled 80% of Argentine cereal exports (Argentina was, by then, the world's third-largest grain exporter). They later established paint manufacturer Alba (1925), chemical and fertilizer maker Compañía Química , and textile maker Grafa (1932), among others; by the late 1920s, the company's annual export receipts alone reached US$ 300 million. The company inaugurated its neo-Gothic Buenos Aires headquarters on Leandro Alem Avenue , designed by local architect Pablo Naeff, in 1926. Bunge & Born's near-monopoly on cereal and flour exports ended with populist President Juan Perón 's 1946 establishment of

2142-553: The Buenos Aires Underground . The first stations of the extended Line D , Olleros and José Hernández , were opened in 1997, Juramento was opened in 1999, and Congreso de Tucumán in 2000. He also started the works to extend the Line B . Carlos Menem started to transfer the control and financing of the underground system to the city, but the 2001 economic crisis halted the process. The former mayor Domínguez intended to expand

SECTION 20

#1733084572093

2244-420: The Buenos Aires province . Had she run for vice president, Frepaso would have had to resign that candidacy to a radical candidate. Carlos Menem dismissed De la Rúa as a "boring" candidate. De la Rúa exploited that description in television advertisements, embracing it and setting a comparison with the glitzy style of Menem and the perceived political corruption of his administration. He also compared himself with

2346-503: The Casa Rosada by helicopter as protesters blocked streets. He had presided for two years, half of his allotted term of office . Because Vice President Carlos Álvarez had already resigned, the Congress convened to appoint a new president. Adolfo Rodríguez Saá , governor of San Luis Province , was in office for two months while calling for new presidential elections. Renewed demonstrations forced him to resign as well, and Eduardo Duhalde

2448-741: The IAPI , a state agricultural purchasing and export agent. The company responded by extending its reach into the country fast-growing retail processed foods market, and though its prominence as the nation's chief exporter was partly restored by Perón's 1955 ousting and the IAPI's liquidation, its focus remained domestic over the next three decades. A privately held company, Bunge & Born did not release periodical financial statements, though it did report US$ 2bn in gross receipts in 1962; by then it had become an agribusiness leader, operating 110 offices worldwide. The Bunge, Born, Hirsch, Engels and De La Tour families remained

2550-592: The International Monetary Fund ), President de la Rúa resigned and fled the country to prevent further turmoil. After three consecutive acting presidents assumed and resigned their duties in the following weeks, Eduardo Duhalde of the PJ took office until new elections could be held. After the 2001 legislative elections , the party lost and became the second-largest party in the federal Chamber of Deputies , winning 71 of 257 seats. It campaigned in an alliance with

2652-660: The National Congress . In 2015, the UCR formed a coalition with Republican Proposal , a center-right political party, to form Cambiemos . Cambiemos won the presidential election , which ended its 12 years of opposition. The alliance with Republican Proposal was criticized by the Socialist International and the Young Radicals were suspended from the International Union of Socialist Youth . The UCR

2754-632: The Pan-American Highway into Saavedra , but the project met widespread opposition. De la Rúa reformulated the project and built an avenue instead of a highway, which was accepted. The avenue was named Roberto Goyeneche. He also restarted a project to build the Cámpora Highway linking Dellepiane Avenue with the Riachuelo , and established the first non-recreational bikeway in Buenos Aires at Avenida del Libertador . The Pact of Olivos diminished

2856-462: The September general elections , with De la Rúa as his running mate for the post of vice president. The UCR was defeated by Juan Perón in a landslide. De la Rúa was removed from the Congress during the 1976 Argentine coup d'état . He left politics and worked as a lawyer for the firm Bunge y Born . The National Reorganization Process ended in 1983. De la Rúa intended to run for president but lost in

2958-485: The abstention rate and several forms of protest votes combined reached 41%, the highest in Argentine history, as a consequence of the popular discontent with the two main parties. Even the few candidates of the Alliance who won at their districts, such as the radical Rodolfo Terragno in Buenos Aires, did so with political platforms against De la Rúa's administration. The first year of De la Rúa's presidency coincided with

