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87-536: The 4,000-year-old ruins known as El Paraíso are located 40 kilometres north-east of Lima in the Chillón River Valley. A temple at the site is believed to be about 5,000 years old; if the date is confirmed it would be among the oldest sites in the world, comparable to the ancient city of Caral , a coastal city 200 kilometres to the north. This Lima Region geography article is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . This article related to

174-498: A funerary bundle of approximately 3,700 years old, with a woman baptized as Eva Lucia, The Lady of El Paraíso, apparently belonging to a high social status, due to the funerary context in which it was found. Approximately two kilometers inland on the Rio Chillón flood plain, El Paraiso is surrounded by over 90 hectares of arable land and 150 hectares of lowlands capable of sustaining irrigation supported agriculture. It

261-516: A 7 ha plaza; this layout resembles many nearby sites located in the Chillón-Rimac-Lurin Valleys from the later Ceramic Period, and therefore El Paraíso maybe a possible precursor to later architectural developments. Stanish suggests that the social organization required to build El Paraíso represents what is known as a chiefdom level society, with no central polity but a series of autonomous settlements and regions that allowed for

348-399: A broad range of empirical data on the production, processing, and consumption of maize. New data drawn from coprolites , pollen records, and stone tool residues, combined with 126 radiocarbon dates, demonstrate that maize was widely grown, intensively processed, and constituted a primary component of the diet throughout the period from 3000 to 1800 BC. For Beresford-Jones, his new research on

435-471: A dietary backbone of this and later pre-Columbian civilizations. Moseley found a small number of maize cobs in 1973 at Aspero (also seen in site work in the 1940s and 1950s) but has since called the find "problematic". However, increasing evidence has emerged about the importance of maize in this period: Archaeological testing at a number of sites in the Norte Chico region of the north central coast provides

522-727: A hearth found in the centre of the temple, Mark Guillen said ""The main characteristic of their religion was the use of fire, which burnt in the centre...The smoke allowed the priests to connect with their gods." In the last Research, Conservation and Value enhancement Project of the El Paraiso Monumental Archaeological Zone, in 2016, a 4,000-year-old cactus was found, possibly of the hallucinogenic species San Pedro ( Echinopsis pachanoi ), about 30 centimeters long, in perfect condition. That same year, archaeologist Dayanna Carbonel made another important discovery in Unit IV,

609-636: A heavy reliance on rich marine resources were instrumental in the early establishment of social complexity in the region. As the name implies, the Preceramic period in the Andes is marked by the absence of ceramic material. This was a period of general growing social complexity along the Peruvian coast, which saw the introduction and increase in centers with monumental architecture, including indications for increasing trade and greater regional interactions, both up and down

696-549: A large amount of bird guano and a scattering of bird down. The bird guano was found in Room 2W in Unit II. In the same room there was also found colourful bird down and feathers, with a minimum of two species represented. The remains of bird nesting boxes, special feed mix and stone bowls were found in the Preceramic site of Casa Grande, Peru ; researchers suggest this was an aviary where birds were raised for use in sacrifices. While it

783-423: A miniature schicra, a bag normally filled with stones but in this case filled with white ovoid lime cakes wrapped in leaves (possibly pacay ). This suggests that leaf chewing with lime is an old tradition and reminiscent of the later adoption of coca use. While there is a surface scattering of ceramics, dating from the early Initial or Ceramic period, this appears to have been an ephemeral occupation. There

870-474: A polished stone mirror, and figurine fragments. Perhaps one of the more interesting discoveries were the avian remains found in Unit II. The skeletal remains of an immature sea bird was found, careful positioned with small fish and crab remains, in association with a right handprint pressed into a large piece of mortar. Another bird skeleton was found along with carefully arranged sticks parallel to one another. Two more sets of avian related materials were found:

957-510: A river in Peru is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . El Para%C3%ADso, Peru 11°57′14″S 77°7′6″W  /  11.95389°S 77.11833°W  / -11.95389; -77.11833 El Paraíso ( Spanish pronunciation: [el paɾaˈiso] , "The Paradise") or Chuquitanta ( Quechua chuqui lance or metal, tanta bread) are the moderns names of a Late Preceramic (3500–1800 BC) archaeological site located in

