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67-520: The first palace was built around 2000 BC, and likely destroyed in the 12th century BC. The site was thought to have never been reoccupied after that, but archaeologist Timothy Harrison showed, in a (2022) lecture's graphic, it was inhabited also in Amuq Phases N-O, Iron Age, c. 1200-600 BC. It is located in Amik Valley , about 2 kilometres (1.2 mi) from the modern Syria–Turkey border . Lake Amik

134-413: A Jebusite fortress outside of Jerusalem and renaming it the " City of David ." He also offered the elders of Judah gifts from spoils won during the raid, while Idrimi raided the seven Hittite towns and gave those spoils to his allies as mentioned in his inscription. Oppenheim also commented on similar stories of Joseph with his brothers, as those of David, claiming Idrimi's narrative is different from

201-588: A hadith , Abu Hurayrah (a companion of the Islamic Nabi ( Prophet ) Muhammad ) reported that Muhammad said: The Last Hour would not come until the Romans land at al-A'maq or in Dabiq . An army consisting of the best of the people of Earth at that time will come from Medina (to counteract them). Islamic scholars and hadith commentators suggest that the word "Romans" refers to Christians. The hadith further relates

268-1019: A benevolent goddess of justice. According to this theory, her worship then spread from Alalakh to Carchemish and Anatolia at large. According to ancient DNA analyses conducted by Skourtanioti et al. (2020) on 28 human remains from Tell Atchana belonging to the Middle and Late Bronze Age period (2006-1303 cal BC), the inhabitants of Alalakh were a mixture of Chalcolithic Levantines and Mesopotamians, and were genetically similar to contemporaneous Levantines from Ebla and Sidon . Out of twelve males, six carried haplogroup J1a2a1a2-P58 , two carried J2a1a1a2b2a-Z1847 , and four carried J2b2-Z2454 , H2-P96 , L2-L595 and T1a1-CTS11451 each. Seven more male individuals were analyzed by Ingman et al. (2021): three males carried J2a1a1a2, while four males carried J1a2a1a, T1a1a, E1b1b-CTS3346 and L1b-M349 each. Amik Valley The Amik Valley ( Turkish : Amik Ovası ; Arabic : ٱلْأَعْمَاق , romanized :  al-ʾAʿmāq )

335-459: A king and former Habiru refugee as he rebuilt his cities. It is clear from the inscriptions on the seal that Idrimi ruled within Level IV in the mid to late Bronze Age with piety and wise administration and that it was subsequently used by his son and successor Niqmepa as his royal seal as a replica of his own royal seal. If Niqmepa used his father's royal seal for his own royal seal, which contained

402-497: A moralizing story, composed 50-100 years after Idrimi's lifetime. This tablet (shown left) was excavated by Leonard Woolley between 1936-1949 at Tell Atchana (Alalakh) in northern Syria. It dates back to c. 1500–1450 BC. The tablet contained Idrimi's royal seal and revealed an agreement that Idrimi made for the annual dues of gold and sheep to be paid to him or to his successor, his son Niqmepa who often used his own father's seal. The seal's inscription also read: "Idrimi, servant of

469-748: A provincial dialect of Akkadian," and records Idrimi's autobiographical vicissitudes on his statue 's base found within a pit of a Level IB temple at the site of Tell Atchana (Alalakh). Jacob Lauinger dates the inscription around 1400-1350 BC, in Level III (/II) excavated by Woolley, or Period 3, according to Yener 's excavations. The first part of the inscription revealed Idrimi's circumstances fleeing from Aleppo. The translated inscription, according to author Amélie Kuhrt , stated: After his family had been forced to flee to Emar , with his mother's people, he realized that he wouldn't wield real power in Emar, saying: As

536-741: A result of his “one-year campaign”. Elena Devecchi interprets this text as a legal document or a judicial verdict. The site was reoccupied in Iron Age (c. 1200-600 BC), but the port of Al Mina took its place during this period. Tell Atchana was excavated by the British archaeologist Sir Leonard Woolley in the years 1937–1939 and 1946–1949. He was assisted by epigrapher Sidney Smith . His team discovered palaces, temples, private houses and fortification walls, in 17 archaeological levels, reaching from late Early Bronze Age (Level XVII, c. 2200–2000 BC) to Late Bronze Age (Level 0, 13th century BC). Among their finds

