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81-725: The organizations that constituted FAI were as follows: Initially, the organization was known as National Coordination of Left-wing and Progressive Parties ( Coordinadora Nacional de Izquierda y Partidos Progresistas ). It took the name Frente Amplio de Izquierda in November 2005. In the elections of 2006 , the FAI decided to withhold support for the presidential candidacy of Ollanta Humala and his Peruvian Nationalist Party , and nominated Alberto Moreno , chairman of Peru's communist party , as its own presidential candidate. Subsequently, some long-time leftists, such as Ricardo Letts Colmenares , left

162-462: A coup d'état against Fujimori in November 1992 later stated that Montesinos took an active part in torturing them. On 16 March 1998, former Peruvian Army Intelligence Agent Luisa Zanatta accused Montesinos of ordering illegal wiretaps of leading politicians and journalists. Zanatta also said that army intelligence agents had killed fellow agent Mariella Barreto Riofano because she gave a magazine information about human rights violations, as well as

243-1027: A death squad known as the Grupo Colina , part of the National Intelligence Service, which was thought to have been responsible for the Barrios Altos massacre and the La Cantuta massacre , actions intended to repress the Shining Path ( Sendero Luminoso ), the major communist insurgency movement that had been operating since the 1980s, but only resulted in the execution of civilians. Montesinos avoided large-scale violence against opponents, saying he wanted to avoid performing "clumsy" acts that occurred under Chilean president Augusto Pinochet . Violence instead targeted peasants and students, avoiding prominent individuals in order to remain covert. Four officers who were tortured during interrogation after plotting

324-471: A paramilitary group that operated during García's presidency; promised not to receive his salary if he got elected, but only his payments as a retired Lieutenant Colonel; proposed the formation of a Constituent Assembly to rewrite the Constitution on the basis of its 1979 version; and suggested the possibility of reopening a penitentiary, where corrupt government officials and "ex-presidents" would be sent, in

405-625: A 1998 letter from the CIA chief in Lima sent to Montesinos, the American official would admire Montesinos' "leadership, dedication, and professionalism". Montesinos had strong connections with the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) for over 25 years and was said to have received $ 10 million from the agency for his government's anti-terrorist activities, with international bank accounts possessed by Montesinos reportedly holding at least $ 270 million. Monstesinos

486-775: A decisive victory, despite his much greater political experience. [1] [2] Opinion polls in Metropolitan Lima and Callao gave García a clear victory over Humala, though these were anti-Humala strongholds throughout the campaign. [3] [4] [5] A debate between the technical teams of both candidates was held on May 28 in the Museum of the Nation. Union for Peru obtained 45 out of 120 seats in Congress, more than any other party, but still shy of an absolute majority, despite victories in 16 of 25 Electoral Districts. The Peruvian Aprista Party got

567-536: A jungle area of the Huallaga region (where he operated an illegal airstrip). Recordings of radio communications presented during the trial showed that members of the army had let Chávez's organization operate freely in the Huallaga region in exchange for bribes. During a latter appearance in the court, Chávez appeared tortured and drugged, evidenced by his incoherent speaking. After sentencing, while in prison, Chávez talked to

648-467: A national scandal in 2000. This exposure forced him to flee Peru and precipitated Fujimori's resignation. Investigations unveiled Montesinos' involvement in a wide range of illegal activities, including embezzlement, drug trafficking, and orchestrating extrajudicial killings. He was subsequently captured, tried, and convicted on multiple charges. Despite his imprisonment, Montesinos continued to influence Peruvian politics and sought to protect allies within

729-540: A relationship with Montesinos as a way to have direct influence in Peru; the SIN head would clear bureaucratic obstacles and would immediately implement the recommendations of the CIA. During his years with Fujimori, Montesinos was said to be paid $ 1 million annually by the CIA from 1990 to 2000, according to US officials, while the CIA and the DEA defended him from allegations of misconduct. In