3060-416: The left–right political spectrum , as radicalism is an ethic before being an ideology . However, according to Alfonsín, Radicals felt very comfortable as "observers" of all the tendencies that make up European social democracy. Moreover, in 1995 Raúl Alfonsín brought radicalism into the world organization of center-left parties, the Socialist International . Another former leader, Angel Rozas , defined

3162-458: The 2007 elections. The Unión Cívica Radical (UCR) has gradually shifted toward center-right positions since the 2005 legislative elections, due to internal divisions and the exclusion of the Alfonsinismo from its ranks. This political process has led the UCR to adopt a more conservative orientation in its focus and ideological alignment. According to the president of the party, now within

Fernando de la Rúa - Misplaced Pages Continue

3264-537: The 30 members of the Senate 4 were radicals. Nonetheless, Yrigoyen kept up an anti-accord force and a slightly inflammatory conversation and negotiation, not only with the traditional conservative parties that were controlling the senate, but also with the new popular parties that had gained leadership from the secret ballot: the Socialist Party and the Democratic Progressive party. Also, Yrigoyen took forward

3366-516: The 340,000 votes of all the other parties and in the Electoral College their way was put to a vote. Due to this, a long cycle of 14 consecutive years of radical government ensued. The Radical UCR won the presidential elections on three successive occasions:   Hipólito Yrigoyen (1916-1922), Marcelo T. de Alvear (1922-1928), and Hipólito Yrigoyen once again (1928-1930). The series of radical governments would be violently interrupted by means of

3468-630: The Argentine Presidency in May 1989, however, resulted in an agreement between the President-elect and Jorge Born that gave the company partial control over national economic policy. Bunge & Born provided the Menem government with its first two economy ministers, and the combination of large rate increases on public services (around 500%), a simplified exchange rate and a massive, mandatory wage hike led to

3570-518: The National Committee appointed Jujuy Province Senator Gerardo Morales as its new president. Morales stated that he wanted to follow the mandate of the Rosario convention (that is, looking for a possible alliance with Roberto Lavagna). Morales went on to become Lavagna's running mate in the presidential election of October 2007 , coming third. Although this campaign represented the mainstream of

3672-714: The National Committee of the UCR, then led by Ángel Rozas , intervened (suspended of authorities of) the Provincial Committee of the UCR in Tierra del Fuego Province after Radical governor Jorge Colazo spoke in favour of Kirchner's reelection. The intervention was rejected by the Provincial Committee. A party convention held in Rosario in August 2006 officially rejected the possibility of alliances with Kirchner's faction of Justicialism and granted former Party President Roberto Iglesias

3774-633: The People's Radical Civil Union) came back to power, led by Arturo Frondizi . The growing tolerance of Frondizi towards his Peronist allies provoked unrest in the army, which ousted the president in March 1962. After a brief military government, presidential elections took place in 1963 with the Peronist Party banned (as in 1958). The outcome saw the candidate of the People's Radical Civic Union (the other party's faction) Arturo Illia coming first but with only 25% of

3876-566: The Peronist candidate Eduardo Duhalde . He promised to solve the economic crisis with fiscal austerity and higher tax controls, hoping it would lower interest rates, bring more foreign investments, and reduce unemployment. He also promised to keep the convertibility plan established by Menem that pegged the Argentine peso one-to-one with the United States dollar . The 1999 presidential election

3978-406: The UCR and the PJ. In 2013, they were all cleared of charges by a unanimous resolution, and Pontaquarto was removed from the witness protection program. De la Rúa was also indicted for the police repression which took place during the crisis; he was tried by judge Claudio Bonadio , who in 2009 declared him innocent. The Supreme Court overturned Bonadio's ruling and ordered him to further investigate

4080-458: The UCR for a new revolution. Two years after he led the armed uprising known as the Revolution of 1905 , which although it failed to put sufficient pressure on the official party, it was able to cause a party breakdown. The more progressive leaders of the autonomists, such as Carlos Pellegrini and Roque Sáenz Peña , began to support that it was necessary to make institutional changes to hold back

