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85-565: The S-300 system was completed in 1978. It is designed to defend against short and medium-range air attacks. At its time it was considered one of the world's most powerful air defence systems. Russia sold the S-300 system to 20 countries. The Imia crisis in the Aegean Sea broke out in the final days of 1995 and reached its peak in January 1996. Failing to stop Turkish Air Force flights Greece concluded that

170-573: A Greek flag on the east islet on 25 January. To oppose this, on 27 January some Turkish journalists from Hürriyet landed on the islet with a helicopter, lowered the Greek flag and hoisted a Turkish flag , the whole event being broadcast live on Turkish television. On 28 January, the Greek Navy patrol boat Antoniou lowered the Turkish flag and restored the Greek flag, in violation of the political order which

255-524: A Hellenic Navy Bell 212, took off from the Greek frigate Navarino for reconnaissance. The Greek SEALs confirmed the presence of Turkish forces and were ordered to return to the ship where during its return the helicopter crashed over the islets (some speculating due to Turkish fire), but this was concealed by both states to prevent further escalation, although three Greek officers on the helicopter were killed: Christodoulos Karathanasis, Panagiotis Vlahakos, and Ektoras Gialopsos. The immediate military threat

340-565: A combat capability has come from gradual disclosure to the media of S-300PMU-1 capabilities in Crete after the 1998 deployment of the weapons to the Greek island. Also, digital aerial and satellite photography, such as that presented by Google Earth , has allowed independent observers to suggest that at least three new military facilities were purpose-built in Cyprus for the deployment of the S-300s (two sites for

425-413: A consistent representation of whatever legal opinions they held with respect to these islands, in the work of their cartographic state agencies. There is also the case of a neighbouring islet, only a few miles from Imia, called Zouka , Dzouka or Topan Adası , which was consistently shown as Turkish in Greek naval maps, but as Greek in Greek topographic maps. When the attention of the Greek government

510-593: A disputed area that has been sealed off since Turkey's 1974 invasion of Cyprus. Most property in Varosha is owned by Greek Cypriots. The Turkish Armed Forces , when the purchase of S-300 was announced, obtained surface-to-surface missiles from Israel , which could be used in a military operation to destroy the S-300 if they were installed on the island. Also, according to Turkish media and other countries' intelligence agencies ,Turkish pilots with their F-16s were sent to Israel's Negev region to be trained on how to destroy

595-470: A guided-missile cruiser and attack submarines. The presumption was that the force would have two purposes: to transport S-300 missiles and other military articles via Greek waters to Cyprus, and to attack the Turkish Navy if it tried to intervene. Cyprus raised the possibility of cancelling the missile deployment in exchange for a flight moratorium over Cyprus, but Turkey rejected the idea. Rather than face

680-534: A line that runs where Greece today claims the territorial boundary should be, with Imia on the Greek side. Turkey holds that the agreement about the FIR boundaries was not concerned with determining sovereignty, and thus has no bearing on the issue. During and after the crisis of 1996, both sides put a lot of emphasis on previously published maps, which were cited as evidence purportedly showing that their respective views were shared by third parties, or had even been shared by

765-501: A military helicopter and threw a wreath into the sea around the islets where the three Greek Navy officers were killed in 1996. In December 2016, Turkey's Foreign Minister, Mevlut Cavusoglu , said that the islets were "Turkish soil", while the Greek government responded that "Greece's sovereignty over its islands in the Aegean, including Imia, is indisputable and established by international law." European Commission spokesperson said that

850-434: A minimum of 16 5P85TE towed quadruple launchers and 75 48N6 missiles. The missiles would have had a maximum range of 150 km. Other equipment likely to have been provisioned in the purchase, based upon standard deployment practice for this type of weapon array, would have included the 83M6E command and control system, as well as support radar infrastructure and mobile engineer support vehicles. The primary evidence for such

935-404: A month later, on 20 January 1996 when the Greek magazine GRAMMA ran a story, one day after Kostas Simitis was appointed to form a new Greek government as prime minister . The article brought a severe reaction from the Greek press, which was followed by four citizens of the neighboring island of Kalymnos , including the mayor and the owner of a herd of sheep that remained on the islets, hoisting