603-525: A result, he left his family and brothers, took his horse, chariot, and squire, went into the desert, and joined the "Hapiru people" in "Ammija (Amiya) in the land of Canaan ", where other refugees from Aleppo (the people from Halab , people from the land Mukish [dominated by Alalakh], people from the land of Nihi [near the Orontes River in Syria], and people of Nuhašše , also known as Ama'e), recognized him as

670-446: A statue inscribed with what seems to be an autobiography of the dynasty's founding king, Idrimi . According to his inscription, in the 15th century BC, Idrimi, son of the king of Yamhad, may have fled his city for Emar , traveled to Alalakh, gained control of the city, and been recognized as a vassal by Barattarna . The inscription records Idrimi's vicissitudes: after his family had been forced to flee to Emar, he left them and joined

737-500: A treaty with the country Kizzuwatna . Jacob Lauinger considers Idrimi as a historical character, king of Alalakh around 1450 BC, in Late Bronze Age, but suggests his statue and inscriptions can be dated from c. 1400 to 1350 BC, and be related to a Mesopotamian pseudo -autobiography (called narû-literature ), in which kings apparently leave records of their misadventures as a lesson for future generations. Lauinger also comments that

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804-589: A warfare approach that the inscription doesn't give. Author Paul Collins described Idrimi's maneuver as, Also, Collins mentioned that Barattarna had accepted Idrimi's tribute to him as a loyal vassal ruler. He only allowed Idrimi limited independence of making his own military and diplomatic decisions just as long as it didn't interfere with Mitanni's overall policy. This further allowed Idrimi to set his sights on his diplomatic and military aims in Kizzuwatna and act as an independent ruler. Idrimi's "capture" of Alalakh

871-536: A whole description of Idrimi's rule. Strong scholarly consensus argued by ancient Syro-Palestine scholars Dominique Collon and Gary Oller also suggested that Idrimi led cross-border raids into Hittite territory during his rule. According to Collon, he raided Hittite territory and used the booty from that raid to build his massive palace. Gary Oller, in his 1977 dissertation, further confirmed Collon's statement by reaffirming Idrimi's statement in lines 64-77 of his statue inscription that he raided seven cities somewhere near

938-434: Is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . This article about a Mediterranean Region of Turkey location is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . Idrimi Idrimi (meaning "It is my help" ) was the king of Alalakh c. 1490–1465 BC, or around 1450 BC. He is known, mainly, from an inscription on his statue found at Alalakh by Leonard Woolley in 1939. According to that inscription, he

1005-678: Is a plain in Hatay Province , southern Turkey . It is close to the city of Antakya ( Antioch on the Orontes River ). Along with Dabiq in northwestern Syria , it is believed to be one of two possible sites of the battle of Armageddon according to Islamic eschatology . It is notable for a series of archaeological sites in the "plain of Antioch". The primary sites of the series are Tell al-Judaidah , Chatal Höyük (Amuq) (not to be confused with Çatalhöyük in Anatolia), Tell Tayinat , Tell Kurdu, Alalakh , and Tell Dhahab . Al-Mina , at

1072-476: Is a strong danger of using the statue's text as a single historical source. Just like the inscriptions of Ramesses II 's poetic prose of the Battle of Kadesh , the statue of Idrimi's text suggested that Idrimi's real campaigns were probably exaggerated to make himself legitimate. Many scholars studying the inscription have suggested it to be a form of pseudo-history, possibly based on "exaggerations" of his campaigns, or

1139-615: Is another major site that is located in the area. Alalakh was founded by the Amorites (in the territory of present-day Turkey) during the early Middle Bronze Age in the late 3rd millennium BC. The first palace was built c. 2000 BC, contemporary with the Third Dynasty of Ur . Chronology of Alalakh, related to other sites in the Amuq Lake region, is as follows: According to recent excavations led by archaeologists K. A. Yener and Murat Akar,

