83-574: Jacques Chaban-Delmas ( French pronunciation: [ʒak ʃabɑ̃ dɛlmas] ; 7 March 1915 – 10 November 2000) was a French Gaullist politician. He served as Prime Minister under Georges Pompidou from 1969 to 1972. He was the Mayor of Bordeaux from 1947 to 1995 and a deputy for the Gironde département between 1946 and 1997. Jacques Chaban-Delmas was born Jacques Michel Pierre Delmas in Paris. He studied at
166-498: A Bonapartist revival or a republican monarchy . France remained a democracy, however, and de Gaulle's decision to step down as president following voters' rejection of the April 1969 constitutional referendum showed that his commitment to democratic principles was not merely a rhetorical ploy. In foreign policy , Gaullists are identified with both realism and French exceptionalism , and de Gaulle sought to impose French influence on
249-522: A mystical dialogue was maintained throughout history. The goal of Gaullism, therefore, is to give precedence to its interests, to ensure that the voice is heard, to make it respected, and to assure its survival … to remain worthy of its past, the nation must endow itself with a powerful state." Kritzman writes that "the Gaullist idea of France set out to restore the honor of the nation and affirm its grandeur and independence" with de Gaulle seeking to "construct
332-624: A Gaullist Union for the Fourth Republic but it could not prevent the approval of the text prepared by the elected National Assembly, which restored the parliamentary system. In 1947, he gathered the anti-Communist opposition in the Rally of the French People ( Rassemblement du peuple français or RPF). He accused the Fourth Republic of being dominated by the "parliamentary fiddles" and to organize
415-516: A best-seller in France. The report was one of the first to propose an information highway, one result of which was the Minitel program. In his later years, while working desultorily on a massive treatise that aspired to be a kind of Kapital of the 20th century, he studied Judaism together with Buddhism . He died of pancreatic cancer in 2006 without completing his book. Widely admired, his memory as
498-595: A brilliant administrative functionary, Nora was close to Mendès France, an association that, according to his brother Pierre, became a recurrent obstacle throughout his later career under Charles de Gaulle , Georges Pompidou , François Mitterrand and Jacques Chirac . He was asked by President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing , who had once been Léone Nora's fiancé, to write on the impact of the new communications technology on France. The report, The Computerization of Society , co-written with Alain Minc , appeared in 1978 and became
581-713: A disavowal. Relations became more difficult with the only non-Gaullist party in the presidential majority, the Independent Republicans, while the opposition was reconstructed. While the Popular Republican Movement intensified its criticism, some Christian-Democrats, such Maurice Schumann , joined the Gaullist Party, renamed Union of Democrats for the Fifth Republic ( Union des démocrates pour la Cinquième République or UD-V ). Prime Minister Pompidou led
664-429: A first constitutional law was rejected by referendum . One month later, a new Assembly was elected in order to write a new constitutional text. In his Bayeux Manifesto , de Gaulle outlined his institutional ideas but he was accused of wanting re-establish a Bonapartist government. Furthermore, without the support of a political force, he could not influence the constitutional law being prepared. René Capitant founded
747-582: A messianic vision of France's historic destiny, reaffirm its prestige in the world, and transcend the national humiliations of the past." Accordingly, de Gaulle urged French unity over divisive "partisan quarrels" and emphasized French heritage, including both the Ancien Régime and the Revolution . The French political figures most admired by de Gaulle "were those responsible for national consensus— Louis XIV , Napoleon , Georges Clemenceau —who saw as their goal
830-464: A movement that emerged after the death of de Gaulle in 1970 and drew more influence from economic liberalism . Many aspects of neo-Gaullism, such as support for the Maastricht Treaty (1992) and French rapprochement with NATO under Chirac's presidency, have been described as difficult to reconcile with the historical idea of Gaullism. However, key components of Gaullism have remained, including