810-426: A small Peruvian flag on his podium before his first intervention, in order to have equitative images for both contenders. The candidate refused, saying that the national symbol was nothing to be ashamed about and arguing that the debate arrangements did not forbid using it, leading the moderator to withdraw the flag himself. The Union for Peru candidate attacked García's position on a bilateral free trade agreement with

891-637: A story about potential attacks against Peru's southern rival, Chile , then ruled by dictator Augusto Pinochet , an ally of the U.S. In February 1978, Montesinos was freed after two years in jail. He was given work by his cousin Sergio Cardenal Montesinos, a lawyer who persuaded him to pursue a degree in law. In April of the same year, Montesinos applied to the National University of San Marcos in Lima. He received his law diploma only three months later, through fraudulent means. Book No. 24 of

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972-527: A tacit attack at García. García called Humala a "demagogue" for promising to lower fuel prices by 30 percent; reminded his opponent of his earnings as a military attaché in France and South Korea ; called on Humala for asking García to clarify whether he would free Montesinos or not, saying that such decision would concern the Judiciary branch anyway and that pretending to take such powers would be undemocratic, "in

1053-534: The Fujimorist faction, including Keiko Fujimori . Montesinos' early life was influenced by his communist parents and his cousin, a leader of the Shining Path guerrilla group. He received military training in the U.S. and Peru, later becoming involved in intelligence and political advisory roles. His legal career, following a brief imprisonment for espionage, was marred by fraudulent activities and associations with drug traffickers. Former Vladimiro Montesinos

1134-617: The President , two Vice-Presidents, 120 members of Congress and five members of the Andean Parliament for the 2006–2011 period. As the no presidential candidate received a majority of the vote, a second round was held on 4 June between the top two candidates, Ollanta Humala and Alan García . Garcia won the run-off with 52.63% to Humala's 47.37%. He was subsequently inaugurated on 28 July 2006, Peruvian Independence Day. The 120 members of Congress were elected from 25 constituencies based on

1215-527: The University of Southern California were documented to have met with Montesinos. Such trips for foreign individuals provided by the United States were rare at the time and were only reserved for high-value recruits destined to carry out US interests. Upon his return to Lima, he was arrested for having failed to obtain formal government permission to make the trip. In 1977, Major José Fernández Salvatteci of

1296-532: The Venezuelan government in Caracas and extradited back to Peru. Then his trial began. Montesinos was convicted of embezzlement, illegal assumption of his post as intelligence chief, abuse of power , influence peddling and bribery. Those charges carried sentences of between five and fifteen years each, but Peruvian prison sentences are served concurrently, so prosecutors continued to pursue him on additional charges. He

1377-465: The internal conflict in Peru that involved the genocide of impoverished and indigenous Peruvians, the control or censorship of media in the nation and the establishment of a neoliberal economy controlled by a military junta in Peru. The military decided against committing a coup as initially outlined in Plan Verde as they expected Mario Vargas Llosa , a neoliberal candidate, to be elected in

1458-729: The "most theoretically sophisticated of young military officers in national security doctrine" and that he had "considerable leadership potential". Montesinos expressed during the nomination process that he wanted to meet with officials of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the United States National Security Council of President Gerald Ford to discuss military and economic relations. He also specified to US officials that he did not want to "waste time" going to tourist destinations such as Walt Disney World . The United States Department of State and

1539-480: The 1990 election. According to Fernando Rospigliosi, Montesinos was not initially involved with Plan Verde , but his ability to resolve issues for the military resulted in the armed forces tasking him with implementing the plan with Fujimori, while Alfredo Schulte-Bockholt would say that both General Nicolás de Bari Hermoza and Montesinos were responsible for the relationship between the armed forces and Fujimori. Peruvian political analyst Umberto Jara would describe

1620-469: The 24 departments and the Constitutional Province of Callao ). The number of seats in Congress for each district was determined by its number of eligible voters. A political party need to win a minimum of five seats in two electoral districts or 4% of nationwide valid votes in order to be represented in Congress. A minimum of 4% of nationwide valid votes was necessary for a party to win seats in