4182-493: The UCR start to alliance with center-right anti-peronists. In the 2005 legislative elections , the UCR was reduced to 35 deputies and 13 senators, but remains the second force in Argentine politics. Ahead of the 2007 election, the remaining Radicals divided, between those who wanted to find an internal candidate and those who wanted to back a candidate from another movement, mostly former economy minister Roberto Lavagna , supported by former president Raúl Alfonsín. In May 2005,

Fernando de la Rúa - Misplaced Pages Continue

4284-555: The UCR were "disappeared", as were members of other parties. Between 1983 and 1989, its leader, Raúl Ricardo Alfonsín , was the first democratically elected president after the military dictatorship headed by generals such as Jorge Videla , Leopoldo Galtieri and Reynaldo Bignone . Alfonsín was succeeded by Carlos Saúl Menem of the Peronist Justicialist Party (PJ). The election of Mr. Alfonsin, who campaigned hard for clean government and civil rights, represented

4386-615: The United States' Great Depression . From 1930 to 1958, the UCR was confined to be the main opposition party, either to the Conservatives and the military during the 1930s and the early 1940s or to the Peronists during the late 1940s and early 1950s. It was only in 1958 that a faction of the party allied with banned Peronists (in the Intransigent Radical Civic Union founded in 1956, splitting from what then called itself

4488-592: The agency's numerous contacts inside the Montoneros (including the leader, Mario Firmenich). Freed for a US$ 60 million ransom (the largest on record at that time), the ordeal triggered the company headquarters' relocation to São Paulo , Brazil, and contributed to the March 1976 coup . Retaining their Argentine interests (44 companies, by the 1980s), the families continued to suffer from ongoing disputes, and in 1987, CEO Mario Hirsch died suddenly. The election of Carlos Menem to

4590-403: The bill. Álvarez asked for the removal of the labor minister Alberto Flamarique  [ es ] , but De la Rúa instead promoted him to be his personal secretary. Álvarez resigned the following day and the political scandal divided the coalition. Several deputies who initially supported De la Rúa switched to the opposition. Alfonsín tried to prevent a breakup of the UCR. Some months later, it

4692-528: The collapse of the parties from the prior political system to the Sáenz Peña Law . The UCR auto-dispersed due to an initiative of Honorio Pueyrredón and its members massively joined radicalism. The National Autonomist Party dissolved. On 2 April 1916, for the first time in Argentinian history, they carried out the presidential elections by means of a secret ballot . The UCR obtained 370,000 votes, against

4794-503: The company's chief stockholders, and by extension, leaders in the domestic textile, paint, chemical, fertilizer, and food processing industries. On September 19, 1974, however, the consortium was shaken by the kidnapping of siblings Jorge and Juan Born by the far-left terrorist group, Montoneros . The Born brothers were kept in a known Argentine State Intelligence safehouse for nine months until their June 1975 release, something made possible without public suspicion of outside involvement by

4896-458: The constitution to allow him to run for re-election in 1995, which was opposed by the UCR. Alfonsín signed the Pact of Olivos with Menem, negotiating terms to support the proposal. De la Rúa led the opposition to the pact within the UCR, but Alfonsín prevailed in the internal dispute. This damaged the relationship between the two leaders, but helped the party to retain a number of radicals who were against

4998-427: The convertibility plan. He was supported by the PJ, Carlos Álvarez, and the financial groups, but he was rejected by the rest of the UCR. The government announced it would retain the convertibility plan and that there would be no devaluation or sovereign default . Cavallo proposed several bills; De la Rúa sent them to the Congress and they were approved. The " superpowers law " authorized the chief of government to modify