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1020-667: A new round of UN sponsored talks with the Greek Cypriots, aimed at re-uniting Cyprus. Ultimately, as did the Greek Cypriot President Tassos Papadopoulos , he opposed the final version of the settlement proposal drafted under the authority of the UN Secretary General Kofi Annan (the Annan Plan ), which was voted on by the two Cypriot communities in a referendum on 24 April 2004. The plan

1105-625: A teacher and then as a barrister at Lincoln's Inn . He graduated in 1947 and returned home to practice law. In 1948 Denktaş served as a member of the Consultative Assembly in search of self-government for Cyprus and became a member of the Turkish Affairs Committee. He was a crown prosecutor 1949–1958. In 1957, Denktaş played the lead role in the founding of the Turkish Resistance Organization (TMT), which

1190-435: Is 10 acres (4.0 ha). The islands are also referred to as Limnia (Λίμνια) in Greek, or İkizce in Turkish, or as Heipethes in some early-20th century maps. The toponym "Kardak" is believed to come from the Greek "Kar(y)dakia", i.e. "small walnuts", because of their shape. While several other aspects of sovereignty rights in the Aegean , such as the territorial waters and national airspace, had been disputed between

1275-458: Is contained in diplomatic exchanges that have never been disclosed to the public by either of the two parties. Greece also cites as evidence for a former Turkish acceptance of Greek sovereignty the diplomatic procedures around the original delimitation of Flight Information Regions (FIR) within the framework of the ICAO , in 1950. The relevant treaty states that, in the Aegean zone, the boundary between

1360-666: Is no time for the Turkish government to be making wild and dramatic statements, it would be completely out of bounds for Turkey to take this action." In the months leading up to June 1997, the two sides traded political rhetoric and aggressive propaganda as both attempted to justify their positions before the international community. In September 1997, the Turkish Navy and the Turkish Coast Guard began to board and search vessels heading to Cyprus, including Russian-flagged vessels in international waters. The situation alarmed not only

1445-718: Is part of the larger Aegean dispute , which also comprises disputes over the continental shelf , the territorial waters, the air space , the Flight Information Regions (FIR) and the demilitarization of the Aegean islands. In the aftermath of the Imia crisis, the dispute was also widened, as Turkey began to lay parallel claims to a larger number of other islets in the Aegean. These islands, some of them inhabited, are regarded as indisputably Greek by Greece but as grey zones of undetermined sovereignty by Turkey. The islets lie 5.5 nautical miles (10.2 km; 6.3 mi) east of

1530-551: The EU is urging Turkey to avoid any kind of “source of friction, threat or action directed against a member-state, which damages good-neighborly relations and the peaceful settlement of disputes.” Tensions around the islets were renewed in January 2017, in light of deterioration of Greco–Turkish relations following Greek refusal to extradite participants of the failed 2016 Turkish coup d'état attempt to Turkey. A Turkish navy missile boat accompanied with two special-forces speedboats entered

1615-831: The Republic of Cyprus was established. Denktaş was elected as the President of the Turkish Communal Chamber. In November 1963 President Makarios gave for review to Turkey, Greece and Britain a document with a series of constitutional amendments designed to loosen the acquired rights of Turkish Cypriots in the name of "the workings of the state". Then the paramilitary action against the Turks began in December 1963, after which Turkish-Cypriots forcefully withdrew from government. Upon these events, Denktaş went to Ankara for consultations with

1700-535: The Turkish Air Force , acting on behalf of the de facto Turkish state in the north . Further heightening concerns was the recent sale of Israeli ATACMS long-range artillery rockets to Turkey; these weapons could be fired directly from bases on Turkey's southern coast with the capability of reaching Southern Cyprus. The Greek Cypriots determined that they had no ready means of defence against them. On 3 January 1997, an unnamed defence source leaked information to