1701-828: The Americas in Panama . A year later, he graduated from the Chorrillos Military School , in Lima, Peru . In 1973, during the Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces of Peru 's leftist military junta of General Juan Velasco Alvarado , Montesinos became an artillery captain in the Peruvian army and was appointed to the role of aide to General Edgardo Mercado Jarrín , who served as both Prime Minister and Chief of

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1782-781: The Andean Parliament. * Ticket officially registered under MNI, which enjoyed previous registration as a political party, but nominated by Broad Left Front ( Frente Amplio de Izquierda ). 24 parties presented up to 130 candidates to Congress each, for a total of 2,918 candidates. 331 of these were rejected by the National Jury of Elections, leaving 2,587 candidates. These represent all parties with presidential candidates, plus Possible Peru, Independent Moralizing Front, Project Country, and Agricultural People's Front of Peru ( Frente Popular Agrícola del Perú , FREPAP). Sí Cumple did not register any candidates. The table below shows

1863-402: The Armed Forces. While working with Jarrín, Montesinos travelled with the prime minister to Algeria , Colombia , Cuba , France , Spain and Venezuela . While visiting Cuba, he stayed with Raúl Castro as a personal guest. The Armed Forces Movement of Portugal had also reportedly been in contact with Montesinos. He visited several foreign institutions as an official representative of

1944-604: The Army Intelligence Service ( Spanish : Servicio de Inteligencia del Ejército (SIE)) charged Montesinos with the crimes of spying and treason, accusing him of delivering military documents to the embassy of the United States in Lima. The documents included a list of weapons which Peru had purchased from the Soviet Union. The subsequent investigation revealed that top-secret documents had been found in his possession, and that he had photographed them and given copies to

2025-401: The CIA purportedly being supportive of Fujimori's candidacy were authentic. Rendón writes that the United States supported Fujimori because of his relationship with Montesinos. Fujimori's campaign exploited the popular distrust of the existing Peruvian political establishment and the uncertainty about the proposed neoliberal economic reforms of his opponent Vargas Llosa. Fujimori would win

2106-639: The CIA then began its relationship with Montesinos. From 5 to 21 September 1976, Montesinos travelled to Washington, D.C. paid for by the United States government, meeting with multiple US officials; Robert Hawkins of the CIA's Office of Current Intelligence, Luigi R. Einaudi , policy-planning chief of the US State Department's Latin America division, Alfred Stepan of Yale University , Albert Fishlow of University of California, Berkeley , Riordan Roett of Johns Hopkins University and Abraham Lowenthal of

2187-460: The CIA. Montesinos had travelled to the U.S. without authorization from army command, and had forged military documents to allow him to complete the trip without being detained. Montesinos was dishonorably discharged from the military and sentenced two years in the military prison at Bolivar Barracks in Pueblo Libre . This was a far less severe sentence than the customary death penalty that

2268-474: The Círculo Militar, limiting his access to only military officials. Rospigliosi states "an understanding was established between Fujimori, Montesinos and some of the military officers" involved in Plan Verde prior to Fujimori's inauguration. Montesinos and SIN officials would ultimately assume the armed force's position in the plan, placing SIN operatives into military leadership roles. After Fujimori won

2349-578: The FAI. In the elections, Moreno received 0.3% of the vote, coming in 12th. This article about a Peruvian political party is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . 2006 Peruvian national election Alejandro Toledo Possible Peru Alan García APRA Supreme Court of the Republic President Javier Arévalo Vela  [ es ] General elections were held in Peru in on 9 April 2006 to elect

2430-544: The Fujimori years, Montesinos gained extensive control over the Peruvian media by bribing television channel executives in an effort to know and control all information within Peru. Bribes ranged from approximately US$ 500,000 per month to Channels 2 and 5 to $ 1.5 million per month to Channel 4. In total, Montesinos paid more than US$ 3 million per month in bribes to Peruvian television channels. Montesinos funneled additional funds to