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1044-408: A ruling elite to provide the benefit of cloth for clothing, bags, wraps, and adornment". He is willing to admit to a mutual dependency dilemma: "The prehistoric residents of the Norte Chico needed the fish resources for their protein and the fishermen needed the cotton to make the nets to catch the fish." Thus, identifying cotton as a vital resource produced in the inland does not by itself resolve

1131-478: A scattering of colored down on the floor, similar to a scattering found at the Preceramic site of La Galgada. Other evidence of ritual was found inside a wall in Unit I; a large stone offering resembling an Inka huacas (rock or other natural object believed to represent ancestral corporate groups). It was covered in red pigment, wrapped in cotton cloth and found in association with gourds containing food remains and

1218-444: A short term use of the site during this time and can be easily separated from Preceramic materials, although they demonstrate that the abandoned site was revisited in later times. Architecture has been the subject of considerable focus at El Paraíso. In 1965, Engle identified seven major structures and designated them Units I-VII. This naming convention was continued by Quilter's research team when five more structures were identified in

1305-409: A summary of the literature. Concomitant to the maritime subsistence hypothesis was an implied dominance of sites immediately adjacent to the coast over other centers. This idea was shaken by the realization of the magnitude of Caral, an inland site. Supplemental to a 1997 article by Shady dating Caral, a 2001 Science news article emphasized the dominance of agriculture and also suggested that Caral

1392-566: A survey of the literature in 2005, suggests "sometime before 3200 BC, and possibly before 3500 BC" as the beginning date of the Caral–Supe formative period. He notes that the earliest date securely associated with a city is 3500 BC, at Huaricanga , in the Fortaleza area of the north, based on Haas's dates. Haas's early third millennium dates suggest that the development of coastal and inland sites occurred in parallel. But, from 2500 to 2000 BC, during

1479-412: A typical "U-shape," with monumental structures forming the sides and bottom of the "U". The structure at that bottom of the "U" is the largest in area and height, and creates a focus for the site at one end. At El Paraíso, the structure at the bottom of the "U" is neither the largest nor tallest. Instead the structures forming the sides of the U are larger than those at the bottom of the "U," and are roughly

1566-453: A unique emergence of human government, one of two alongside Sumer (or three, if Mesoamerica is included as a separate case). While in other cases, the idea of government would have been borrowed or copied, in this small group, government was invented . Other archaeologists have rejected such claims as hyperbolic. In exploring the basis of possible government, Haas suggests three broad bases of power for early complex societies: He finds

1653-417: A variety of residential architecture were discovered at this site. The monumental architecture was constructed with quarried stone and river cobbles. Using reed "shicra-bags", some of which have been preserved, laborers would have hauled the material to sites by hand. Roger Atwood of Archaeology magazine describes the process: Armies of workers would gather a long, durable grass known as shicra in

1740-527: Is believed to be the oldest and largest room in the Unit. Most radiocarbon dates come from wood charcoal samples from midden, though there are two samples of reed fragments from pit 3 in Unit 4. Thin layers of much later material have also been found on several sites within El Paraiso. These have been dated to belong to the Early Intermediate Period about 200 B.C. to 550 A.D. These remains show

1827-487: Is dated from 3790 BP to 3065 BP, which would date the site to the Preceramic Period. The oldest dates come from Unit 4, with calibrated dates coming from wood charcoal as late as 2540 B.C. Unit 1, which was excavated and reconstructed by Frederic Engal, features arguably the most defining structure within El Paraiso. Dates from Unit 1 range from 2320 B.C. to 1105 B.C. Most samples come from room 2, which

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1914-567: Is extremely arid, bounded by two rain shadows (caused by the Andes to the east, and the Pacific trade winds to the west). The region is punctuated by more than 50 rivers that carry Andean snowmelt. The development of widespread irrigation from these water sources is seen as decisive in the emergence of Caral–Supe; since all of the monumental architecture at various sites has been found close to irrigation channels. The radiocarbon work of Jonathan Haas et al. , found that 10 of 95 samples taken in