1785-565: The Turkish government . His reentry to the island was prohibited by the Greek-Cypriot leadership in years 1964–68 due to his involvement with TMT. In the 1973 vice presidential elections he replaced Fazıl Küçük . After the 15 July 1974 Greek ultra-nationalist military coup in Cyprus, fearing for the safety of the Turkish Cypriot population, Turkey unilaterally invaded by landing troops on

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1870-484: The 1960s, these islets are shown as Greek territory. After the incident Greece threatened to reopen debate on implementation of an EU customs union accord with Turkey and to block an EU aid package that is part of the accord. Greece mentioned that Turkey broke a commitment under the accord to have amicable ties with EU members. Many EU foreign ministers urged the parties to solve differences amicably. EU members were concerned that Greece's moves against Turkey would violate

1955-488: The Athens and Istanbul FIRs was to follow the boundaries of the territorial waters. This implies, according to the Greek view, that both parties at that time were taking for granted that a mutually agreed border did indeed exist, which would contradict the claims of persisting "grey zones" made today by Turkey. The maps of the air zones published after that agreement (e.g. an official map published by Turkey in 1953) do indeed show

2040-580: The Cypriot media regarding the purchase of Russian-made surface-to-air missiles , a story picked up by Reuters , the Cyprus News Agency, and others. The leak reported that the date for the conclusion of the sale between Russia and Cyprus for surface-to-air missile systems would be 4 January 1997. On 5 January 1997, the Foreign Minister of Cyprus , Alekos Michaelides , announced to the world media that

2125-476: The Cyprus government had the legitimate right to enhance its "defence capabilities" and also said that the weapons purchase was "proportional" to the Turkish military buildup in the north of the island. Concurrently, Turkish Defence Minister Turhan Tayan was reported in Turkey as saying that the action would "undermine peace in the region". Russia's main defence export agency, Rosvooruzheniye, also added its comment to

2210-452: The Greek Cypriots but also Athens and Moscow , as was evidenced by official statements in October 1997 indicating that Greece and Russia would engage in war with Turkey if Cyprus was attacked or blockaded. By December, reports began to surface in Greek and Cypriot media forums that Russia was in the process of mobilising a large naval force with an aircraft carrier with long-range warplanes,

2295-438: The Greek island Kalymnos , 1.9 nmi (3.5 km; 2.2 mi) southeast of the Greek island of Kalolimnos , 3.8 nmi (7.0 km; 4.4 mi) west of the Turkish peninsula of Bodrum , and 2.2 nmi (4.1 km; 2.5 mi) from the Turkish islet of Çavuş Adası . The islets lie some 300 m (1,000 ft) apart from each other, the eastern one being slightly larger than the western one. Their total surface area

2380-489: The Greek statement misled Greece's own public and distorted the truth “as always”. The next day footage was revealed showing the Turkish patrol boat ramming the Greek boat. Also, Turkey has started to build a watchtower, a facility to accommodate soldiers and a pier on the nearby islet of Çavuş Adası . Thermal cameras will be installed on the island to enable the Turkish Coast Guard to monitor naval activities around

2465-403: The Imia issue in favour of either side. However, both Greek and Turkish public opinion has been eager to observe the stance of foreign governments on the issue, as evidenced through details such as the cartographic treatment of Imia in maps published by state agencies. Particular close attention has been paid in this context to maps published by US government agencies. Shortly after the 1996 crisis,

2550-611: The International Court of Justice. The resolution by the European Parliament entitled "Resolution on the provocative actions and contestation of sovereign rights by Turkey against a Member State of the Union" also stated that Greece's borders were EU borders. In addition, it stated that the islets of Imia belongs to Dodecanese group of islands pursuant to the 1923 , 1932 and 1947 treaties and whereas even on Turkish maps from

2635-461: The Italian government during the 1930s and the Greek government between 1947 and the 1950s had shown itself to be well aware that the 1932 protocol did not provide legal grounds for an exact delimitation of the boundary. Conversely, Greece claims that Turkey, already during the 1930s, had explicitly confirmed to Italy that it considered the 1932 protocol valid and binding. However, most of this evidence