1206-417: Is divided in two periods: Late Bronze Age I (c. 1600-1400 BC), and Late Bronze Age II (c. 1400-1300 BC). The former was characterized by being a Mittani vassal territory, and the latter by Hittite occupation. After a hiatus of less than a century, written records for Alalakh resume. At this time, it was again the seat of a local dynasty. Most of the information about the founding of this dynasty comes from

1273-513: Is mentioned in the royal seal of Idrimi. It is also possible that he supported the gods of Emar and the cults of the storm-god Teshub if one looks at the brief mentions of those gods in his statue inscriptions during the early phases of his life. On the other hand, Tremper Longman III considers all this narrative passages in Idrimi's statue as having the same "basic threefold structure that characterizes all Akkadian fictional autobiography," and that, In

1340-486: Is now held in the British Museum . Akkadian texts from Alalakh primarily consist of juridical tablets, which record the ruling family's control over land and the income that followed, and administrative documents, which record the flow of commodities in and out of the palace. In addition, there are a few word lists, astrological omens and conjurations. Many examples of Nuzi ware , a high quality ceramics associated with

1407-489: Is possible according to the statue text that Idrimi would have used his "spoils of war" from the seven Hittite towns, especially any valuable items, to help fund the rebuilding of his cities. It is very likely that, based on his coalition he had when he took over Alalakh as vassal king, Mukish and other cities in the coalition became a part of Alalakh's vassal kingdom. As a "gratefulness" gift for Idrimi, they would offer tribute to him for him to rebuild their cities for them, which

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1474-447: Is that Idrimi was recruiting potential allies in a greater effort to take Alalakh. But, it is clear from these various scholarly speculations that a political motivation may be involved in Idrimi's desire to take back Alalakh. This motive is further indicated by author Garrett Galvin who compared Idrimi's story to the famous Egyptian work, the Story of Sinuhe . Idrimi was similar to Sinuhe in

1541-416: The " Hapiru people " in "Ammija in the land of Canaan ." The Hapiru recognized him as the "son of their overlord" and "gathered around him"; after living among them for seven years, he led his Habiru warriors in a successful attack by sea on Alalakh, where he became king. The statue mentions an heir, Addu-nirari, who is otherwise not attested. However, according to the archaeological site report, this statue

1608-579: The "son of their overlord" and "gathered around him." The second part of the inscription revealed major events in Idrimi's life including a campaign in Hurrian territory to reclaim Alalakh. After living among the Habiru (Hapiru) for seven years, he led his new friends and Habiru allies in a successful attack by sea on Alalakh, where he became king. The inscription further stated: Idrimi built ships and likely gathered soldiers from Mukish, Amae, Nihi, and Alakah, which

1675-610: The 16th century BC of an independent Halab (Aleppo) prior to Mitanni's rise to power, though their relationship with Idrimi has yet to be determined by other scholars. Oller also proposed a theory that Idrimi's predecessors ruled Yamhad when Alalakh was a part of Yamhad's territory, though that theory has not been confirmed by other scholars. This tablet from several treaty texts revealed that Idrimi had somehow exchanged other slaves or fugitives with Pilliya of Kizzuwatna, which made sense considering that both Idrimi and Pilliya were vassal kings to Barattarna. According to Donald L. Magetti,

1742-561: The British Museum. The tablet was Idrimi's royal seal, which contained his accounts of goodwill gifts of silver and other forms of tribute like cattle from Mukish and Zelki and other nearby cities, possibly demonstrating a tribute system among his allied city-states dating back to his alliance with them during his exile. His seal represented his act of piety towards the Shutu people and to those who "had no settled abode," to show his generosity as

1809-614: The God Adad " (the local storm-god in Alalakh). The tablet suggested that Idrimi not only wielded absolute power in Alalakh, but it also suggested that Idrimi had exercised some independence through his own self-deification . This tablet (shown right) was excavated at Tell Achtana in northern Syria between 1936-1949 and dates back to c. 1480 BC. It was a treaty that Idrimi made with another vassal ruler to Mitanni, Pilliya of Kizzuwatna . The treaty