913-667: A new Constitution. At the same time, they elected a new National Assembly . The French Communist Party , the Socialist French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO) and the Christian democratic MRP were the largest forces represented in this Assembly. It re-elected de Gaulle as president of the provisional government but, disagreeing with restoration of the "regime of the parties", de Gaulle resigned in January 1946. In May 1946,
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#1732870086787996-626: A part of the Gaullists as Jacques Chaban-Delmas joined the centre-left Republican Front under the label National Centre of Social Republicans ( Centre national des républicains sociaux or CNRS). At the end of the 1950s, the Fourth Republic floundered in the Algerian War . The 13 May 1958 crisis led to turmoil, and a threat of military coup was brandished. Emissaries sent by de Gaulle such as Jacques Soustelle participated in this bustle. The National Assembly accepted to call back de Gaulle to lead
1079-566: A post-World War II bipolar global political order dominated by the two superpowers of the United States and the Soviet Union , and sought to avoid dependence on the United States . Kritzman writes: "Gaullist foreign policy was motivated by its need to distinguish itself from … the two great superpowers. Paradoxically, [de Gaulle] desired to be part of the Western alliance and be critical of it at
1162-441: A real Gaullist. Pompidou left the leadership of the cabinet in order to prepare his future presidential campaign. In this, he declared his candidacy if de Gaulle were to resign. That was the case in 1969, after the failure of that year's referendum on Senate and regional reform , and he won the 1969 presidential election despite the reluctance of some of the "barons of Gaullism". His prime minister Jacques Chaban-Delmas announced
1245-640: A reform programme for a "New Society". It raised sceptical reactions from the conservative wing of the UDR, then from Pompidou himself. They reproached him for giving too many concessions to the left-wing opposition. In President Pompidou's circle, he was accused of wanting to weaken the presidential functions in favour of himself. The party became the Union of Democrats for the Republic ( Union des démocrates pour la République ) while this crisis broke out. Pompidou refused Chaban-Delmas
1328-562: A vote of confidence in the National Assembly and, when he held it anyway, Pompidou forced him to resign and nominated Pierre Messmer . The UDR, allied with the Independent Republicans and Centre, Democracy and Progress , won the 1973 legislative election and succeeded in blocking the "Union of the Left" and its Common Programme . When Pompidou died in office, on 2 April 1974, his two former prime ministers, Chaban-Delmas and Messmer, claimed
1411-421: Is "a peculiarly French phenomenon, without doubt the quintessential French political phenomenon of the 20th century". Lawrence D. Kritzman argues that Gaullism may be seen as a form of French patriotism in the tradition of Jules Michelet . He writes: "Aligned on the political spectrum with the right, Gaullism was committed nevertheless to the republican values of the Revolution , and so distanced itself from
1494-424: Is "neither a doctrine nor a political ideology " and cannot be considered either left or right . Rather, "considering its historical progression, it is a pragmatic exercise of power that is neither free from contradictions nor of concessions to momentary necessity, even if the imperious word of the general gives to the practice of Gaullism the allure of a programme that seems profound and fully realised." Gaullism
1577-492: Is less a matter of doctrine than a means of upholding stability. To put an end to class struggle, Gaullists hope to make use of participation, a nineteenth-century concept of which the general spoke frequently, but which he allowed his associates to ignore." As part of a strong state, de Gaulle highlighted the necessity to found state institutions on a strong executive, contrasting with the French republican tradition, which emphasized
1660-464: The 1940 military disaster . He advocated a strong executive power, governing in the national interest, led by a man who was an incarnation of national unity. Indeed, in his mind, France is strong when it is united and the parties, represented in Parliament, serve particular interests and thus express national divisions. In November 1945, a large majority of the French voters accepted the elaboration of
1743-488: The 1986 legislative election . From 1986 to 1988, Chirac " cohabited " as prime minister with Mitterrand, but lost the 1988 presidential election . After his defeat, his leadership was challenged by younger politicians who wished to renew the right. Furthermore, the abandonment of the Gaullist doctrine was criticized by Charles Pasqua and Philippe Séguin . They tried to remove him from the RPR leadership in 1990, in vain. However,