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2720-409: The S-300s for Crete. The Turkish government decried the move as a "cynical attempt" to redirect the S-300 missile capability against its southwestern shores and airspace and to give much-desired air defence for Greek ships and aircraft heading from Crete to Cyprus. The crisis also led to the collapse of the ruling coalition government in Cyprus. The Cypriot government never again seriously entertained

2805-487: The S-300s. According to Israeli radio reports, Turkish pilots were trained only on how to evade the S-300s, not on how to destroy them. The Israel embassy at Athens denied all reports. In November 1997, Turkish armed forces carried out a military exercise in Northern Cyprus , where they destroyed S-300 dummy missiles to prepare for operations against the real missiles on Cyprus. The Cypriot government protested against

2890-481: The Treaty of Lausanne that are relevant to the Imia and the related "grey-zones" issue, are the following: The problem is because Imia is situated just outside the three-mile boundary of Article 6 and Article 12, but is also not in an obvious, strict sense geographically "dependent" (Article 15) on the larger Dodecanese islands (being still closer to the Turkish mainland than to the next larger island). Greece considers that

2975-622: The Turkish Cypriot Democratic Party . Denktaş's health gradually deteriorated throughout the 2000s. He had a heart condition and on 25 May 2011 suffered a stroke. He died on 13 January 2012 of multiple organ failure at the Near East University Hospital in Nicosia. Northern Cyprus declared seven days' mourning, while Turkey declared five days'. His funeral was held on 17 January, with thousands of attendees. He

3060-575: The Turkish Federated State of Cyprus in 1976 and for a second term in 1981. He played a key role in the 1983 Unilateral Declaration of Independence of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus , and was elected as the President of the TRNC in 1985, 1990, 1995, and 2000. The TRNC has not been recognised by any state other than Turkey . Denktaş had been the chief negotiator of Turkish Cypriots in

3145-593: The Turkish Foreign Ministry notified the Greek authorities that it believed there was a sovereignty issue, and on 29 December it declared the islets Turkish territory. On January 9, Athens rejected the claim, citing the Treaty of Lausanne (1923), the Convention between Italy and Turkey (1932) and the Treaty of Paris (1947). The whole event was barely reported in the media so it was not widely known to public until

3230-583: The Turkish threats at the United Nations and asserted its right for self-defence and the need for effective deterrence. In addition, Cyprus President Glafcos Clerides said that the missiles would be deployed on the island but used only defensively. Also, the Cypriot National Guard were placed on their highest state of alert and mobilisation since the 1974 invasion of the island by Turkey . Between January and June 1997, Greece reportedly increased

3315-503: The US National Imaging and Mapping Agency (NIMA) removed the Greek name Vrakhoi Imia from its maps, adding instead a note saying "Sovereignty undetermined", but in a new edition a few months later, in October 1996, it reverted that move and returned to the Greek name. In addition, the U.S. administration suggested that Turkey's claims be taken to a peaceful resolution according to the international law. The government of Italy ,

3400-521: The US Secretary of State Michael Pompeo , on his first official visit to Greece, when asked about a potential Imia scenario involving an escalation of Turkish aggression in the Aegean, stated that the US and Greece share the same values on sovereignty and vowed that the US would "protect […] these basic ideas of sovereignty". Rauf Denktash Rauf Raif Denktaş (27 January 1924 – 13 January 2012)

3485-562: The United Nations sponsored peace talks since 1968. By 2000, the desire of both Cyprus and Turkey to join the European Union led to renewed efforts to reach a settlement. In 2002 there were large demonstrations in northern Cyprus by Turkish Cypriots demanding reunification of the island, which would give them EU citizenship when Cyprus joined the EU in 2004. In February 2004 Denktaş embarked on

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3570-734: The United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, Italy, some of the former republics of the Soviet Union, Poland, France, Austria and Turkey. He has written about fifty books in English and Turkish . Between the years 1949 and 1957 he wrote many articles for the newspaper Halkın Sesi ("Voice of the People"), published by Fazıl Küçük , the first Vice President of the Republic of Cyprus. Denktaş has been