2511-510: The Future, obtained 602,869 votes, the highest individual voting nationwide (though it should be taken into account that she ran in Lima, the Electoral District with, by far, the largest electorate). She was followed by Carlos Bruce of Possible Peru, a former Minister of Housing, Construction and Sanitation, with 193,374. The most voted candidate of the party with the most votes presides over

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2592-561: The Lima bar association . He became notorious for representing a number of Colombian and Peruvian members of the illegal drug trade , as well as police officers accused of being involved in drug trafficking. Between 1978 and 1979, he represented Colombian drug lords Evaristo "Papá Doc" Porras Ardila and Jaime Tamayo. In addition, he acted as guarantor on Tamayo's lease of several offices and warehouses used to manufacture cocaine . Between 1980 and 1983, Montesinos revealed sensitive information related to military wiretapping and assassinations to

2673-501: The Peruvian army, also without authorization. When the Velasco government fell in 1975, Montesinos was able to maintain his position in the military during the more conservative government of General Francisco Morales-Bermúdez. He would also serve as an aide for prime ministers Guillermo Arbulú Galliani and Jorge Fernández Maldonado Solari during the government of Francisco Morales Bermúdez . A talented writer, Montesinos wrote many of

2754-463: The SIN. Former Peruvian generals and commanders also reported to the United States that Montesinos controlled Fujimori. Montesinos then reportedly made Fujimori nominate former artillery officers to head key sectors of civilian and military posts, including Ministry of Defense of Peru and the Ministry of Interior, effectively giving Montesinos control of Peru's military. In a statement to a colleague at

2835-564: The US government showed that by 1996 the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) was aware of the allegations. Despite evidence that Montesinos was in business with Colombian narco-traffickers, the CIA paid Montesinos's intelligence organization $ 1 million a year for 10 years to fight drug trafficking. One of the most notorious scandals during this period was the 11 May 1996 seizure of 169–176 kg of cocaine (the quantity depends on

2916-399: The United States as "ambiguous"; said that Vladimiro Montesinos would evidently vote for his opponent (since the former intelligence chief had recently claimed that Humala's uprising in 2001 had been staged as a distraction for his escape from the country); reminded the audience of a tape showing Montesinos bribing former Peruvian Aprista Party Secretary-General Agustín Mantilla ; alluded to

2997-558: The University of San Marcos Office of Records, where Montesinos' graduation would be noted, has disappeared from the Office. Montesinos' undergraduate thesis and other materials related to his academic record have never been produced. On 15 August 1978, Montesinos used his degree to register as a lawyer with the Superior Court of Lima. Ten days later, on 25 August 1978, he became a member of

3078-478: The Yanacocha, though Newmont sought majority rights to access the mine, raising a judicial dispute between the two. US Ambassador to Peru Dennis Jett told the Fujimori government that "any appearance of succumbing to French pressure would feed rumors of corruption in the Peruvian judicial system and thus scare off international investors", with Montesinos later telling a supreme court judge tasked with decision that if

3159-507: The arms deal broke into his offices and stole the video that was subsequently broadcast. Because of the arms deal, Montesinos lost the support of the US, which attached high strategic importance to crushing the FARC. On 14 September 2000, Peruvian television broadcast a video of Montesinos bribing an opposition congressman, Alberto Kouri , to support Perú 2000 , Fujimori's party. The video caused Fujimori's remaining support to collapse. He accepted

3240-471: The arms were airlifted from Jordan via Peru, to the FARC insurgent guerrillas in southern Colombia . Montesinos claimed the credit for uncovering the arms smuggling, which involved upwards of 10,000 Kalashnikov assault rifles . Jordan rejected the Peruvian version of events, insisting the shipments were legitimate government-to-government deals. Evidence emerged which pointed to Montesinos having orchestrated