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#17328700867871826-506: The Democratic Union of Labour between 1959 and 1967, and by politicians like René Capitant , Jacques Chaban-Delmas , Jean Charbonnel , Léo Hamon , Philippe Dechartre [ fr ] or Jean Mattéoli . More recently, the Citizen and Republican Movement and Jean-Pierre Chevènement took up the banner of left-Gaullism. "Neo-Gaullism" has been used in the literature to describe
1909-769: The Fifth Republic (1958). Author of the L'Appel of 18 June 1940 , and founder and leader of the Free French Forces , General Charles de Gaulle is the symbol of the French Resistance to the Nazi occupation and the Vichy government . Yet, based in London , then in Algiers , he was forced to compromise with the domestic Resistance movements dominated by various political forces (such as
1992-714: The First French Empire . A member of the Radical Party , he finally joined the Gaullist Rally of the French People (RPF), which opposed the Fourth Republic 's governments. In 1947, he became mayor of Bordeaux , which was for 48 years his electoral fief. As a member of the National Assembly , he sat with the RPF. In 1953, when the RPF group split (and Charles de Gaulle supposedly retired), Chaban-Delmas became head of
2075-554: The French Resistance in 1942, and was active in the areas of Jura and Vercours . After the armistice he frequented members of the former Vichy School of Uriage , which, after the régime had dissolved it, attracted numerous promising youths, who shared a contempt for the Third Republic and an intense desire to develop a new model for France. In 1947, he married Marie-Pierre de Cossé-Brissac , despite his own father's concerns, and humiliating efforts by his future father-in-law,
2158-454: The June 1968 legislative election , disagreements had risen between de Gaulle and Pompidou. Pompidou reproached de Gaulle for leaving the country during the crisis without informing him. For de Gaulle, his aim of an alliance between capital and labour could prevent this sort of social crisis, but Pompidou wished to scrap it. Indeed, for de Gaulle's circle, Pompidou was more a classical conservative than
2241-684: The Lycée Lakanal in Sceaux , before attending the École Libre des Sciences Politiques ( "Sciences Po" ). In the resistance underground , his final nom de guerre was Chaban ; after World War II, he formally changed his name to Chaban-Delmas . As a general of brigade in the resistance, he took part in the Parisian insurrection of August 1944, with general de Gaulle. He was the youngest French general since François Séverin Marceau-Desgraviers , during
2324-605: The Rothschild Hospital . The family was secular , fully integrated into the Parisian Jewish bourgeoisie. His youngest brother is the historian Pierre Nora . During WW2 , his father, who had formed a friendship with the influential Pétainist Xavier Vallat dating back to their days together in the trenches in World War I remained in Paris while sending his family away to avoid persecution and deportation . Simon joined
2407-585: The Socialist Party leader François Mitterrand became president, the RPR gradually abandoned the Gaullist doctrine, adopting the European and liberal positions of the Union for French Democracy ( Union pour la démocratie française or UDF). The two parties competed for the leadership of the right-wing opposition, but they presented a common list at the 1984 European Parliament election and a platform to prepare for winning
2490-462: The Third World . De Gaulle and the Gaullists did not support Europe as a supranational entity, but did favour European integration in the form of "a confederation of sovereign states mutually engaged in "common policy, autonomous from the superpowers," and significantly influenced by France. De Gaulle's hopes to advance this sort of union largely failed, however, "in the face of the desire of
2573-459: The Urban Community of Bordeaux : 1967–1983 / 1983–1995. Reelected in 1971, 1983, 1989. Vice-president of the Urban Community of Bordeaux : 1977–1983. Changes Gaullism Gaullism (French: Gaullisme , [ɡolism] ) is a French political stance based on the thought and action of World War II French Resistance leader Charles de Gaulle , who would become
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2656-419: The class conflict analysis of Marxism , which was perceived as a threat to national unity, de Gaulle advocated instead a "capital-labour association", that is the need for the direct participation of workers in their company's financial results and management, which he believed was a necessary condition for them to take an interest in its functioning and development. This aspect of Gaullism has been promoted by