5100-545: The country's social problems and eradicate poverty. Yrigoyen's presidency however turned out to be rather dictatorial; he refused to cooperate with the Congress and UCR in government fell short of the democratic expectations it had raised when in opposition. The UCR remained in power during the next 14 years: Yrigoyen was succeeded by Marcelo T. de Alvear in 1922 and again by himself in 1928. The first coup in Argentina's modern history occurred on September 6, 1930, and ousted an aging Yrigoyen amid an economic crisis resulting from

5202-542: The economy to grow again. Machinea also proposed appointing former minister Cavallo as the new President of the Central Bank of Argentina . However, Machinea was unable to achieve the levels of austerity negotiated with the IMF and resigned a few days later. The Minister of Defense Ricardo López Murphy became the new Minister of Economy. During the election camapain, De la Rúa had promised not to appoint him to that ministry, but with

SECTION 50

#1733084572093

5304-417: The electoral strength of the UCR, leading to the rise of the Frepaso . Both parties united in a political coalition, the Alliance , which defeated the PJ in the 1997 midterm elections. It was the PJ's first national defeat since 1985. The parties held open primary elections for the 1999 presidential elections. De la Rúa stood for the UCR; the whole party, including Alfonsín, supported him. The Frepaso candidate

5406-485: The famous sentence "This old adversary salutes a great friend", thus marking the end of the Peronist-radical rivalry that had marked the pace of the Argentine political scene until then. The growing fight between left-wing and right-wing Peronists took the country into chaos and many UCR members were targeted by both factions. The subsequent coup in 1976 ended Peronist rule. During the military regime , many members of

5508-514: The government's resignation. The unions—first the CTA and then the CGT —began general strikes against the state of emergency. Most of the UCR withdrew their support for De la Rúa, so he asked the PJ to create a government coalition. The PJ refused, and De la Rúa resigned from government. His last administrative action was to lift the state of emergency. He gave his resignation to Congress on 20 December 2001 and left

5610-402: The growth of social and political conflict. When Roque Sáenz Peña was elected president in 1910, the UCR already was not in the position to carry out new assembled uprisings, but the general belief that existed was that a revolution was imminent. Saénz Peña y Yrigoyen, who had been maintaining a personal friendship from childhood, they then had a private meeting in which they agreed to sanction

5712-415: The highest incomes, and a reduction of the highest retirement pensions. The deficit was reduced but the crisis continued. The scandal over the labor law and the resignation of Álvarez increased the country's risk , and made Argentina's access to international credit more difficult. The government negotiated a US$ 38 billion International Monetary Fund (IMF) line of credit to prevent a default and allow

5814-413: The host Marcelo Tinelli 's wife. After De la Rúa's participation ended, Tinelli began to close the program; De la Rúa could be seen seeking an exit from the set in the background. The aforementioned popular image of De la Rúa was further magnified when he was hospitalized for peripheral artery disease caused by high blood cholesterol . Although it is a standard, simple medical intervention, the medic told

5916-414: The largest wheat mills in the country built on a Puerto Madero lot in 1902, and with it, established Molinos Río de la Plata (later a leader in the local retail foods market). The company started Argentina's first burlap bag manufacturer, following which they successfully lobbied government policy makers for protective tariffs on the then-critical commercial staple. They established a mortgage bank,

6018-624: The last year of Bill Clinton 's presidency of the United States. Ricardo López Murphy , Minister of Defense at the time, met William Cohen , U.S. Secretary of Defense, in a summit of ministers that took place in Brazil in 2000. Both countries agreed to share classified information and to hold joint operations against terrorism. George W. Bush took office as President of the United States in January 2001, and changed American policy towards countries in financial crises. His Treasury Secretary, Paul H. O'Neill ,

6120-536: The law of Sunday rest, and he intervened as a neutral mediator in the conflicts between labor unions and big companies. However, during his time in government, several large worker massacres such as the Tragic Week , La Forestral massacre , and the Firing Squad Executions of Patagonia occurred, with thousands of workers killed.  The historian Halperín Donghi explains that the radical governments resolved