1876-577: The Hittites as a buffer state . This favor was to be gained by a runaway slave clause within the treaty allowing ordinary citizens to retrieve runaway slaves for rewards of five-hundred copper shekels for a man and one thousand shekels for a woman. A slave owner could also enter into Kizzuwatna and Alalakh to retrieve their runaway slaves for no reward. Assyriologist A. Leo Oppenheim saw parallels between Idrimi and King David of Judah. Idrimi stayed for seven years among Hapiru warriors. After seven years,

1943-558: The Mitanni period, have been discovered in Alalakh. This type of ceramics, as found at Alalakh/Atchana, is sometimes described as Atchana ware , or as Atchana-Nuzi ware . According to Manfred Hutter , the Amik Valley, corresponding to the ancient state of Mukish, and especially Alalakh, was the area where the Syrian and Anatolian goddess Kubaba was originally worshiped. She is generally seen as

2010-404: The Syrian legal cases." The second was a mature phase that started around 1270 BC after some period of uncertainty. During this phase, the main court of jurisdiction had shifted from Aleppo to Karkemis, which then seems to have acquired even greater powers. During the 14th and 13th centuries BC, great quantities of Mycenaean pottery had arrived to Syria-Palestine, a lot of it from Cyprus. Alalakh

2077-407: The city of Gaziantep in modern-day Turkey . According to Edward Greenstein and David Marcus' translation of Idrimi's statue inscription, It is possible that Idrimi may have taken slaves along with other trade goods in his raids on the seven Hittite towns as booty to restore his own power. Gary Oller gave some validity to the existence of the cities sacked in Idrimi's raid by mentioning two of

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2144-414: The city upon his brother Yarim-Lim of Alalakh , to replace the city of Irridu . Abba-El had destroyed the latter after it revolted against Yarim-Lim. In the 18th to 17th centuries period transition, Alalakh was under the reign of Yarim-Lim, and was the capital of the city-state of Mukiš and vassal to Yamhad , centered in modern Aleppo . Under the hegemony of Aleppo, a dynasty of Yarim-Lim's descendants

2211-452: The content and style of Mesopotamian literature, but Jacob Lauinger considers it as part of a Mesopotamian pseudo-autobiography (called narû-literature ). For Edward Greenstein, the story of Idrimi was similar to the Biblical stories of Jacob , Joseph, Moses , Jephthah , and Nehemiah . All five Biblical figures and Idrimi were exiles in their younger days, undertook journeys to discover

2278-545: The fact that Idrimi's statue was not found in Level 4 in Woolley's time, but on Level 1B (1250–1200 BC). Dominique Collon refuted his arguments by saying that many of the documents associated with Idrimi in the Level 4 Alalakh palace archives discovered by Woolley were associated with his reign in 1490–1460 BC, therefore giving some validity to Sharruwa's statements. This tablet or "seal" was one of only two recorded sources of Idrimi from

2345-680: The fall of Mari in 1765 BC, Alalakh seems to have come under the rule of Yamhad again. In the late MB II, in Period 7 (Level VII), was still a vassalage of Yamhad , and was handed over to the Yarim-Lim Dynasty. There was a later palace, an archive, some temples, a city wall, a tripartite gate, households, workshops, extramural and intramural burials were excavated. In the palace of Level VII, during 2015-2019 excavations, more than 70 wall painting fragments were found and radiocarbon-dated to c. 1780-1680 BC. King Abba-El I of Aleppo (c. 1750 BC) bestowed

2412-461: The final parts of the statue inscription, Idrimi commissioned the scribe Sharruwa to write his statue inscription, invoking major blessings for those who respect his statues and cursings by the gods to anyone who would defile his statue. Jack M. Sasson of the University of North Carolina contended that Sharruwa wrote the inscription for selfish reasons to bolster his national pride. This was indicated by

2479-476: The god Addu or Teshub became favorable to him and he started building ships. The king Barattarna was hostile to him for seven years. In the seventh year Idrimi launched negotiations with Barattarna. He also gathered spoils from seven Hittite cities and built his own palace. David had a similar pattern with the number seven too. He was the youngest of seven sons of Jesse . He stayed seven years in Hebron before conquering