3321-529: The bone to get him to give up the tape. In view of such tactics, the Clinton administration threatened briefly not to recognize Fujimori's victory. It backed off from this threat, and pressured Fujimori's government to take action to root out abuses, including ousting Montesinos. Continuing political unrest in Peru would have represented a serious problem as US operations against the FARC in Colombia got under way. Peru

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3402-692: The breakdown of candidates by Electoral District. Votes by 457,891 Peruvians residing abroad were counted in the Lima Electoral District (the number of voters in the table includes them). A total of 21 parties nominated 15 candidates for the Andean Parliament each, for a total of 315 candidates. 73 candidates were rejected by the National Jury of Elections, leaving 242 candidates from 19 parties. Participating parties include all those with Congressional candidates, except And It's Called Peru, Decentralization Coalition, Democratic Force, FREPAP and Let's Make Progress Peru. The only official presidential debate

3483-471: The coalition. Vladimiro Montesinos Vladimiro Lenin Ilich Montesinos Torres ( Spanish pronunciation: [bla.ð̞iˌmi.ɾo ˌle.nĩn iˌlit͡ʃ mõn̪.t̪eˌsi.nos ˈt̪o.res] ; born May 20, 1945) is a Peruvian former intelligence officer and lawyer, most notorious for his role as the head of Peru's National Intelligence Service (SIN) during the presidency of Alberto Fujimori . Montesinos

3564-593: The decision was not in favor with Newmont, then the United States would not support Peru's territorial dispute with Ecuador from the Cenepa War . The Supreme Court ultimately decided 4-3 in favor of granting the rights to Newmont. The DEA documented in December 1990, that Montesinos utilized illegal surveillance acts both domestically and internationally. Montesinos is widely accused of threatening or harassing Fujimori's political opponents. Evidence proves that he supervised

3645-485: The drug's origin and destiny were never determined and the investigations were compromised by Fujimori's corrupt government and possibly Montesinos himself. A 2011 investigation revealed that some four drug shipments were made abroad, with Miami listed as a destination, in air force planes during 1993–1994. Only the material authors (several low-ranking officers) were processed, acquitted and publicly defended by Fujimori in late 1997 (amongst them Fujimori's aide-de-camp who

3726-420: The election, and according to Oiga , the armed forces finalized plans on 18 June 1990 involving multiple scenarios for a coup to be executed on 27 July 1990, the day prior to Fujimori's inauguration. The magazine noted that in one of the scenarios, titled " Negotiation and agreement with Fujimori. Bases of negotiation: concept of directed Democracy and Market Economy ", Fujimori was to be directed on accepting

3807-420: The extent of influence he expected in return for the stated monetary bribe. The Fujimori government also controlled the content of Channel 7, Televisión Nacional de Peru , which was explicitly state owned. Canal N , remained the only independent television channel, funded entirely by monthly service fees. Montesinos did not bribe Canal N because of their low viewership, numbering in the tens of thousands, which

3888-495: The former chief of the Armed Forces Joint Command, and Fujimori had both complete knowledge of the illicit acts of Montesinos. Frequently, Montesinos secretly videotaped himself bribing individuals in his office, incriminating politicians, officials and military officers. His downfall appears to have been precipitated by the discovery of a major illegal arms shipment. Arranged by guerrilla leader Tomás Medina Caracas ,

3969-469: The government. In response, former United Nations Secretary-General Javier Pérez de Cuéllar said, "Peru is no longer a democracy. We are now a country headed by an authoritarian regime." The 2000 presidential elections, which followed years of political violence, was controversial. A journalist claimed to have a videotape of Montesinos bribing election officials to fix the vote. He claimed to have been kidnapped by secret police agents, who sawed his arm to

4050-404: The gun-running operation rather than dismantling it. A senior Peruvian general was found to have participated in the deal, and another principal participant was a government contractor. He had signed at least eleven deals with the Fujimori regime, most of them to provide supplies to the Peruvian military. According to one report, a group of military officers angered by Montesinos's apparent role in