6222-482: The local Military Lyceum before entering the National University of Córdoba , from which he graduated with a law degree at the age of 21. He married a Buenos Aires socialite, Inés Pertiné , in 1970; they had three children, including Antonio de la Rúa . De la Rúa became involved in politics at a young age; he entered public service in 1963 as an advisor to President Arturo Illia 's minister Juan Palmero . He

SECTION 60

#1733084572093

6324-485: The matter. De la Rúa and Cavallo were indicted for illegally benefiting the banks that took part in the Megacanje. They were declared innocent on 6 October 2014. He died of heart failure on 9 July 2019 at age 81. He received a state funeral in Congress before a private burial the following day. De la Rúa started to work in politics from a very young age. He was nicknamed "Chupete" ( Spanish : "Pacifier" ) because of this;

6426-498: The military . Especially during the 1970s and 1980s, it was perceived as a strong advocate for human rights . The UCR had different fractures, conformations, incarnations and factions, through which the party ruled the country seven times with the presidencies of Hipólito Yrigoyen (1916-1922 and 1928-1930), Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear (1922-1928), Arturo Frondizi (1958-1962), Arturo Illia (1963-1966), Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1989) and Fernando de la Rúa (1999-2001). After 2001,

6528-601: The national UCR leadership, substantial elements backed other candidates, notably the Radicales K . Cobos was elected vice president as the running mate of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner through the Plural Consensus alliance, and several Radicals were elected to Congress as part of the Kirchners' Front for Victory faction. The official UCR ranks in Congress were reduced to 30 in the Argentine Chamber of Deputies and 10 in

6630-414: The national budget without the intervention of the Congress. There was a new tax on bank operations and more products attracted value-added tax . The wages of national customs workers were increased and some industries benefited from tax exemptions. The Megacanje was a negotiation to delay the payment of foreign debt in exchange for higher interest rates. However, internal debt was still a problem because

6732-413: The new cabinet included no Frepaso politicians, but the Alliance was still working as a coalition in the Congress. It also included several radical politicians from Alfonsín's internal faction. The new Chief of Cabinet was Chrystian Colombo , who mediated between Alfonsín and the president. The PJ won the 2001 midterm election by 40% to 24%, giving it a majority in both chambers of the Congress. However,

6834-401: The nickname was still employed when he grew up. During Carlos Menem's administration he was perceived as a serious and formal politician, in stark contrast with Menem's style. De la Rúa took advantage of this perception during the electoral campaign of 1999. When he became president and the economic crisis worsened, he was perceived as a weak and tired man who was unable to react to the crisis. He

6936-411: The ongoing crisis he did not want to risk problems caused by a temporary lack of minister. López Murphy announced a stricter austerity plan, with reduction to the health and education budgets. His plan was rejected by street demonstrations and the Frepaso, so De la Rúa declined it. Murphy resigned after being minister for 16 days. De la Rúa appointed Cavallo, who had served under Menem and had established

7038-446: The organization we can find a centrist sector and another linked to right-wing values. The UCR is headed by a National Committee; its president is the de facto leader of the party. A national convention brings together representatives of the provincial parties and affiliated organisations such as Franja Morada and Radical Youth, and is itself represented on the National Committee. In 1903, Hipólito Yrigoyen began to reorganize

7140-408: The pact. De la Rúa could not prevent the 1994 amendment of the Argentine Constitution . As a result, Menem was re-elected in 1995. The UCR finished third in the elections for the first time, being surpassed by the Frepaso , a new party composed by former Peronists. The constitutional amendment gave autonomy to the city of Buenos Aires, allowing it to sanction local laws and elect its own mayor , who

7242-446: The party has been particularly fragmented. As the Justicialist Party led by Nestor and Cristina Kirchner moved to the left, the UCR aligned itself with anti-Peronist centre-right parties. From 2015 to 2023, the UCR was a member of the centre-right Cambiemos / Juntos por el Cambio coalition, along with Republican Proposal and Civic Coalition ARI , and supported Mauricio Macri in the 2015 and 2019 presidential elections. For