3655-605: The account of its former navigation officer it is possible that the islets in question were wrongfully charted as belonging to Turkey by his predecessor. The reason was that during the Second World War boats of a British Special Boat Service flotilla often evaded German patrols by making fast alongside Turkish fishing boats near the islet and convincing the Germans that they were Turkish fishermen in Turkish territory. Out of this experience one officer of HMS Childers, who had served

3740-573: The area around the islets on 29 January 2017. According to the statement issued by the Defence Ministry of Greece, they were blocked and warned by Greek coast guard vessels and withdrew from the area after about seven minutes. The Turkish armed forces denied that the ships were blocked but did not otherwise deny the incident; they stated that the mission was a part of an inspection of the Aksaz Naval Base by chief of General Staff Hulusi Akar , who

3825-445: The causes for the different sovereignty claims. Bill Clinton said about the crisis: "I thought my aides were joking when they said Turkey and Greece would engage in war over rocks on which none but sheep live. I held phone calls with the leaders of both countries, and convinced them to not go to war over the rocks that inhabited mostly 20 sheep". After 1996, most foreign countries have carefully avoided taking an unequivocal stand on

3910-440: The customs union accord and interfere with developing ties and access to Turkey's market. The United States were also concerned since they were a proponent of Turkish-European links. The French President Jacques Chirac “indicated that the fewer new problems Greece created for EU-Turkish cooperation, the more likely France would be to show solidarity with Greece.” Other European governments reportedly implied that if Greece sabotaged

3995-606: The customs union, then they would stall talks on Cyprus EU membership. Greek Prime Minister said that Greece would cooperate with the EU once Turkey agreed to International Court of Justice jurisdiction, but Turkey must initiate an appeal to the International Court of Justice since it is questioning Greek rights. The Greek opposition criticized the government, for its inability to get more support from Europe, while Turkey sent officials to Europe to explain their views and to counter Greece's attempt to impede Turkish-EU relations and recalled its ambassador from Athens. In October 2019,

4080-406: The distress call. The Turkish captain initially refused the assistance offered, maintaining that he was within Turkish territorial waters. He ultimately accepted being towed to the Turkish port of Güllük by the Greek tugboat. The Greek captain filled in the necessary papers for the salvage fee but the Turkish captain objected, arguing that the freighter had been in Turkish waters. On 27 December,

4165-467: The east islet undetected. On the 30th of January, Turkish and Greek officials gave statements, each insisting on their sovereign rights on Imia. Also, Turkish armored units moved to the Green Line on Cyprus , which caused the alert of the Cypriot National Guard . On 31 January at 1:40 am Turkish special forces SAT Commandos also landed on the west islet escalating the tensions. Around 3 hours later,

4250-430: The government had acquired an air-defence capability in the form of Russian-made S-300 air-defence missiles and associated radars. At the stage, details were kept vague, and the media seized upon rumours ranging from claimed numbers of missiles and capability, to wildly-differing claims of the price for the purchase. On the same day, a government spokesman, Yiannakis Cassoulides, made a statement in which he remarked that

4335-497: The island. On 11 January 1997, Cypriot and US media sources reported that Turkey had overtly threatened either a pre-emptive strike to prevent the arrival of the missiles or an actual war in Cyprus as a response to the arrival of the missiles. Also, it threatened a blockade of Cyprus from Turkey. Turkey also said that it might occupy an abandoned tourist resort in Cyprus if the Cypriot government did not back down. Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktaş , threatened to take over Varosha ,

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4420-487: The island. Russia initially avoided direct confrontation with Turkey but insisted repeatedly that the sale of S-300s to Cyprus would proceed without interference. Turkey consequently looked to its strategic NATO partners, including the United States for reassurances that it would not be prevented from acting against the perceived threat if the need arose. Turkish threats led to a campaign by Western countries to prevent

4505-406: The islands neighbouring Imia, were ceded to Italy. Later the rights to these islands were ceded by Italy to Greece with the 1947 Treaty of Paris . However, the Treaty of Lausanne does not mention every single small island by name, but treats them summarily. Accordingly, at the heart of the legal issue of Imia is the question whether these islands, by virtue of their geographic situation, fall under