2739-724: The left–right divide in a similar way to populist republican parties elsewhere such as Fianna Fáil in Republic of Ireland , the Justicialist Party in Argentina , and the African National Congress in South Africa . In the past, some Gaullist voters saw themselves as leaning towards the political left , a view ascribed to the once-leading Gaullist André Malraux . Most of Charles de Gaulle 's own followers leaned towards
2822-400: The political right , christian democratic or national conservative . Consequently, left-leaning voters started showing less support again after Malraux's death in 1976, as figures of the Gaullist left (like Jacques Chaban-Delmas ) were gradually marginalised. Under its various names and acronyms, the Gaullist Party has been the dominant organisation of the French right since the beginning of
2905-469: The populist stance and the opposition to European integration and the free market as initially advocated by Jacques Chirac in the late 1970s. This position was embodied in particular by Charles Pasqua and Philippe Séguin , who came to oppose Chirac's shift to neo-Gaullism during the 1990s. Social Gaullism, or "left-wing Gaullism", focuses on the social dimensions of Gaullism, and has often been linked by scholars to social democracy . Opposed to
2988-447: The "presidentialisation" of French politics. Indeed, de Gaulle instituted the direct election of the presidency, defying all political parties (except the UNR). The French voters approved this by referendum . De Gaulle had intended to replace Debré with Georges Pompidou as prime minister but this was denied by a vote of no-confidence. De Gaulle dissolved the National Assembly. Associated with
3071-501: The "struggle of classes", which hampered national unity. Six months after its founding, membership of the RPF reached one million. It took control of the executive of many cities, including Paris , Marseille and Bordeaux . After the 1951 legislative election , despite the change to the ballot system, the RPF formed the largest parliamentary group of the National Assembly but had a systematic opposition. In 1952, some RPF deputies voted in favour of Antoine Pinay 's cabinet then joined
3154-514: The Communists). In 1944, while France was liberated , de Gaulle presided over the provisional government composed of Communists, Socialists, and Christian Democrats . Because de Gaulle refused to create a great political party unifying the non-Communist Resistance, a lot of parties re-emerged. The Christian democratic Popular Republican Movement (MRP) seemed to be the closest to de Gaulle. The provisional government implemented policies inspired by
3237-448: The Duke de Cossé-Brissac , to block their marriage on the grounds of Nora's social inferiority. They had two children, Fabrice and Constance, before their marriage ended in 1955. In 1953 he became economics expert for the newly-founded centre-left weekly L'Express He then married Léone Georges-Picot , secretary and chief of staff of Pierre Mendès France 's government. Acknowledged as
3320-521: The Fourth Republic inspired the distrust of de Gaulle and some Gaullists . Following Gen. de Gaulle's return to power in 1958, Chaban-Delmas agreed to the advent of the French Fifth Republic and the new Constitution. He took part in the foundation of the Union for the New Republic (UNR) and was elected, against de Gaulle's will, chairman of the National Assembly . He kept this function until
3403-514: The French economy and perpetuate national disunity, "de Gaulle felt that it was in France's best interests to grant independence and desist from military engagement," thereby preserving French unity and grandeur. Gaullists emphasize the need for France to "guarantee its national independence without resorting to allies whose interests might not coincide with those of France." The development of independent French nuclear capability , undertaken at significant effort despite much international criticism,
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3486-424: The Gaullist Party ( RPR ) and, in spite of Chirac's leadership, returned to the chair of the National Assembly (1978–1981). Due to his friendship with President Mitterrand , his name was mentioned as a possible prime minister during the first " cohabitation " (1986–1988), but he instead became president of the National Assembly for the third time and Chirac again became premier. Chaban-Delmas retired in 1997, towards