7344-493: The party is virtually "broken due to the stance of the leaders who support the alliance [with Kirchner]". Roberto Iglesias eventually resigned the presidency of the party in November 2006 due to differences with Lavagna, having reached the conclusion that an alliance with him would be a mistake, and joined Stolbizer's camp, maintaining that the party should look for its own candidate (the so-called Radicales R ). On 1 December 2006

7446-475: The party leaders had admitted that they reviewing requests of intervention against the provincial committees of Río Negro and Santiago del Estero . In Santa Fe , the UCR had teamed up with the Socialist Party to support Socialist candidate for governor Hermes Binner , in exchange for the vice-governorship, taken by the former governor Aldo Tessio 's daughter, the fiscal federal Griselda Tessio , winning

7548-791: The permission to negotiate with other political forces. This led to several months of talks with Lavagna. The continued dissidence of the Radicales K prompted the intervention of the UCR Provincial Committee of Mendoza on 1 November 2006, due to the public support of President Kirchner by Mendoza's governor, the Radical Julio Cobos . The measure was short-lived, as the Mendoza Province Electoral Justice overturned it three days later. Deputy and UCR National Committee Secretary General Margarita Stolbizer stated that

7650-533: The political-ideological identity of the party as humanist and center-left. He and his faction gave a progressive look to the party. On the conservative side of the party sat Ricardo Balbín . The party was particularly divided since the 1960s and again since the end of the 1990s. After Balbín's death, Fernando de la Rúa who gave a neoliberal and conservative tint to the party and who famously said that "we are radicals, not socialists", kept UCR conservatives active until he became president in 1999. During

7752-464: The popular culture in favor of Yrigoyen. The UCR put an end to their electoral political abstention, and went to the parliamentary elections, without forming electoral alliances. For the first time in Argentina, they voted in a voting booth to guarantee a secret ballot . The predictable vote, the secret vote, and democracy. Before 1912, Argentina was using an electoral system in which votes were expressed verbally, or by ticket, in public place, and in

7854-626: The press De la Rúa suffered from arteriosclerosis , which is usually linked with a lack of speed and reflexes. Radical Civic Union Founded in 1891 by radical liberals , the UCR is the second oldest political party active in Argentina, after the Liberal Party of Corrientes . The party's main support has long come from the middle class . For many years, the UCR was either in opposition to Peronist governments or illegal during military rule . The party has stood for liberal democracy , secularism , free elections and civilian control of

7956-506: The primary elections and came from a different district than him. Alfonsín preferred the popular Carlos Álvarez , leader of the Frepaso, saying he could attract more voters and had more political expertise. It was also a result of the internal politics of the Alliance: except for Meijide, the Frepaso did not have a political figure who could run with high prospects for winning the post of Governor of

8058-584: The primary elections of the UCR to Raúl Alfonsín , who was elected in the general election. De la Rúa ran for the post of senator instead, defeating the Peronist Carlos Ruckauf . He ran for re-election as senator in 1989 but, despite his electoral victory, the electoral college voted for the Peronist Eduardo Vaca . De la Rúa was elected deputy in 1991 and returned to the senate in 1993. President Carlos Menem , elected in 1989, wanted to amend

8160-519: The prior unity between the shareholders disintegrated as Caraballo struggled to modernize the company. Family frictions intensified when Jorge Born formed a business partnership with one of his former kidnappers, erstwhile Montonero strategist Rodolfo Galimberti . The company was converted into the Bermuda -registered Bunge International in 1994, retaining the Bunge y Born name only in Argentina. Bunge remained

8262-579: The problem of regional equality in Argentina, but as a consequence of this, they brought social inequalities to a higher level at the same time. This is because radicalism was lacking solutions for the people on the bottom of the social hierarchy, through systematically neglecting class differences. Radicalism, during the first government of Yrigoyen, was in the minority in Congress: In the Deputy Chamber 45 members were radicals and 70 opposers, while amongst