2001-506: Is generally accepted as a Preceramic site by most archaeologists, the occupation appears to have continued into the early Initial Period. Also known as the Cotton Preceramic (a term coined by Fréderic Engel in 1957) site, the Preceramic designation is disputed by some researchers, especially Pozorski and Pozorski, who argue that it actually was occupied primarily in the early Initial Period, by which time many areas had ceramics. Since it

2088-430: Is impossible to say that birds were being raised at El Paraíso, it does indicate that they were being brought into the rooms, possibly for ceremonial purposes. The room at El Paraíso also contained cotton and wood remains, including needles, suggesting that this may have been a place where feathers were incorporated into textile manufacture for ritual and prestige items. Finally, Room 1, closely situated to Room 2W, had

2175-560: Is in decline, we begin to find extensive canals farther north. People were moving to more fertile ground and taking their knowledge of irrigation with them". It would be 1,000 years before the rise of the next great Peruvian culture, the Chavín . Cultural links with the highland areas have been noted by archaeologists. Ruth Shady highlights the links with the Kotosh Religious Tradition : Numerous architectural features found among

2262-478: Is just one of the six Preceramic sites in the Ancón-Chillón Valley, which also include the site of Pampa de los Perros , and Buena Vista . Ancon (archaeological site) is another important site in the area. El Paraiso is located just north of the other Preceramic and Ceramic sites, such as La Florida , which is situated in the nearby Rimac and Lurin valley river systems. The occupation of El Paraiso

2349-547: Is no indication that it was linked with any significant activity, rather continued sporadic or even squatter-type use. A news report in February 2013 of an expedition led by Mark Guillen stated that the remains of a temple had been found in the right wing of the main pyramid. Preliminary dating suggests that this could date to as early as 3000 BC. Built of stone, it measures 6.82 by 8.04 m (22.4 by 26.4 ft) and its yellow clay walls still show traces of red paint. Commenting on

2436-450: Is not associated with ceramics during its main occupation sequence, they consider El Paraíso to be an example of an " aceramic " site instead. The purpose for the centre is unclear. The lack of substantial midden deposits in recognized dump areas, designated burial areas or cemeteries, and thick wall construction consisting of stone quarried in local hills, suggests that it was not a residential or domestic complex. Evidence instead promotes

2523-444: Is ongoing regarding two related questions: the degree to which the flourishing of the Caral–Supe was based on maritime food resources, and the exact relationship this implies between the coastal and inland sites. A broad outline of the Caral–Supe diet has been suggested. At Caral, the edible domesticated plants noted by Shady are squash , beans , lúcuma , guava , pacay ( Inga feuilleei ), and sweet potato . Haas et al. noted

2610-491: Is used by the Instituto Nacional de Cultura . Confirms the site as Preceramic, based on textile remnants and lack of ceramics Thomas C. Patterson and Michael E. Moseley identify the existence of between nine and thirteen buildings Jeffrey Quilter begins the first of several field-seasons of a multi-disciplinary study, El Proyecto Bajo Valle del Chillón Jeffrey Quilter concentrates the project efforts on El Paraíso for

2697-424: Is which of the areas developed first and created a template for subsequent development. Haas rejects suggestions that maritime development at sites immediately adjacent to the coast was initial, pointing to contemporaneous development based on his dating. Moseley remains convinced that coastal Aspero is the oldest site, and that its maritime subsistence served as a basis for the civilization. The use of cotton (of

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2784-522: The Andean highlands , hallucinogenic snuff from the Amazon ." (Given the still limited extent of Caral–Supe research, such claims should be treated circumspectly.) Other reports on Shady's work indicate Caral traded with communities in the jungle farther inland and, possibly, with people from the mountains. Haas postulates that ideological power exercised by leadership was based on apparent access to deities and

2871-687: The Chillón Valley on the central coast of Peru . The site is situated several kilometers north of Lima , the capital of Peru, in the San Martin de Porres District in the Province of Lima . El Paraíso is one of the largest settlements from this period, encompassing over 58 hectares of land. Other major centers from this period include Aspero and Caral on the northern coast in the Supé Valley. Sizable centers can be found in different ecozones , from