3569-486: The Independent Republicans' leader. Giscard eliminated Chaban-Delmas in the first round, then narrowly defeated Mitterrand in the second. He was the first non-Gaullist President of the Fifth Republic. Chirac became prime minister, and then leader of the UDR in December 1974, in spite of the negative opinions of many historical Gaullist personalities (Michel Debré, Jacques Chaban-Delmas, etc.). They accused him of having betrayed
3652-1068: The National Assembly: 1958–1969 / 1978–1981 / 1986–1988 Member of the National Assembly for the Gironde 2nd : 1946–1969 (Became Prime minister in 1969) / 1972–1997. Elected in June 1946, reelected in November 1946, 1951, 1956, 1958, 1962, 1967, 1968, 1973, 1978, 1981, 1988, 1993. Regional Council President of the Regional Council of Aquitaine : 1974–1979 / 1985–1988 (Resignation). Elected in 1986. Regional councillor of Aquitaine : 1974–1979 / 1985–1988 (Resignation). Elected in 1986. Municipal Council Mayor of Bordeaux : 1947–1995. Reelected in 1953, 1959, 1965, 1971, 1977, 1983, 1989. Municipal councillor of Bordeaux : 1947–1995. Reelected in 1953, 1959, 1965, 1971, 1977, 1983, 1989. Urban Community Council President of
3735-461: The New Republic ( Union pour la nouvelle république or UNR). After the November 1958 legislative election , it became the largest force in the political system. It was allied with centre-left and centre-right parties to support de Gaulle, who was elected President of France by a congress of local and national elected officials in December 1958. Michel Debré was nominated as prime minister. However,
3818-521: The RPR) now have an identity crisis. It is difficult for them to distinguish themselves from other political perspectives." Not all Gaullist ideas have endured, however. Between the mid-1980s and the early 2000s, there have been several periods of cohabitation (1986–1988, 1993–1995, 1997–2002), in which the president and prime minister have been from different parties, a marked shift from the "imperial presidency" of de Gaulle. De Gaulle's economic policy, based on
3901-526: The UDR candidacy for the presidential election . Finally, the latter withdrew, but some influential personalities in the party, notably in the circle of the late president, doubted of the capacity of Chaban-Delmas to defeat François Mitterrand , the representative of the "Union of the Left". Led by the young minister Jacques Chirac , a former adviser of Pompidou, they published the Call of the 43 . They covertly supported Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, Minister of Economy and
3984-473: The UNR appeared as the party of de Gaulle's unconditional supporters, hence its reputation of "boot party". Debré theorized its function of strap of the government. With de Gaulle refusing to be a party leader, Debré covertly took this position. Meanwhile, the centre-left parties returned to the opposition in 1959, followed in 1962 by the centre-right parties, who criticized the eurosceptic declarations of de Gaulle and
4067-485: The Union of Republicans for Social Action and president of the National Centre of Social Republicans party. He "tied up" with centre-left parties and joined Pierre Mendès-France 's cabinet one year later as Minister of Public Works. He took part in the centre-left coalition Republican Front , which won the 1956 legislative election . He was France's Defence Minister in 1957–1958. His governmental participation during
4150-401: The cabinet. On 28 September, a new constitution was approved by referendum and the Fifth Republic was born. The parliamentary system was not questioned, but the presidential function was enhanced. In order that he should not be faced with an hostile National Assembly, dominated by the parties (as was the case in 1945–1946), de Gaulle let his followers organize a political party, the Union for
4233-614: The change of Algerian policy divided the party. The chairman of the National Assembly Jacques Chaban-Delmas considered Algeria was a part of the presidential "reserved domain", as well as foreign and military affairs. Soustelle, leader of the pro- French Algeria faction in the party, left the cabinet in 1960, then was ejected from the UNR. He joined Georges Bidault at the head of the Organisation armée secrète which perpetrated terrorist attacks. After this crisis,
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#17328700867874316-643: The concept of a strong, independent state, the unity of the French people and references to de Gaulle's leadership. Neo-Gaullists have also conserved in some aspects the idea that France has a role to play in containing the world's "hyperpowers", as seen in Chirac's refusal to follow the US in the Iraq War in 2003. Pompidolian Gaullism ( Gaullism pompidolien ) highlights the need for France to adapt its economy in an increasingly competing world that may threaten social peace at home, in