4590-508: The islets. The crucial point of reference for the assessment of the legal status of the islets, acknowledged as such by both sides, is the Peace Treaty of Lausanne of 1923. With this peace treaty, Turkey confirmed large cessions of former Ottoman territory to Greece and Italy which had been de facto under their control since 1911 or 1913. The chain of the Dodecanese islands, which includes

4675-442: The islets. Greek and Turkish officials provided assurances to the United States that their military forces on and arrayed around the islets would be removed, with the U.S. agreeing to monitor the withdrawal. While US engagement was instrumental in defusing the crisis, the fundamental territorial issue has remained unresolved since that time. In January 2016, Greek Defence Minister, Panos Kammenos , flew over eastern Aegean Sea in

4760-580: The meaning of the term. Turkey claims that Imia does not fit into the definition stipulated by the Article 14 of the treaty. After the 1996 crisis, the Turkish and Greek governments have made various claims that certain diplomatic exchanges between Turkey and Italy after 1932, and between Turkey and Greece after 1947, provided proof that the respective opponents at that time held legal opinions different from what they claim today, making their present stance inconsistent and untenable. Thus, Turkey has claimed that both

4845-469: The media frenzy when its spokesman Valery Pogrebenkov stated that the sale of S-300 missiles to Cyprus would not adversely affect the balance of power in the region, as the weapons were "purely defensive". Although never publicly revealed in exact detail and widely debated, many observers have concurred that the Cypriot government acquired two systems of S-300PMU-1s, each consisting of at least one 64N6E (BIG BIRD D) early-warning and battle management radar and

4930-472: The missile batteries and one mountain site for the 64N6E radar package). According to some of these observers, the radar site and one of the missile sites were installed in heavily fortified positions on the northern face of Mount Olympus , the largest mountain in the Troodos Mountains . Additionally, a second fortified missile site is claimed to exist near Droushia, a coastal village in the extreme west of

5015-435: The north coast of Cyprus. During the military operation, the dictatorship led by Nikos Sampson fell and political wrangling began. After three weeks, Turkey continued to advance military operation. The Turkish Army took control of 37% of the island by the time it completed its second advance on 14 August 1974 and reached Famagusta . Denktaş was subsequently elected speaker of the legislature in 1975, and then President of

5100-484: The opposite side. For instance, a national road map sponsored by the Turkish Ministry of Defense, published just before the crisis, shows Imia (Limnia) as Greek territory. There are other Turkish maps of before 1996 that show Imia as Greek. However, the cartographic evidence of before 1996 is so mixed that the only safe conclusion one can draw from it is that neither of the two governments ever bothered to enforce

5185-549: The original contracting party of the 1932 border protocol, stated on 6 February 1996 that it considered the protocol valid, thus lending support to the Greek position. The European Union backed the Greek side on the Imia Islets dispute, and warned Turkey to refrain from any military operations against Greek sovereignty, and, along with the European Parliament , called Turkey to solve any disputes it has with Greece through

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5270-419: The other hand, claims that the criterion of "dependency" must be understood in a narrow sense, and that formations such as Imia may therefore constitute "grey zones" that the treaty has left undecided; or indeed that Turkish sovereignty over them still holds. After the Treaty of Lausanne, a dispute arose between Turkey and Italy over some other small islands, not directly related to the area of Imia. This dispute

5355-420: The political prospect of humiliation by conceding to Turkish demands for the sale to be cancelled outright, Clerides finally decided in December 1998 that the S-300 missile systems would be sent to Crete . Ostensibly, the decision was made to ensure that the deal with Russia would proceed to the latter's economic benefit and that Greece would be compensated for the situation by receiving the defensive capability of

5440-492: The proportional U.S. arms sales made to both countries could not meet Greek needs. The first step took in this regard in 1996 was to sign a deal with Russia for the purchase of S-300 air defence system for deployment on Cyprus. As of 1995, the Cypriot government had reportedly begun conceptualisation and planning of an integrated air-defence solution to defend the airspace of the Republic of Cyprus, which, according to local press reports, sustained nearly-daily airspace violations by