2958-625: The Egyptian pyramids , and predated the Mesoamerican Olmecs by nearly two millennia. In archaeological nomenclature, Caral–Supe is a pre-ceramic culture of the pre-Columbian Late Archaic ; it completely lacked ceramics and no evidence of visual art has survived. The most impressive achievement of the civilization was its monumental architecture, including large earthwork platform mounds and sunken circular plazas . Archaeological evidence suggests use of textile technology and, possibly,

3045-529: The Fortaleza area. From 3100 BC onward, large-scale human settlement and communal construction become clearly apparent. This lasted until a period of decline around 1800 BC. Since the early 21st century, it has been recognized as the oldest-known civilization in the Americas, and as one of the six sites where civilization separately originated in the ancient world. This civilization flourished along three rivers,

3132-668: The Fortaleza , the Pativilca, and the Supe. These river valleys each have large clusters of sites. Farther south, there are several associated sites along the Huaura River. The name Caral–Supe is derived from the city of Caral in the Supe Valley, a large and well-studied Caral–Supe site. Complex society in the Caral–Supe arose a millennium after Sumer in Mesopotamia , was contemporaneous with

3219-466: The Huaura , Supe , Pativilca , and Fortaleza . Known sites are concentrated in the latter three, which share a common coastal plain. The three principal valleys cover only 1,800 km², and research has emphasized the density of the population centers. The Peruvian littoral appears an "improbable, even aberrant" candidate for the "pristine" development of civilization, compared to other world centers. It

3306-564: The highland areas of the Andes and lowlands adjacent to the mountains (where the Chavín, and later Inca , had their major centers) to the Peruvian littoral , or coastal regions. Caral is located in a north-central area of the coast, approximately 150 to 200 km north of Lima , roughly bounded by the Lurín Valley on the south and the Casma Valley on the north. It comprises four coastal valleys:

3393-466: The supernatural . Evidence regarding Caral–Supe religion is limited: in 2003, an image of the Staff God , a leering figure with a hood and fangs, was found on a gourd that dated to 2250 BC. The Staff God is a major deity of later Andean cultures, and Winifred Creamer suggests the find points to worship of common symbols of deities. As with much other research at Caral–Supe, the nature and significance of

3480-477: The 1983 survey of the site. Unfortunately for archaeologists, modern machinery, roads, and irrigation canals have disturbed the ground in the immediate vicinity of the features, especially in the western half of the site. Because of this, the exact nature of the relationship between Units III and IX is unknown; additionally, Quilter has speculated that Unit III, a structure identified as a rubble pile, may in fact be two structures that have collapsed on themselves. In

3567-463: The 2001 Shady paper, the BBC suggests workers would have been "paid or compelled" to work on centralized projects of this sort, with dried anchovies possibly serving as a form of currency. Mann points to "ideology, charisma, and skilfully timed reinforcement" from leaders. When compared to the common Eurasian models of the development of civilization, Caral–Supe's differences are striking. In Caral–Supe,

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3654-402: The Caral–Supe sites has pushed back the estimated beginning date of complex societies in the Peruvian region by more than one thousand years. The Chavín culture , c.  900 BC , had previously been considered the first civilization of the area. Regularly, it still is cited incorrectly as such in general works. The discovery of Caral–Supe has also shifted the focus of research away from

3741-465: The Chillón Valley; names the site Chuquitanta, after a nearby hacienda Thomas C. Patterson and Edward P. Lanning first publish on the site, noting it as Preceramic Fréderick Engel conducts test excavations on Units I- VII; maps the site; restores the most southerly building, Unit I which also is the primary focus of his excavation work Renames the site El Paraíso, which becomes the official name and

3828-525: The Chillón valley and includes it in his report. He initially named it Chuquitanta , after a local hacienda , however this name was later changed to El Paraíso by Fréderick Engel. Early work suggested to excavators that the site was Preceramic, a fact that was later confirmed by radio carbon dating done by Jeffrey Quilter, who placed it in the latter part of the Preceramic. There have been two independent excavation projects. The first excavations were done in