2546-447: The inscription on lines 29–34 revealed that following the storm-god Teshub's advice in a dream, Idrimi, and he adds that, This newfound alliance with local rulers, created by cattle exchanges, was just the beginning of the gradual restoration of Idrimi's royal status as the king of Alalakh. Edward Greenstein's and David Marcus's translation of the inscription on lines 42-51 revealed that despite Barattarna's hostility to Idrimi while he

2613-452: The inscriptions try to legitimate the rule of Alalakh only by acknowledging the supremacy of Mitanni, and the text(s) may have had an audience coeval to politics of that time. All three sources were discovered by British archaeologist Leonard Woolley within the Level IV (Late Bronze Age in the mid-15th century BC) archives of the Alalakh palace and come from his collection at the British Museum . The inscription bears 104 lines "written in

2680-459: The king approved the agreement. The treaty was concluded by Idrimi and Pilliya following Idrimi's raids into Hittite territory. This may somewhat validate line 77 of Greenstein's and Marcus's translation of Idrimi's statue inscription, "Together with them I took (booty)," suggesting that Idrimi led raids into Kizzuwatna and wanted to end them in order to gain Pilliya's favor against bigger enemies like

2747-624: The king's power in Idrimi's time. They were made up of a material of glass and silica called failence. The failence was heated at a lower temperature so that the surface could have a glazed appearance, allowing them to be easily carved and cheaply produced. The seal could suggest a possible theory that despite the Hittites being a political rival to Idrimi, he adapted the Hittite-style royal seal along with Hittite-style oaths of loyalty he made to Parshatatar and Pilliya. Oller theorized that Idrimi's predecessors in his royal seal were Halabian rulers of

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2814-554: The land of Canaan. According to Marc Van de Mieroop , Idrimi was unhappy at Emar for being an "underling". If the narrative is historical, there is no scholarly debate that is adequate enough to explain why Idrimi chose to live among the Habiru in Canaan, though it is psychologically clear that Idrimi got along well with the other refugees. It was because they went through a similar experience of being uprooted from their own hometowns. Another possibility by looking at Tremper Longman's theory

2881-580: The mid-14th century BC, the Hittite Suppiluliuma I defeated king Tushratta of Mitanni and assumed control of northern Syria, then including Alalakh, which he incorporated into the Hittite Empire . A tablet records his grant of much of Mukish's land (that is, Alalakh's) to Ugarit , after the king of Ugarit alerted the Hittite king to a revolt by the kingdoms of Mukish, Nuhassa , and Niye . During

2948-631: The mouth of the Orontes river, was the main ancient port of the area. Lake Amik was an ancient lake in the area, that was located in the centre of Amik Plain. Tell Judaidah was surveyed by Robert Braidwood and excavated by C. MacEwan of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago in the 1930s. There is also archaeological evidence for Caspian tigers in this valley (Ellerman and Morrison-Scott, 1951; Vallino and Guazzo Albergoni, 1978). In

3015-461: The names of his predecessors, "Abbaban, Sararan, Naraam", it is implied that Idrimi would have those same names on his royal seal, indicating his need for legitimacy from his previous Hurrian rulers, who made oaths to legitimize their claims to the throne according to his statue inscription. Royal seals were frequently used in the Hittite Empire and Hurrian regions in northern Syria to demonstrate

3082-414: The period of 1350 BC, Alalakh was incorporated into the Hittite Empire. Nevertheless, recent interpretations of this period by archaeologists indicate that, following the destructions of Level IV, the Alalakh castle complex was successively rebuilt three times. So Alalakh may have continued functioning as a capital city. According to Eric Cline, the city was largely abandoned by 1300 BC. A small Hittite post

3149-608: The project changed sponsorship and resumed excavations directed by K. Aslihan Yener under the Turkish Ministry of Culture and Tourism and Mustafa Kemal University in Antakya. About five hundred cuneiform tablets were retrieved at Level VII, (Middle Bronze Age) and Level IV (Late Bronze Age). The inscribed statue of Idrimi , a king of Alalakh c. early 15th century BC, has provided a unique autobiography of Idrimi's youth, his rise to power, and his military and other successes. The statue