5525-570: The readiness of the Hellenic Air Force and the Hellenic Navy assets positioned closest to Cyprus and moved to support the Cypriot position tacitly that the missiles were designed only for defence. The situation was then escalated, this time by the Greek decision to send a small contingent of F-16 fighter jets to Cyprus as well as additional troops to reinforce the Greek ELDYK contingent on

5610-428: The recipient of many awards and honorary doctorates given by various universities in Turkey, Northern Cyprus and the United States. He was married to Aydın Denktaş (1933–2019) for 63 years and had three sons and three daughters. He lost a daughter at the age of three, one son, Raif in a traffic accident and another son in a tonsillectomy . His surviving son Serdar Denktaş is also a politician, and as of 2019, leader of

5695-604: The return of the S-300 air-defence missile systems to Cyprus for fear of unnecessarily damaging its reputation and position in European political circles. Consequently, in 2007, the missiles were finally and irrevocably sold to Greece in exchange for alternative military articles, reputed to consist of a significant quantity of short-range TOR-M1 missile systems and an undisclosed type of medium-range air-defence missile systems. Greece also supplied Cyprus with twelve self-propelled 155 mm artillery howitzers as partial rental payment for

5780-487: The scope of the renunciation of sovereignty and the cession to Italy as defined by certain articles of the Treaty of Lausanne. There are also issues relating to the interpretation of a later protocol signed between Italy and Turkey in 1932; regarding certain diplomatic exchanges made between the three parties at various times between 1932 and 1996; and regarding the relevance of actual practice (the factual exercise of sovereignty by either party) prior to 1996. The provisions in

5865-667: The special boat flotilla, probably charted the Turkish name of these islets, Kardak, and attributed them to Turkey. It is well possible that when the whole Dodecanese was ceded to Greece in 1947, these islets may not have been included in official maps because of the wartime experience of a British naval officer. It appears, in short, that contradictory cartographic evidence in this field has been caused either by wartime mistakes, mere inattention or inadvertent proliferation of previous technical mistakes. It does not necessarily reflect consistent legal opinions or policies of either side. The conflicting cartographic evidence may nevertheless be one of

5950-455: The system's deployment on Cyprus for fear of triggering a war in Cyprus that could draw in the Greeks. In addition, the European Union warned that a military buildup could harm Cyprus's application for membership. The United States strongly opposed Cyprus's plans to install the anti-aircraft weapons; however, it also warned Turkey not to attack. The U.S. State Department spokesman stated: "This

6035-462: The system. Imia crisis Imia ( Greek : Ίμια ) is a pair of small uninhabited islets in the Aegean Sea , situated between the Greek island chain of the Dodecanese and the southwestern mainland coast of Turkey . They are known in Turkey as Kardak . Imia was the object of a military crisis and subsequent dispute over sovereignty between Greece and Turkey in 1996. The Imia dispute

6120-564: The time had made a binding commitment to accepting the delimitation as described in the protocol. The Turkish side holds that the protocol is not binding as an international treaty and therefore has no value whatsoever for the resolution of the present dispute. Italy ceded the Dodecanese islands to Greece with the 1947 Treaty of Paris . Article 14 enumerates the islands to be transferred to Greek sovereignty, and states that adjacent islets are to be transferred. The Turkish and Greek sides dispute

6205-498: The two countries for decades, conflicts over the possession of island territory were unknown until the end of 1995. Until 1985 Turkish hydrographic maps recognised the course of the Greek-Turkish border halfway between Imia and the Turkish coast. The dispute over Imia arose when, on 26 December 1995, the Turkish cargo ship Figen Akat accidentally ran aground on the east islet and had to be salvaged . A Greek tugboat responded to

6290-470: The use of the S-300s between 1999 and 2006. On 13 December 2013, for the first time since the missile system was acquired, it was tested in Crete. According to reports, which were not confirmed by either Greece or Israel, Greece activated the S-300 during some drills held between the two countries for Israel's warplanes to practise, test and learn the system's abilities. But a Greek official anonymously said that Greece does not permit any other country to test