3915-547: The MFAC hypothesis now "emerges more persuasive than ever". It was the potential for increased quantities of food production that the cultivation of cotton allowed that was the key in precipitating revolutionary social change and social complexity, according to the authors. Previous to that, the gathering of bast fibers of wild Asclepias was used for fiber production, which was far less efficient. Beresford-Jones and others also offered further support for their theories in 2021. It

4002-471: The Pativilca and Fortaleza areas dated from before 3500 BC. The oldest, dating from 9210 BC, provides "limited indication" of human settlement during the Pre-Columbian Early Archaic era. Two dates of 3700 BC are associated with communal architecture, but are likely to be anomalous. It is from 3200 BC onward that large-scale human settlement and communal construction are clearly apparent. Mann, in

4089-483: The Peruvian coast. It is possible that the major inland centers of Caral–Supe, were at the center of a broad regional trade network centered on these resources. Citing Shady, a 2005 article in Discover magazine suggests a rich and varied trade life: "[Caral] exported its own products and those of Aspero to distant communities in exchange for exotic imports: Spondylus shells from the coast of Ecuador , rich dyes from

4176-416: The absence of warfare contrasts markedly to archaeological theory, which suggests that human beings move away from kin-based groups to larger units resembling " states " for mutual defense of often scarce resources. In Caral–Supe, a vital resource was present: arable land generally, and the cotton crop specifically, but Mann noted that apparently, the move to greater complexity by the culture was not driven by

4263-437: The anchovy fish reached inland is clear, although Haas suggests that " shellfish [which would include clams and mussels], sea mammals , and seaweed do not appear to have been significant portions of the diet in the inland, non-maritime sites". The role of seafood in the Caral–Supe diet has aroused debate. Much early fieldwork was conducted in the region of Aspero on the coast, before the full scope and inter-connectedness of

4350-414: The coast to inland areas. Stanish concluded that this was a time when settlements were broadly distributed, located at various distances from the coast allowing access to a variety of marine and agricultural resources. The occupation period for El Paraíso was relatively short, lasting approximately 300 to 400 years, from 3790 cal BP to 3,065 cal BP (calibrated radiocarbon years before present). While it

4437-638: The coast, a site identified as early as 1905, and later at Caral, farther inland. In the late 1990s, Peruvian archaeologists, led by Ruth Shady , provided the first extensive documentation of the civilization with work at Caral. A 2001 paper in Science , providing a survey of the Caral research, and a 2004 article in Nature , describing fieldwork and radiocarbon dating across a wider area, revealed Caral–Supe's full significance and led to widespread interest. The dating of

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4524-434: The coast, and between groups in low and high elevations. Population estimates range from between 1500 and 3000 people. El Paraíso does not appear to have suffered any catastrophic final event, but shows evidence of gradual and relatively rapid abandonment in the early Initial Period; there is no indication for the cause for its decline and there is no evidence for a reoccupation phase. Louis Stumer completes survey work in

4611-469: The collaboration of regional groups. Unlike Aspero and Caral, which were part of a developed socio-economic interaction region (known as Norte Chico civilization ) during the Late Preceramic, El Paraiso was part of a group of regionally isolated centers that developed along various parts of the Peruvian coast. Moseley considers it a major supporter of his Maritime Foundations Theory which argues that

4698-475: The contention that El Paraíso was either an economic or religious centre, and possibly both. As well, it may also have been a centralized hub for control and development of cotton rather than food production. Archaeological findings suggest a possible connection to the Kotosh Religious Tradition of the Central Highlands ( es:Cordillera Central (Perú) ). The site is notable for having a U-shape creating

4785-400: The early and mid-1960s by Engel. This was followed up in the early to mid-1980s by Quilter, who headed a multi-year, multi-discipline orientated research project in the lower Chillon valley, El Proyecto Bajo Valle del Chillón . After a more regional focus in the first year, he concentrated subsequent efforts on El Paraíso itself. There has been some uncertainty over the number of buildings on