3216-496: The sense that he was a high-class refugee looking back to his roots and finding an opportunity to take back his throne while being fueled by humiliation and anger towards his political enemies. Galvin also argued that Idrimi's attitude of being from a higher social class overcame the hardships he had as a refugee. After seven years living among the Habiru in Canaan, seeking an opportunity to take back his throne, Idrimi found his chance. Edward Greenstein and David Marcus' translation of

3283-573: The seven Hatti cities of Hassuwa (Khashshum) and Zaruna in Hattusili I 's annals from his reign in c. 1580–1556 BC. The annals mentioned that Hattusili I destroyed Zaruna in his fifth campaign and defeated a coalition of Hassuwa and Halab, cities also mentioned by Idrimi in his statue inscription. Lines 77-78 from Greenstein's and Marcus's translation of the statue inscription confirmed Collon's argument of what Idrimi did with his booty: The inscription from lines 78-86 of that same translation states, It

3350-637: The subsequent Muslim victory, followed by the peaceful takeover of Constantinople with invocations of takbir and tasbih , and finally the defeat of the Anti-Christ following the return and descent of Jesus Christ . Other hadiths relate the appearance of Imam Mahdi immediately before the Second Coming of Jesus . This article about Islamic studies is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . This article relating to archaeology in Turkey

3417-529: The throne of Halab from an unknown king. Idrimi goes to Emar because of his maternal ancestral connections to the Lords of Emar. While living in Emar, he considered himself as a slave. According to Tremper Longman , lines 8b-9 of the autobiography indicate that Idrimi may have considered retaking his father's lost throne, and that he tried to involve his brothers in his cause. As his brothers declined to participate, Idrimi went to Alalakh alone but then fled to Ammiya in

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3484-465: The time Alalakh was a vassal of the Kingdom of Yamhad . The written history of the site may begin under the name Alakhtum , with tablets from Mari in the 18th century BC, when the city was part of the kingdom of Yamhad (modern Aleppo ). A dossier of tablets records that King Sumu-Epuh sold the territory of Alakhtum to his son-in-law Zimri-Lim , king of Mari, retaining for himself overlordship. After

3551-472: The treaty was partly influenced by the swearing of oaths in the Hittite Empire, but only within the context of swearing oaths of loyalty with one another as leaders, saying in lines 3-5, they "took an oath by the gods and made this treaty". He argued that lines 40-43 of the treaty required that Barattarna, the Hittite king of Mitanni, approved the treaty before it could be effective and that fugitives or slaves could be exchanged between Idrimi and Pilliya only after

3618-600: The whole Middle Bronze Age in Alalakh lasted c. 2000-1650 BC, as part of a re-urbanization period in Anatolia as well as in the Near East and Levant. Middle Bronze Age is divided in two periods: Middle Bronze Age I (c. 2000-1800 BC), and Middle Bronze Age II (c. 1800-1600 BC). In the early Middle Bronze II (c. 1800 BC), in Yener's Period 8 (Woolley's level VIII), in which a palace and a temple, as well as intramural burials, were found. At

3685-500: Was a son of Ilim-Ilimma I the king of Halab , now Aleppo, who would have been deposed by the new regional master, Barattarna , king of Mitanni . Idrimi would have succeeded in gaining the throne of Alalakh with the assistance of a group known as the Habiru , founding the kingdom of Mukish as a vassal to the Mitanni state. He also invaded the Hittite territories to the north, resulting in

3752-522: Was an ancient lake in this area. Human settlements in Amik Valley goes back to the Neolithic period as early as 6,000 BC. Many other ancient archaeological sites are located in this area, such as Tell Tayinat , which was recently excavated. Tell Atchana is located only about 700m southeast of Tell Tayinat within the flood plain of the Orontes River , where the river enters the Amuq Plain. Chatal Huyuk (Amuq)

3819-415: Was contemporaneous with the Mitanni king Saushtatar . This seems to support the inscription on the statue claiming that Idrimi was contemporaneous with Barattarna, Saushtatar's predecessor. The socio-economic history of Alalakh during the reign of Idrimi's son and grandson, Niqmepuh and Ilim-Ilimma I , is well documented by tablets excavated from the site. Idrimi is referred to rarely in these tablets. In