6375-404: The wording of Articles 12 and 16 together precludes any Turkish claim to territories outside the three-mile boundary once and for all, and that the criterion of "dependency" must be understood in a rather wide sense as covering everything in the whole general area of the Dodecanese outside the three-mile limit, in order to give the provisions of the treaty an inherently consistent meaning. Turkey, on

6460-666: Was a Turkish Cypriot politician, barrister and jurist who served as the founding president of Northern Cyprus . He occupied this position as the president of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus between the declaration of the de facto state by Denktaş in 1983 and 2005, as the president of the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus between 1975 and 1983 and as the president of the Autonomous Turkish Cypriot Administration between 1974 and 1975. He

6545-470: Was accepted by 65% of the Turkish community, but was rejected by a vast majority of the Greeks. On 14 May 2004, Denktaş announced he would not be standing for a fifth term as President of the TRNC in the next election . His tenure as President came to an end following the 17 April 2005 election of Mehmet Ali Talat , who formally assumed office on 25 April. Denktaş's favourite pastimes included photography and writing. His photographs have been exhibited in

6630-657: Was also elected in 1973 as the vice-president of the Republic of Cyprus . Denktaş was born in Paphos to Turkish Cypriot parents, judge Raif Mehmet Bey and Emine Hanim. He graduated from The English School, Nicosia in Cyprus . Following his graduation he worked as a translator in Famagusta after that as a court clerk and then as a teacher for one year in the English School. He later went to Istanbul and London , training first as

6715-464: Was defused primarily by American officials—in particular, US envoy Richard Holbrooke , working by telephone with officials of both sides during the final hours of the crisis. The Greeks and Turks did not speak directly to one another but were responsive to Washington's assistance as an informal intermediary. Agreement was given by both sides to the United States to return to the "status quo ante"—i.e., differing views on sovereignty and no military forces on

6800-414: Was drawn to this fact in 2004, it was quick to admit that Zouka was in fact Turkish and that the attribution to Greece had been a mere technical mistake, since Zouka in fact lies on the Turkish side of the demarcation line of the 1932 protocol. Some of the existing cartographic problems can probably be traced back to a 1946–47 British cartographic survey conducted by the crew of HMS Childers . According to

6885-609: Was formed to resist EOKA 's struggle to proclaim Enosis (union with Greece) and worked for the partition of Cyprus. In 1958, he attended the U.N. General Assembly on behalf of the Turkish-Cypriots, and in December of that year he advised the Turkish Government on the rights of Turkish Cypriots during the preparation of the London and Zurich Agreements (signed 19 February 1959). In 1960, Cyprus won independence from Britain , and

6970-399: Was on board at the time. In February 2018, Greek authorities said that a Turkish coast guard patrol vessel rammed a Greek coast guard boat near the islets. Nobody was injured, but the Greek vessel suffered damage to the stern where the Turkish boat rammed it with its bow. Greece complained to Turkey about the incident. Turkey's Foreign Ministry denied the Turkish vessel was at fault. It said

7055-456: Was only to lower the Turkish flag, resulting in an exchange of fierce statements by the Turkish prime minister Tansu Çiller and the new Greek prime minister Kostas Simitis . Turkish and Greek naval forces were alerted and warships of both countries, both NATO members, sailed to the islets. [REDACTED]   Greece [REDACTED]   Turkey During the crisis, in the night of 28 January, Greek special forces landed secretly on

7140-420: Was settled through a compromise, which was sealed in a bilateral treaty in 1932 at Ankara. As an appendix to that treaty, the two governments formally assured each other that they now considered the whole remaining Dodecanese border between them to be uncontroversial, and appointed a bilateral technical committee to trace its exact delimitation cartographically. The committee produced a technical protocol that

7225-404: Was signed by envoys of the two foreign ministries in the same year. This protocol mentions Imia explicitly, as being on the Italian (i.e. later Greek) side. The protocol itself, according to the present-day Turkish argument, does not bear the formal characteristics of an international treaty. The Greek side now holds that it nevertheless constitutes compelling evidence that the Turkish government of

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