4872-420: The eastern part of the site, a brick storage yard has been constructed on the remains of Unit VI, one of the two largest structures at the site; preliminary investigation suggests that the structure once extended under the brick yard. Comparing the general layout of the site to other pre-ceramic sites in the region, such as Aspero and Rio Seco, reveals some interesting dissimilarities. Those sites are organized in

4959-453: The find has been disputed by other researchers. Mann postulates that the act of architectural construction and maintenance at Caral–Supe may have been a spiritual or religious experience: a process of communal exaltation and ceremony. Shady has called Caral "the sacred city" ( la ciudad sagrada ) and reports that socio-economic and political focus was on the temples, which were periodically remodeled, with major burnt offerings associated with

5046-478: The first two present in ancient Caral–Supe. Economic authority would have rested on the control of cotton, edible plants, and associated trade relationships, with power centered on the inland sites. Haas tentatively suggests that the scope of this economic power base may have extended widely: there are only two confirmed shore sites in the Caral–Supe (Aspero and Bandurria) and possibly two more, but cotton fishing nets and domesticated plants have been found up and down

5133-568: The ground-breaking work during 1973 at Aspero , at the mouth of the Supe Valley, suggested a site of approximately 13 hectares (32 acres). Surveying of the midden suggested extensive prehistoric construction activity. Small-scale terracing was noted, along with more sophisticated platform mound masonry . As many as eleven artificial mounds were estimated to exist at the site. Moseley calls these "Corporate Labor Platforms", given that their size, layout, and construction materials and techniques would have required an organized workforce. The survey of

5220-540: The highlands above the city, tie the grass strands into loosely meshed bags, fill the bags with boulders, and then pack the trenches behind each successive retaining wall of the step pyramids with the stone-filled bags. In this way, the people of Norte Chico achieved formidable architectural success. The largest of the platforms mounds at Caral, the Piramide Mayor , measures 160 by 150 m (520 by 490 ft) and rises 18 m (59 ft) high. In its summation of

5307-722: The influence of Norte Chico civilization spread far along the coast. To the south, it went as far as the Chillon valley, and the site of El Paraiso . To the north, it spread as far as the Santa River valley. The Caral–Supe civilization began to decline c.  1800 BC , with more powerful centers appearing to the south and north along the coast, and to the east inside the belt of the Andes. The success of irrigation-based agriculture at Caral–Supe may have contributed to its being eclipsed. Anthropologist Professor Winifred Creamer of Northern Illinois University notes that "when this civilization

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5394-418: The inhabitants of El Paraíso buried most of their garbage in pits, either outside and often in association with structures, being either behind or beside buildings, or inside as room fill. Textile fragments consisted primarily of cotton yarns that were in natural shades, from white to dark brown, but others were colored in deep reds and two shades of blue. Other centers at this time revealed that dying cotton

5481-541: The issue of whether the inland centers were a progenitor for those on the coast, or vice versa. Moseley argues that successful maritime centers would have moved inland to find cotton. In a 2018 publication, David G. Beresford-Jones with coauthors have defended Moseley's (1975) Maritime Foundations of Andean Civilization (MFAC) hypothesis. The authors modified and refined the Maritime Foundations of Andean Civilization hypothesis of Moseley. Thus, according to them,

5568-470: The largest and most complex preceramic site, it is not the oldest. They admitted the importance of agriculture to industry and to augment diet, while broadly affirming "the formative role of marine resources in early Andean civilization". Scholars now agree that the inland sites did have significantly greater populations, and that there were "so many more people along the four rivers than on the shore that they had to have been dominant". The remaining question

5655-494: The need for defense or warfare. Caral–Supe sites are known for their density of large sites with immense architecture. Haas argues that the density of sites in such a small area is globally unique for a nascent civilization. During the third millennium BC, Caral–Supe may have been the most densely populated area of the world (excepting, possibly, Northern China). The Supe, Pativilca , Fortaleza, and Huaura River Valleys of Caral–Supe each have several related sites. Evidence from

5742-516: The north side of Unit V. The burials generally appear to intrude into occupation midden deposits, and researchers have determined it difficult to make particular inferences from them; only noting that in later Andean periods, child burials were often associated with fertility rituals. Unit II produced a variety of remains, including cloth and textile fragments, and other domestic refuse. Unit IV produced almost exclusively food remains, and no other artifacts of consequence were found. It appears that