4399-589: The core values of Gaullism embodied by the actions and policies of Charles de Gaulle , generally in distinction with other Gaullist currents such as "social Gaullism" and "neo-Gaullism". Resistant Gaullism ( Gaullisme de Résistance ) emphasizes the need for French political and military independence from potentially hostile powers, inspired by de Gaulle's role in the fight against Nazi Germany and Vichy France during World War II. The term "first-generation Chiraquian Gaullism" ( Gaullisme chiraquien de première génération ) has been used to describe politicians loyal to
4482-516: The creation of political and social unity by a strong state." In order to strengthen France, Gaullists also emphasize the need for "a strong economy and a stable society." Gaullism believes, according to Berstein, that "it is the imperative of the state, as guardian of the national interest, to give impetus to economic growth and to guide it. Liberal opinion is accepted if it promises more efficiency than planning. As for social justice, so long as its natural distrust of big business can be allayed, it
4565-540: The division re-appeared with the 1992 Maastricht referendum . Chirac voted "yes" whereas Séguin and Pasqua campaigned for "no". Simon Nora Simon Nora (21 February 1921 – 5 March 2006) was a senior functionary in the post-war French state administration, who served in several French cabinets and was the Inspecteur-general in the Ministry of Finance. Nora was the eldest son of Gaston Nora, head of urology at
4648-482: The end of de Gaulle's presidency in 1969. Unlike some Gaullists, for instance, Jacques Soustelle , he supported de Gaulle's policy to end the Algerian War of Independence . During the 1959 UNR Congress, he was the first politician to evoke a "reserved presidential domain," composed chiefly of defence and diplomacy. This interpretation of the Constitution of 1958 has survived. In 1969, when Georges Pompidou acceded to
4731-489: The end of his thirteenth term of member of the National Assembly and two years after the end of his eighth term as Mayor of Bordeaux. Governmental functions Prime minister: 1969–1972 Minister of Public Works, Transport, and Tourism: June–August 1954 / 1954–1955 Minister of Housing and Reconstruction: September–November 1954 Minister of State: 1956–1957 Minister of Defence and Armed Forces: 1957–1958 Electoral mandates National Assembly of France President of
4814-432: The focus of political controversy." For instance, the strong presidency was maintained by all of de Gaulle's successors, including the socialist François Mitterrand (1981–1995). French independent nuclear capability and a foreign policy influenced by Gaullism–although expressed "in more flexible terms"–remains "the guiding force of French international relations." During the 2017 presidential election , de Gaulle's legacy
4897-533: The founding President of the Fifth French Republic . De Gaulle withdrew French forces from the NATO Command Structure , forced the removal of allied ( US ) military bases from France, as well as initiated France's own independent nuclear deterrent programme. His actions were predicated on the view that France would not be subordinate to other nations. According to Serge Berstein , Gaullism
4980-452: The global order. Gaullists supported decolonization , which freed France from the burden of empire . This was reflected in de Gaulle's resolution of the Algeria crisis (1954–1962), which was strongly influenced by de Gaulle's realpolitik , or "keen sense of political expediency." Realizing that decolonization was inevitable, and that a continued crisis and extended Algerian War would harm
5063-436: The idea of dirigisme (state stewardship of the economy), has also weakened. Although the major French banks, as well as insurance, telecommunications, steel, oil and pharmaceutical companies, were state-owned as recently as the mid-1980s, the French government has since then privatized many state assets. Defunct Defunct The term "traditional Gaullism" ( Gaullisme traditionnel ) has been used by scholars to describe
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#17328700867875146-530: The left-wing Gaullists of the Democratic Union of Labour ( Union démocratique du travail or UDT), and allied with Valéry Giscard d'Estaing 's Independent Republicans , the UNR won the 1962 legislative election and Pompidou was confirmed to lead the cabinet. Naturally, the UNR/UDT supported de Gaulle's candidature at the 1965 presidential election . But he won only after a second ballot, which he considered as