4131-579: The location of bodies from the La Cantuta massacre. Zanatta said that in early 1997, Barreto had told her that she was part of the Grupo Colina death squad responsible for the La Cantuta massacre. Barreto's dismembered body was found by a roadside on 29 March 1997, and showed evidence of torture before death and mutilation. The addiction to information is like the addiction to drugs. We live on information. I need information. —Vladimiro Montesinos During

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4212-568: The military's plan at least twenty-four hours before his inauguration. Rospigliosi writes that head of the National Intelligence Service (SIN), General Edwin “Cucharita” Díaz, beside Montesinos also played a key role with making Fujimori abide by the military's demands. Díaz and Montesinos allegedly convinced Fujimori that he was being targeted by the Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement and made Fujimori stay at

4293-512: The minimum 4% of valid votes nationwide for Congress representation. The strongholds for the three main parties were essentially the same as in the presidential election: the southern Andes for Union for Peru, the northern-central coast for the Peruvian Aprista Party, and Lima (plus voters abroad, which counted as part of this Electoral District) for National Unity. Former President Alberto Fujimori 's daughter Keiko , of Alliance for

4374-516: The most votes in six Districts and took 36 seats. National Unity obtained 17 seats and a local victory in Lima; Alliance for the Future took 13 seats and won in Pasco; Center Front got 5 seats; ruling party Possible Peru only got 2, after being the stronger party in the 2001-2006 period; and National Restoration took the remaining 2 seats, as well as most votes in Madre de Dios . The latter two obtained barely above

4455-418: The new Peruvian Democratic Party on 26 June. [29] Center Front, Possible Peru and National Restoration agreed to formally create a joint group in Congress with their 9 members, under the name of the first party. [30] This new group was the only one without representation in the multi-partisan Directive Board of the new Congress, led by the Peruvian Aprista Party's Mercedes Cabanillas as president. Only

4536-632: The newspaper Kausachum , run by Augusto Zimmerman, ex-spokesperson of deposed president Juan Velasco Alvarado . General Carlos Briceño, the Commander of the Peruvian Army, re-opened the investigation into Montesinos' alleged treason. Montesinos fled to Ecuador , where in 1984 he revealed information to the Ecuadorian Army about Peru's military weapons purchases. The investigation was closed that year in order to "protect institutional image", and Montesinos

4617-413: The political opposition on their channel. Another showed Channel 4 owners getting $ 1.5 million a month for similar cooperation. Others show Montesinos counting out $ 350,000 in cash to Channel 5's proprietor, and the owner of Channel 9 receiving $ 50,000 to cancel an investigative series called SIN censura (Uncensored). In June 2001, through the assistance of the U.S. Government, Montesinos was turned over to

4698-411: The preparatory board for the installation of the new Congress. However, this corresponded to Carlos Torres Caro , Union for Peru's candidate for Second Vice-President, who, along with Gustavo Espinoza and Rocío González resigned from the party following the second round, arguing that Humala's approach to their role as an opposition party was too violent. The three incoming Members of Congress presented

4779-544: The presidential campaign for Fujimori in the 1990 Peruvian general election to enter as a dark horse candidate . In addition, evidence exists that Montesinos reportedly forged tax documents and the birth certificate of Fujimori according to the Harvard International Review . Prior to the election, the Peruvian Armed Forces created Plan Verde , a clandestine military operation developed during

4860-538: The presidential election on 28 July 1990, Montesinos became his chief advisor and the de facto head of the SIN. Fujimori would go on to adopt many of the policies outlined in Plan Verde. Just days after Fujimori took office, the United States shared concerns in diplomatic cables that paramilitary death squads had been created by Montesinos. The Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) , according to documents, believed in 1990 that Montesinos effectively ruled Peru through