5829-513: The northern rivers found sites between 10 and 100 ha (25 and 247 acres); between one and seven large platform mounds —rectangular, terraced pyramids —were discovered, ranging in size from 3,000 m (110,000 cu ft) to more than 100,000 m (3,500,000 cu ft). Shady notes that the central zone of Caral, with monumental architecture, covers an area of just greater than 65 hectares (160 acres). Also, six platform mounds, numerous smaller mounds, two sunken circular plazas, and

5916-473: The other hand, was a permanently occupied settlement, and shows a population that was an order of magnitude greater than earlier. Obsidian debitage was abundant at La Yerba III, as opposed to earlier. This suggests an increasing interaction extending to the highlands where obsidian was procured. The population of La Yerba III already practiced some floodplain horticulture. They cultivated gourds, Phaseolus and Canavalia beans, and plant fiber production

6003-482: The period of greatest expansion, the population and development decisively shifted toward the inland sites. All development apparently occurred at large interior sites such as Caral, although they remained dependent on fish and shellfish from the coast. The peak in dates is in keeping with Shady's dates at Caral, which show habitation from 2627 BC to 2020 BC. That coastal and inland sites developed in tandem remains disputed, however (see next section). By around 2200 BC,

6090-452: The purpose of establishing a chronology, and establishing a better understanding of the architecture and subsistence economy of the site The importance of El Paraíso as the "largest and earliest example of monumental architecture in the New World", has not resulted in a significant amount of archaeological investigation. The first mention of the site was in the 1950s when Louis Stumer surveyed

6177-486: The remodeling. Haas notes the absence of any suggestion of physical bases of power, that is, defensive construction, at Caral–Supe. There is no evidence of warfare "of any kind or at any level during the Preceramic Period ". Mutilated bodies, burned buildings, and other tell-tale signs of violence are absent and settlement patterns are completely non-defensive. The evidence of the development of complex government in

6264-404: The same foods in their survey farther north, while adding avocado and achira . In 2013, evidence for maize also was documented by Haas et al. (see below). There was also a significant seafood component at both coastal and inland sites. Shady notes that "animal remains are almost exclusively marine" at Caral, including clams and mussels , and large amounts of anchovies and sardines . That

6351-453: The same in height and length. Norte Chico civilization Caral–Supe (also known as Caral and Norte Chico ) was a complex Pre-Columbian era society that included as many as thirty major population centers in what is now the Caral region of north-central coastal Peru . The civilization flourished between the fourth and second millennia BC, with the formation of the first city generally dated to around 3500 BC, at Huaricanga , in

6438-689: The settlements of Supe, including subterranean circular courts, stepped pyramids and sequential platforms, as well as material remains and their cultural implications, excavated at Aspero and the valley sites we are digging (Caral, Chupacigarro, Lurihuasi, Miraya), are shared with other settlements of the area that participated in what is known as the Kotosh Religious Tradition. Most specific among these features include rooms with benches and hearths with subterranean ventilation ducts, wall niches, biconvex beads, and musical flutes. Research into Caral–Supe continues, with many unsettled questions. Debate

6525-406: The several sites of the civilization were realized. In a 1973 paper, Michael E. Moseley contended that a maritime subsistence (seafood) economy had been the basis of the society and its remarkably early flourishing, a theory later elaborated as a "maritime foundation of Andean civilization" (MFAC). He confirmed a previously observed lack of ceramics at Aspero , and he deduced that " hummocks " on

6612-608: The site constituted the remains of artificial platform mounds . This thesis of a maritime foundation was contrary to the general scholarly consensus that the rise of civilization was based on intensive agriculture, particularly of at least one cereal. The production of agricultural surpluses had long been seen as essential in promoting population density and the emergence of complex society. Moseley's ideas would be debated and challenged (that maritime remains and their caloric contribution were overestimated, for example), but have been treated as plausible as late as 2005, when Mann conducted