5229-459: The legacy of French president Georges Pompidou (1969–1974). "Second-generation Chiraquian Gaullism" (or "Chiraquian neo-Gaullism"), which emerged in the mid-1980s, has been influenced by neoliberalism and is more open to European integration, in the legacy of French president Jacques Chirac (1995–2007). In France , the term Gaullist Party is usually used to refer to the largest party professing to be Gaullist . Gaullism claims to transcend
5312-408: The majority, against the instructions of de Gaulle. They left the RPF parliamentary group. More and more divided, the RPF suffered a significant decrease in support in the 1953 local elections. On 6 May 1953, de Gaulle asked to the Gaullist deputies to abandon the name "RPF". One month later, 5 Gaullist deputies joined Joseph Laniel 's government. Indeed, they participated to right-wing majorities then,
5395-521: The mid-1950s, suggesting potential federal arrangements or self-determination and membership in the French Community . Berstein writes that Gaullism has progressed in multiple stages: Since 1969, Gaullism has been used to describe those identified as heirs to de Gaulle's ideas. The Cross of Lorraine , used by the Resistant Free France (1940–1944) during World War II , has served as
5478-427: The other European powers to remain closely allied to the United States." De Gaulle's political legacy has been profound in France and has gradually influenced the entirety of the political spectrum . His successor as president, Georges Pompidou , consolidated Gaullism during his term from 1969 to 1974. Once-controversial Gaullist ideas have become accepted as part of the French political consensus and "are no longer
5561-439: The particularist ambitions of the traditional right and its xenophobic causes." Furthermore, "Gaullism saw as its mission the affirmation of national sovereignty and unity, which was diametrically opposed to the divisiveness created by the leftist commitment to class struggle ." Gaullism was nationalistic. In the early post-WWII period, Gaullists advocated for retaining the French Empire. De Gaulle shifted his stance on empire in
5644-448: The party during the 1967 legislative campaign . He encouraged the emergence of a new generation of Gaullist politicians who were loyal to him. The incumbent parliamentary majority only won a narrow victory. One year later, Gaullist power was confronted with the social and student protests of the May 1968 crisis. Although the newly renamed Union for the Defense of the Republic ( Union pour la défense de la République or UDR) triumphed at
5727-473: The party during the previous presidential campaign. Some months later, a conflict broke out between the executive leadership and Chirac left the cabinet in August 1976. In December 1976, the UDR was replaced by the Rally for the Republic ( Rassemblement pour la République or RPR). This name was chosen due to its similarity with the RPF. Indeed, the New Gaullist Party was devised as a machine of reconquest behind one man, Jacques Chirac . Without withdrawing from
5810-414: The poor and elderly which consolidated France's profile as a welfare state . In addition, regular increases were made to the minimum wage which prevented greater wage disparities. A new legal aid scheme was introduced, along with a number of new social welfare benefits. As a result of his social policies, Chaban-Delmas was viewed as too " progressive " by the "conservative" wing of the Gaullist movement. He
5893-413: The presidency in favour of himself. The satirical paper Le Canard Enchaîné accused him of breaking the law through tax evasion and in 1972, Chaban-Delmas canvassed for a vote of confidence in the Assembly. He did obtain this, but the President still managed to force his resignation. Two years later, following the death in office of President Pompidou, Chaban-Delmas ran for the presidency himself. He
5976-479: The presidency, he chose Chaban-Delmas, who had concluded that the May 68 crisis was the consequence of a strained and conflicted society, as prime minister. Chaban-Delmas tried to promote what he called "a new society", based on dialogue between the different social forces in French society. Amongst other reforms, government authority over the mass media was relaxed, while legislation was passed on social welfare coverage for
6059-527: The presidential majority, the RPR criticized the executive duo of President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing and Prime Minister Raymond Barre . In December 1978, six months before the 1979 European Parliament election , the Call of Cochin denounced the "abasement of France" by "the foreign party", which sacrificed the national interests and the independence of the country in order to build a federal Europe. This accusation targeted clearly Giscard d'Estaing. The RPR contrasted