4941-524: The press and revealed that Montesinos said to him at one point that he "did some work" with Pablo Escobar , leader of the Medellín Cartel . Montesinos was paid US$ 50,000 a month during 1991 and 1992. As proof, the government presented recordings during Chávez's trial of radio communications between his drug traffickers and members of the Armed Forces attesting to bribery of Montesinos. In addition, Chávez said that retired general Nicolás de Bari Hermoza ,

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5022-628: The reason for the CIA's interest in Montesinos. In the 1970s, Peru was governed by one of the few left-wing regimes in South America, a continent dominated by right-wing governments. Locked in the Cold War with the Soviet Union and fearing its influence in the region, as well as that of the Communist government of Cuba, the US was seeking information about activities in Peru. Montesinos conjured up and told

5103-471: The relationship Montesinos had between the military and Fujimori: [Montesinos was] the nexus capable of uniting two weaknesses: an army that had lost its prestige because of subversion and human rights violations, and a political unknown, absolutely solitary, without a political organization or a social base. Mario Vargas Llosa later reported that United States Ambassador to Peru , Anthony C. E. Quainton , personally told him that allegedly leaked documents of

5184-476: The resignation of Montesinos and thanked him for his services. He then announced the dissolution of the National Intelligence Service (SIN) and new elections, in which he would not run. Shortly thereafter, Montesinos sought political asylum in Panama. In following months, some of the most infamous "Vladi-videos" were released. One showed the owners of Channel 2 being offered US$ 500,000 a month to ban appearances of

5265-445: The risk of defection by the TV channel owners. He also ensured continued cooperation through blackmail, utilizing video evidence of sexual indiscretions by bribe recipients. To keep track of the numerous bribes and gain further evidence of the owners' complicity, which could also be used as blackmail, Montesinos filmed monetary exchanges and forced channel executives to sign contracts stipulating

5346-508: The source) aboard a Peruvian Air Force Douglas DC-8 (frequently confused in the media as the presidential Boeing 737 as it had operated on this role until the acquisition of the Boeing ) that was about to depart on a mission to Russia (with stopovers at the Canary Islands and Bordeaux ), carrying military aviation equipment for maintenance. The scandal remains a mystery to this day because

5427-608: The speeches for ministers of the government and was a frequent contributor to newspapers. He was also reportedly writing various treatises regarding an invasion of Chile and granting Bolivia access to the Pacific Ocean . In 1974, political scientist Alfred Stepan of Yale University recommended to the Embassy of the United States, Lima that Montesinos be given the International Visitor's Leader Grant , describing him as

5508-419: The style of (Hugo) Chávez"; indirectly pointed to Humala's support of his brother Antauro's 2005 rebellion, leading to the death of four policemen; and promised to enforce the payment of extra hours, stop arbitrary employment terminations and change some aspects of pension systems. The media and political analysts described the debate mostly as "boring" and centered on personal attacks, with García not delivering

5589-454: The television channels through government advertising. From 1997 to 1999, the Peruvian government increased their advertising budget by 52%, becoming Peru's largest advertiser. Ultimately, Montesinos held editorial control over Peru's free-to-air television networks: Frecuencia Latina , América Televisión , Panamericana Televisión , ATV , and Red Global . To maintain this control he structured bribe payments in monthly installments, limiting

5670-471: The three main parties obtained representation in the Andean Parliament, with Union for Peru and the Peruvian Aprista Party obtaining 2 seats (plus 4 substitutes) each, and National Unity getting one seat (and two substitutes). Union for Peru got the most votes, with 24.0% of the valid ballots. Congressman Rafael Rey of National Unity obtained the most individual votes, with 611,638, after which he announced his own and his party National Renewal 's departure from

5751-502: The time, Montesinos would remark "[Fujimori] is completely malleable: he does nothing at all without me knowing". While leading the SIN through the 1990s, Montesinos served the interests of the United States on multiple occasions according to the Harvard International Review . The United States reportedly support Fujimori's candidacy in the 1990 elections due to Montesinos' ties. The United States reportedly maintained