8364-427: The provinces, especially Buenos Aires , were nearing default. This led to conflicts between Cavallo and the provincial governors. Congress approved a bill for a "Zero deficit" policy to prevent further increases of debt and to work only with money from tax revenue. There was a banking panic in November; the government reacted by introducing the " corralito ", which prevented people from withdrawing cash from banks. It

8466-799: The right of women to vote or to be voters, it is incorrect to say that Argentina had a truly universal voting system until 1947. The UCR first won the elections to governor in Santa Fe (Manuel Menchaca), from which followed a trail of triumphs in the rest of the country. Among the radical leaders at this time were: José Camilo Crotto (CF), Leopoldo Melo (CF), Vicente Gallo (CF), Fernando Saguier (CF), Marcelo T. de Alvear (CF), José L. Cantilo (CF), Delfor del Valle (PBA), Horacio Oyhanarte (PBA), Rogelio Araya (SF), Rodolfo Lehmann (SF), Enrique Mosca (SF), Elpidio González (CBA), Pelagio Luna (LR), Miguel Laurencena (ER), José Néstor Lencinas (Mza), Federico Cantoni (SJ). The electoral triumphs of radicalism caused

8568-439: The smaller, more leftist FREPASO. The party has subsequently declined markedly and its candidate for president in 2003, Leopoldo Moreau , gained just 2.34% of the vote, beaten by three Peronists and more seriously, by two former radicals, Ricardo López Murphy of Recrear and Elisa Carrió of ARI , who have leached members, support and profile from the UCR. Since Nestor Kirchner 's led peronist PJ switched into political left,

8670-427: The struggle for the causes of the popular majorities. Raúl Alfonsín thought that radicalism advocated social democracy . He wanted to form a "broad popular, democratic, reformist and national movement"; to end privilege, authoritarianism and demagoguery and consolidate an authentic social democracy in the country. He also explained that Radicals do not define themselves, as European political parties usually do, on

8772-430: The task was Ramón Mestre . The Peronist unions opposed De la Rúa and held seven general strikes against him. He sent a bill known as the labour flexibility law to deregulate labor conditions, attempting to reduce the political influence of unions, to the Congress. This project was opposed by the PJ and was changed from the original draft. It was finally approved but Álvarez said several legislators were bribed to support

8874-484: The time, when Argentina was ruled by an exclusive oligarchy and government power was allocated behind closed doors. The party unsuccessfully led an attempt to force the early departure of President Miguel Juárez Celman in the Revolution of the Park ( Revolución del Parque ). Eventually a compromise was reached with Juárez Celman's government. Hardliners who opposed this agreement founded the current UCR, led by Alem's nephew,

8976-455: The votes (approximately 19% of the votes were blank ballots returned by Peronists owing to their party being banned). Although Argentina experienced during Illia's presidency one of the most successful periods of history in terms of economic performance, the president was ousted by the army in June 1966. Illia's peaceful and ordered style of governing — sometimes considered too "slow" and "boring" -

9078-496: The young and charismatic Hipólito Yrigoyen . In 1893 and 1905 , the party led unsuccessful revolutions to overthrow the government. With the introduction of free, fair and confidential voting in elections based on universal adult male suffrage in 1912, the Party managed to win the general elections of 1916, when Hipólito Yrigoyen became president. As well as backing more popular participation, UCR's platform included promises to tackle

9180-440: Was Graciela Fernández Meijide , who had defeated Peronism in the populous Buenos Aires province. De la Rúa won the primary elections by a wide margin. In the primaries, De la Rúa was voted for by more people than those who voted for the UCR in 1995. Despite his victory, Alfonsín was still the president of the UCR. They disagreed on the vice president for De la Rúa's ticket; he thought that it should be Meijide because she took part in

9282-444: Was President of Argentina from 10 December 1999 to 21 December 2001. In the first days of his presidency, De la Rúa sent a bill to the Congress to request a federal intervention in the province of Corrientes . The province had a high level of debt, and organizations of piqueteros blocked roads to make demonstrations. There were two interim governors disputing power. The bill was immediately approved. The intervenor selected for