6142-457: The programme of the National Council of Resistance : nationalization of banks and some industrial companies (for example Renault ), and the development of a welfare state . However, it was divided about the way forward for political institutions and the constitution for the Fourth Republic . For de Gaulle, the "regime of the parties" that had characterized the Third Republic was a cause of
6225-443: The role of the elected assembly. During his time in office, de Gaulle sought to establish authority by holding direct universal votes and popular referendums and by directly engaging with the nation (via speeches broadcast over radio, press conferences, and trips to the provinces). Even though he frequently spoke on his respect for democracy, his political opponents perceived in his rule a tendency toward dictatorial power; many feared
6308-607: The same time on key issues such as defense." Most notably, de Gaulle withdrew France from North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) military operations in 1966, and directed non-French NATO troops to leave France, although France remained a NATO member. Gaullists were also critical of the overseas economic influence of the U.S. and the role of the U.S. dollar in the international monetary system . Under de Gaulle, France established diplomatic relations with China earlier than most other Western nations; imposed an arms embargo against Israel (1967); and denounced American imperialism in
6391-412: The social doctrine of Gaullism to the president's market liberalism . The RPR supported Chirac in the 1981 presidential election but he was eliminated in the first round. He refused to give instructions for voting for the second round, even if he said "in a private capacity", he would vote for Giscard d'Estaing. In fact, the RPR was suspected of working for the defeat of the incumbent president. While
6474-640: The state helplessness. In keeping with its strongly nationalist stance, it accused the French Communist Party of being a vassal of the Soviet Union . Furthermore, it denounced what it called the "abandonment" of colonies by the Third Force cabinets, and it viewed French participation in the European Economic Community to be a threat to the nation. In addition, the Gaullists recommended an association between capital and labour in order to end
6557-457: The symbol of many Gaullist parties and movements, including the Rally of the French People (1947–1955), the Union for the New Republic (1958–1967), or the Rally for the Republic (1976–2002). Defunct Defunct The "fundamental principle" of Gaullism is a "certain idea of France" as a strong state. In his War Memoirs , de Gaulle describes France as "an indomitable entity, a 'person' with whom
6640-468: Was an outgrowth of this worldview. However, de Gaulle simultaneously initiated one of the first international nonproliferation efforts by quietly unshackling and distancing the French program from a diplomatically troublesome secret involvement with an Israeli junior partner , attempting to demilitarize and open to international oversight the Israeli nuclear arms program. France under de Gaulle sought to avoid
6723-458: Was claimed by candidates ranging from the radical left to the radical right, including Jean-Luc Mélenchon , Benoît Hamon , Emmanuel Macron , François Fillon and Marine Le Pen . According to Berstein, "It is no exaggeration to say that Gaullism has molded post-war France. At the same time, considering that the essence of Gaullist ideas are now accepted by everyone, those who wish to be the legitimate heirs of de Gaulle (e.g., Jacques Chirac of
6806-409: Was supported by the "lords of gaullism", but 43 personalities close to the late president, led by Jacques Chirac , published the Call of the 43 in favour of the candidacy of Valéry Giscard d'Estaing . Chaban-Delmas was defeated on the first ballot of the 1974 presidential election , winning only 15.10% of the vote. Chirac became President Giscard d'Estaing's prime minister. Chaban-Delmas stood in
6889-408: Was suspected of wanting to "tie up" again with the centre-left. Indeed, his advisers who inspired the "new society" programme were considered as close to the centre-left ( Simon Nora and Jacques Delors who would serve as Finance Minister under François Mitterrand ). Besides, a latent conflict opposed Chaban-Delmas to President Pompidou and the presidential circle. They accused him of trying to weaken
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