5832-487: Was a result of the unaffordability of the monthly fees for most Peruvians. Canal N was the first network to air the Kouri videotape, which exposed the extent of Montesinos's corruption. On 14 July 1997, the government legally stripped Baruch Ivcher , a native Israeli , of his Peruvian nationality for supposed offenses against the government. In September, control of Channel 2 was given to minority shareholders more sympathetic to

5913-522: Was acquitted of two specific charges of corruption and conspiracy related to the mayor of Callao, whom he was alleged to have helped evade drug-trafficking charges. Montesinos was imprisoned at the Centro de Reclusión de Máxima Seguridad (CEREC) in Callao (which was built under his orders during the 1990s) and is serving 15 years in prison, but he will have to face at least 8 more trials in the next years. In total he

5994-472: Was allowed to return to Peru. During his attorney career, Montesinos was hired by Susana Higuchi , the wife of engineer Alberto Fujimori , assisting Higuchi after she made controversial deals in real estate . The paperwork in the case disappeared and the charges were dropped. This began the relationship between Montesinos and Fujimori. Peruvian journalist Gustavo Gorriti reported that Montesinos allegedly used $ 1 million provided by Pablo Escobar to fund

6075-471: Was born in the city of Arequipa , the capital of the Arequipa Region in southern Peru. His parents were devout communists of Greek origin and named their son after Vladimir Lenin . Montesinos is a cousin of the incarcerated communist leader Óscar Ramírez Durand , a.k.a. "Feliciano", the leader of the Shining Path . In 1965, Montesinos graduated as a military cadet at the U.S. Army 's School of

6156-613: Was directly involved with assisting American businesses establish deals in Peru, mediating US-led drug enforcement efforts in the Peruvian army and air force and obtaining money for US antinarcotics missions in Peru upon demand. One of his largest accomplishments for the United States was granting majority mining rights of the Yanacocha mine – the fourth largest gold mine in the world – to the US-based Newmont . French mining company Bureau de Recherches Géologiques et Minières discovered

6237-551: Was held on May 21, 2006 between Ollanta Humala and Alan García, with journalist Augusto Álvarez Rodrich as moderator, in the National Museum of Archaeology. There were no debates before the first round. Humala arrived late, so García started the debate on his own, claiming that his opponent had "stopped at a bar for a sandwich" and accusing him of having "no respect for the country". Humala accused Aprista supporters of delaying his arrival. Álvarez Rodrich asked Humala to remove

6318-538: Was needed as a base of operations and a defensive backstop against guerrillas based in Colombia's south, not far from the Peruvian border. The DEA was aware of reports in August 1990 that Montesinos was involved with being paid for the immunity of drug traffickers. Allegations circulated that Montesinos and General Nicolás Hermoza Ríos , the chairman of Peru's joint chiefs of staff, were taking protection money from drug traffickers. Documents that were later declassified by

6399-626: Was part of the plane's crew). Peruvian drug kingpin Demetrio Chávez Peñaherrera, known as "El Vaticano", testified that Montesinos was a protector of drug trafficking. During a trial audience on 16 August 1996, Chávez Peñaherrera stated that he had bribed members of the Peruvian Armed Forces and Montesinos himself, as the effective chief of the Peruvian Intelligence Service (SIN), to be able to operate freely in Campanilla,

6480-437: Was the punishment for traitors during the military regime. United States Ambassador to Peru Robert William Dean contacted Minister of Foreign Affairs of Peru José de la Puente Radbill to pressure for Montesinos' release while the attorney representing the imprisoned army captain was asked to contact Einaudi. General Mercado then ordered the charges be dropped. Years later, declassified US State Department documents revealed

6561-574: Was widely regarded as the power behind the throne , often regarded as the true authority in the government, supported by the Peruvian Armed Forces . Montesinos' career was marked by his deep connections with the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), through which he received substantial funding ostensibly for anti-terrorism efforts. His tenure saw numerous human rights abuses and corruption scandals. The " Vladi-videos ," secretly recorded tapes showing Montesinos bribing officials, led to

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