3886-416: Was discovered in a level of occupation dating several centuries after the time that Idrimi lived. But recently, archaeologist Jacob Lauinger considers the statue and inscription can be dated to Woolley's Level III (/II), c. 1400-1350 BC, around 50 to 100 years after Idrimi's lifetime. There has been much scholarly debate as to its historicity. Archaeologically-dated tablets recount that Idrimi's son Niqmepuh

3953-400: Was enough to impress his own brothers to join him in reclaiming Alalakh. Inscription continues telling he somehow gained the trust of Barattarna who recognized Idrimi's oath of alliance with his brothers and placed himself within the alliance. A final section requested a blessing of the statue from Sharruwa , the statue's scribe, and cursed those who would deface his statue. However, there

4020-486: Was evidenced in his statue inscription and Collins' analysis as a peaceful movement rather than a military movement. After Idrimi's success in establishing a peaceful agreement with King Barattarna of Mitanni sometime around 1490 BC, most of his actions as king are vaguely written and are limited to only smaller sources. Tablets 1 and 2 at the British Museum are great primary sources about Idrimi's actions during his rule, but it's not enough to just look at those two tablets as

4087-506: Was for fugitives exchanges between Idrimi and Pilliya. In the first part of Idrimi's autobiography on his statue, it is claimed that an incident had occurred in Halab and that he and his family had to flee as a result. Jack M. Sasson of the University of North Carolina speculated that Idrimi didn't claim any relationship to Halab's rulers. He argued that Ilim-Ilimma I, Idrimi's father, was either dethroned or had unsuccessfully attempted to usurp

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4154-483: Was founded; it lasted to the second half of 17th century BC. At that time Alalakh was destroyed, possibly by Hittite king Hattusili I , in the second year of his campaigns. As per middle chronology and publications by archaeologist K. A. Yener, destruction of Alalakh can be located as a "Fire and Conflagration" around 1650 BC. A recent Yener's paper considers Palace's Level VII destruction by Hattusili I to have taken place in his second year, in 1628 BC. Late Bronze Age

4221-543: Was in exile in Canaan, he actually respected Idrimi's coalition, maybe submitting to Idrimi out of fear that his social outcast army could overthrow him. Idrimi said that King Barattarna, Here, possibly influenced by the nature of Hittite oaths, Idrimi swore loyalty to Barattarna after seven years despite him overthrowing his father on the throne in Aleppo. He made his request to the throne peacefully by restoring Barattarna's estate and swore him an ultimate Hurrian loyalty oath, which

4288-410: Was known to be there during the reign of Ammištamru (II) of Ugarit, who ruled c. 1260-1235. The Kingdom of Mukish was no more. But according to D'Alfonso (2007), there were two major phases in the Hittite administration of their new northern Syrian territories. The first one dates to the reign of Mursili II . Apparently, "one feature of this phase was the prominent role of the court of Aleppo as bench for

4355-400: Was the first step to Idrimi regaining his power again. The inscription in lines 42-51 of Greenstein and Marcus's translation described Idrimi's capture of Alalakh as a peaceful effort to appease Barattarna with tributes of restoring his estate and swearing a loyalty oath unto him rather than using warfare to capture the city. Marc Van de Mieroop mentioned that Idrimi "captured" Alalakh implying

4422-493: Was the inscribed statue of Idrimi, a king of Alalakh c. early 15th century BC. The foreman on the site, working with Woolley, was the Syrian Sheikh Hammoudi ibn Ibrahim . After several years' surveys beginning in 1995, the University of Chicago team had its first full season of excavation in 2003 directed by K. Aslihan Yener . In 2004, the team had a short excavation and study season in order to process finds. In 2006

4489-482: Was the northernmost location where this Mycenaean IIIA:2-III:B pottery is found, along with Ugarit . Significant quantities of this pottery have been discovered in Alalakh. The Hittite tablet CTH 136, also known as KBo 13.55, is a fragmentary text that may represent a treaty of emperor Šuppiluliuma I with Mukiš. This view is favoured by Elena Devecchi. She relates this text to the conquests that Suppiluliuma made in Syria as

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