6699-468: The site, all found by Engel. An adult (burial 2) and the remains of an infant (burial 3) were found next to the south exterior wall of Unit I; the infant was wrapped in textiles dated to the Ceramic Period. Another adult (burial 1) was found on the west side of Unit I and a young infant (burial 4) was found at the base of the south wall of the west wing of Unit I. The final adult (burial 5) was found on

6786-441: The site, primarily due to recent surface disturbance . For example, Unit VI appears to have been transected by a tractor since the 1960s when Patterson first reported it as a complete structure. In 1983, a surface survey determined that there were eleven buildings in total, seven of which were still free standing structures; though archaeologists are uncertain if more buildings once stood on the site. Excavation work begun by Engel

6873-530: The species Gossypium barbadense ) played an important economic role in the relationship between the inland and the coastal settlements in this area of Peru. Nevertheless, scholars are still divided over the exact chronology of these developments. Although not edible, cotton was the most important product of irrigation in the Caral–Supe culture, vital to the production of fishing nets (that in turn provided maritime resources) as well as to textiles and textile technology. Haas notes that "control over cotton allows

6960-426: The two main platform mounds at Caral, appear to have been constructed in one or two intense construction phases. As further evidence of centralized control, Haas points to remains of large stone warehouses found at Upaca, on the Pativilca, as emblematic of authorities able to control vital resources such as cotton. Haas suggests that the labour mobilization patterns revealed by the archaeological evidence, point to

7047-455: The two nearby ancient coastal settlements of La Yerba, on the east bank of Ica River , Peru ( Río Ica ) was very important. This is not far from the southern Peruvian town of Ica . The earlier of these settlement was La Yerba II (7571–6674 Cal BP, or ca 5570–4670 BC). When it was occupied, La Yerba II shell midden was situated rather close to the ancient surf line. This was not a permanently occupied site. A somewhat later site, La Yerba III, on

7134-408: The worship of common deity symbols, both of which recur in pre-Columbian Andean civilizations . Sophisticated government is presumed to have been required to manage the ancient Caral . Questions remain over its organization, particularly the influence of food resources on politics. Archaeologists have been aware of ancient sites in the area since at least the 1940s; early work occurred at Aspero on

7221-509: Was Swiss archaeologist Frédéric Engel  [ fr ] , originally, who coined the term "Cotton Preceramic Stage" in 1957 to describe the unusual coastal sites such Norte Chico that had cotton but lacked ceramics and were very ancient. This stage was seen as running for about 1200 years from 3000 to 1800 BC. The development of Caral–Supe is particularly remarkable for the apparent absence of an agricultural staple food . However, recent studies increasingly dispute this and point to maize as

7308-481: Was concentrated on Unit I who also eventually partially rebuilt some of the walls. This building was revisited by Quilter in 1984, who also conducted excavations in Units II and IV, as well as several locations outside structures. A variety of artifactual material has been recovered from the various excavation work detailing a wide array of subsistence, social and ideological insight. There are five burials associated with

7395-455: Was not uncommon as yellow, red, bright emerald green and orange dyed textile remains have been found in such Preceramic sites as Huaca Prieta , Los Gavilanes, La Galgada and Asia (Peru). As well, two objects were found with an inlay of dark blue stone, resembling lapis lazuli. Other items recovered during excavation work include mats, looped bags, nets, wood and bone artifacts, grinding stones , stone beads, spindle whorls, crude bifaces ,

7482-429: Was of great importance for their fishing economy. Therefore, they were "pre-adapted to a Cotton Revolution". The degree of centralized authority is difficult to ascertain, but architectural construction patterns are indicative, at least in certain places at certain times, of an elite population who wielded considerable power: while some of the monumental architecture was constructed incrementally, other buildings, such as

7569-461: Was the oldest urban center in Peru (and the entire Americas). It rejected the idea that civilization might have begun adjacent to the coast and then moved inland. One archaeologist was quoted as suggesting that "rather than coastal antecedents to monumental inland sites, what we have now are coastal satellite villages to monumental inland sites". These assertions were quickly challenged by Sandweiss and Moseley, who observed that Caral, although being

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