9384-405: Was appointed as the new president. He was able to complete De la Rúa's term of office. De la Rúa retired from political life after his resignation. The scandal over the labor flexibility law was renewed in 2003 when a former Senate worker, Mario Pontaquarto , claimed to be a witness of the case who delivered $ 5,000,000 to the legislators. De la Rúa was indicted alongside seven politicians from both

9486-496: Was elected senator in 1973 and unsuccessfully ran for the office of Vice President as Ricardo Balbín 's running mate the same year. He was re-elected senator in 1983 and 1993, and as deputy in 1991. He unsuccessfully opposed the pact of Olivos between President Carlos Menem and party leader Raúl Alfonsín , which enabled the 1994 amendment of the Argentine Constitution and the re-election of Menem in 1995. De la Rúa

9588-491: Was elected senator in the March 1973 general elections , defeating the Peronist Marcelo Sánchez Sorondo . He was the only politician from the Radical Civic Union (UCR) who could defeat the Peronist candidate in his administrative division. The elected president Héctor José Cámpora and his vice president resigned a few months later, leading to the call to new elections. Ricardo Balbín ran for president in

9690-499: Was heavily criticized at the time. During the 1970s, Peronist government (1973–1976), the UCR was the second-most supported party, but this didn't actually grant the party the role of being the political opposition. In fact, the Peronist government's most important criticisms came from the same Peronist Party (now called Justicialist Party ). The UCR's leader in those times, Ricardo Balbín , saluted Peron's coffin (Perón had died on July 1, 1974, during his third mandate as president) with

9792-515: Was held on 24 October. De la Rúa defeated Duhalde by 48.4% to 38.3%, well ahead of the threshold to avoid a second round run-off election. Domingo Cavallo , Menem's former minister of economy, finished the race in third place. De la Rúa was inaugurated President of Argentina on 10 December 1999. He took office with a favorability rating of 75%. Unlike Menem, whose initial cabinet was composed of trusted friends, De la Rúa's cabinet included five people with international degrees and four economists. He

9894-413: Was initially a temporary measure. The IMF refused to send the monthly payment for the line of credit approved at the beginning of the year because the government had not stuck to the "zero deficit" policy. The crisis worsened and by 19 December 2001, riots and looting broke out at several points in the country. De la Rúa announced in a cadena nacional (national network broadcast) that he had established

9996-413: Was perceived as a man without leadership skills who could not make use of his presidential authority. De la Rúa thought that the parody of him by the television comedian Freddy Villarreal helped to establish that image. He sought to change his image by appearing on the television comedy show El show de Videomatch , but his appearance on the program backfired. He confused the names of the show and that of

10098-405: Was previously appointed by the president of the nation. De la Rúa was the first mayor elected in this manner, defeating the previous mayor Jorge Domínguez . During his term of office he created or reformulated several institutions to fit the new status of the city, as required by the national constitution and the recently approved Constitution of Buenos Aires . De la Rúa worked on the expansion of

10200-567: Was proposed that Álvarez return to the De la Rúa government as the Chief of the Cabinet of Ministers . Álvarez initially supported the idea but De la Rúa opposed it. Cavallo was also proposed for the office before he was appointed Minister of Economy. De la Rúa intended to include the Frepaso in the new cabinet but to exclude Álvarez himself because he still resented the latter's resignation. The negotiations failed and

10302-466: Was signaling a transformative nationalist tendency, between that which  emphasized the creation of the state-owned oil business YPF, the new rural laws, the fortification of the public railways, the Reform University, and a strongly autonomous political exterior for the greatest improvements. On the matter of labor, he propelled several laws for workers such as the law of the 8 hour work day and

10404-475: Was the first chief of government of Buenos Aires to be elected by popular vote, a change introduced by the amendment of the Constitution. He expanded the Buenos Aires Underground , adding new stations to Line D, starting the expansion of Line B, and establishing Line H. He established Roberto Goyeneche Avenue and the city's first bicycle path. In 1999, Fernando de la Rúa was elected President after running on

#92907